Moscow reinstates tribute to the original Bolshevik secret police chief

Dzerzhinsky’s successors in the modern Russian intelligence service venerate the memory of Lenin’s secret police chief, reinstating his statue last week outside their Moscow headquarters.

Vladimir Putin’s Russia is steeped in the values of Stalin’s Soviet Union. Earlier this year Putin visited Volgograd, which in honour of his visit temporarily restored its old name of Stalingrad and sent a new “Stalingrad Brigade” to fight in Ukraine – a war that Putin boasted would restore the old Soviet border and wipe out the Ukrainian state and Ukrainian culture.

That war hasn’t gone according to the Kremlin’s script, but Putin and his henchmen continue to turn back the clock with their veneration of the Soviet era and all its brutalities.

Last week Putin’s foreign intelligence service SVR (the direct heir of the KGB) reinstated a giant bronze statue of the founder of Bolshevik Russia’s secret police and intelligence service, Feliks Dzerzhinsky.

Partners in terror: Feliks Dzerzhinsky (above left) with Joseph Stalin

A Polish aristocrat, Dzerzhinsky became a Marxist activist in his schooldays. In 1917, within weeks of the Bolshevik seizure of power, Lenin put him in charge of the Cheka, a new secret police force, where he led a campaign of ruthless terror including mass executions.

Like Putin, Dzerzhinsky was a gentile who surrounded himself with Jews in key positions of the terror apparatus.

His Cheka changed its name several times, eventually evolving into the KGB. Putin idolised the KGB of the Stalin era, and was proud to serve in the organisation during the last days of the Soviet Union.

A few years ago he visited the home of his old KGB boss, Lazar Matveev, for whom Putin worked in Dresden from 1985 until the collapse of communist ‘East Germany’ at the end of 1989 and start of 1990.

Vladimir Putin with his old KGB boss, Lazar Matveev

Just as he has continued to do via the KGB’s successor agencies in the era of Facebook etc., Putin during his Dresden years worked on Matveev’s instructions to infiltrate and manipulate ‘extremist’ political groups in the West – both the far-left ‘Red Army Faction’ terrorists and some of Germany’s most militant ‘neo-nazis’.

In the latter case Putin’s main agent was Rainer Sonntag, a petty criminal who became close to Michael Kühnen, homosexual leader of one of Germany’s many neo-nazi factions. Kühnen died of AIDS in April 1991, and Sonntag was shot dead in Dresden a few weeks later. A neat and perhaps not coincidental way to prevent discussion of Putin’s operation in post-communist German courts.

By this time Putin was almost 40 and beginning his post-KGB ascent of the new and intensely corrupt Russian bureaucracy. A few weeks after Sonntag’s murder, Putin took the first of several influential jobs in the office of the Mayor of Leningrad (later St Petersburg), a man with close ties to the elite of Russian organised crime.

Putin with Roman Abramovich, one of his closest allies among the so-called “oligarchs

Putin’s subsequent close ties to Russian oligarchs (many of them Jews, including some of the world’s leading promoters of ‘Holocaust’ education such as Roman Abramovich and Moshe Kantor) are too well-known to need further discussion here.

It will be interesting to see the extent to which Putin continues to wrap himself in the Red flag of Stalinist ‘anti-fascism’ and seeks to further the bloody legacy of Feliks Dzerzhinsky and Ilya Ehrenburg. The big difference is that (for many decades) the likes of Dzerzhinsky and Ehrenburg appeared to be on the winning side. With Putin’s hubris having led to stalemate and a slow slide into defeat, we shall see the end of the post-1945 settlement – and for the first time in almost 80 years, the potential rebirth of the true Europe.

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