The Monarchy, Football and the Movement

It should not surprise many of us that the recent death of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II was marked by mockery and disrespect from many in the Irish, Scottish and Scouse Republican movements, including some Shamrock Rovers supporters singing sick songs during a European game against Djurgården at Tallaght Stadium in Dublin; and a motorcade and fireworks in Londonderry, probably organized by the Saoradh party, and/or Republican Sinn Fein who are linked to the New IRA or Real IRA. Other outbreaks of Republican celebrations at the news of the Queen’s death were reported from Belfast, Glasgow and Liverpool. 

What was very surprising was the booing and chants of F*** the Queen, by a small group of Hearts supporters. An impromptu minute’s silence before the second half of Hearts’ clash with İstanbul Başakşehir had to be cut short by the referee after some supporters jeered and shouted obscenities. However, they were drowned out by Hearts Loyalists who sang “God Save the Queen”. Hearts was always regarded as a “Loyalist club”, but recently more and more young SNP supporters have been turning up at Hearts games. 

This badge is typical of the Loyalist image that most readers will associate with the Edinburgh club Hearts

At the two European games that went ahead in England on Thursday evening at the London Stadium (West Ham United) and Old Trafford (Manchester United), the minute’s silence was observed immaculately. I watched the Manchester United game in my local pub and you could have heard a pin drop. Full credit to the Manchester United supporters for their respect (even though the club is known to have a sizeable left-wing republican following.) 

At the London Stadium, West Ham United fans (who – unlike Manchester United – have a large ‘right-wing’ Loyalist following) sang the National Anthem a number of times during the game. And full credit to the Hammers as well.

Glasgow Rangers management and directors lay a wreath at Ibrox in memory of Her Majesty the Queen

Very wisely, all football in the UK was called off this weekend but will resume again on Tuesday.

God only knows what would have happened at Anfield and Parkhead, where a large percentage of Liverpool and Celtic fans are known for their pro-republican / anti-Royalist views (very ironic in the case of Liverpool FC, which is a club founded by Conservative/Unionist Orangemen! – see H&D #109 for a review of the book Merseyside’s Old Firm). 

There was an interesting statement from Michelle O’Neill, Northern Ireland’s first minister in waiting, and vice-president of Sinn Fein (which is the political wing of the IRA), the day after the Queen’s death. 

O’Neill (whose uncle was an IRA terrorist and has no time for the Royal Family) has appealed for her people (i.e. Irish Republicans) to be respectful following the death of the Queen. She made her comments after being asked about reports of footage on social media which appeared to show a cavalcade of cars and fireworks being lit in apparent celebration following the Queen’s death. 

Some anti-Royalist graffiti, mocking the Queen’s death had also appeared on walls in Belfast, Londonderry and Newry in Northern Ireland, as well as in Dublin in the Irish Republic. 

O’Neill said: “This is a time for everybody to be respectful. …Queen Elizabeth has died, there is a family that is mourning her loss. …At the end of the day, she may have been the Queen of England, but she was also a mother, a grandmother, I think people should be very respectful.” 

Interesting words from O’Neill, especially about Queen Elizabeth being “Queen of England”. Obviously, we know O’Neill does not recognize the Monarchy as head of Northern Ireland, but now she has extended this to take in Scotland and Wales as well!

Asked about jokes about the death of the Queen on social media, O’Neill replied: “The British people, people from a unionist identity here are grieving her loss and I think everybody should be very respectful of that and not engage in anything that is anything other than respectful. …I don’t think it’s appropriate for anybody to be engaged in any kind of jokey-type behaviour, someone has died and I think it’s important that we are all respectful.” 

Michell O’Neill (above left) carrying the coffin of IRA godfather Martin McGuinness alongside (above centre) convicted murderer Raymond McCartney and (above right) Sinn Fein / IRA leader Gerry Adams.

O’Neill was speaking after signing the book of condolence at Belfast City Hall for the Queen – as my old friend JR from the States would say: “You just could not make this sort of thing up”! 

Most of us will take O’Neill’s comments with an extra-large pinch of salt, as she and her party are our enemy, just as the SNP are, and under a British nationalist government they would all be banned. 

However, what is surprising – to me anyway – is the amount of abuse, and mockery, and in some cases pure hatred aimed at our late Queen and her family, not by Irish or Scottish republicans or deranged plastic Mickies in Liverpool (we expect that), but by some so-called British racial-nationalists. It’s really incredible (and in some cases quite upsetting) what many of these Facebook/Twitter warriors from ‘our side’ have been posting on social-media since Thursday evening. 

Some sanity did return yesterday, when one of our subscribers – a long-standing racial-nationalist activist from Scotland – posted this reply to them on Facebook. And to use the old adage – “I could not have put it better myself”. 

As an individual I have never been remotely interested in the Royal Family. Granted, as a British patriot I do enjoy the pomp and circumstance, tradition and pageantry that goes with many of the Royal occasions. However, as a Pagan, neither do I have any religious attachment to the Church be it Anglican, Scottish or any others. But across these isles many of my friends and comrades, particularly here in Scotland and over in Ulster, have strong religious beliefs and identify with the monarchy as head of these churches. I respect that entirely and I know that recent events have meant a lot to them. I am however sad that some in our movement have chosen to mock and demean fellow comrades simply for expressing a loss that means so much to them. I like to think I am an ‘O come all ye faithful’ racial nationalist – in that if you are Protestant or Catholic, Pagan or Christian Identity, Royalist or otherwise and you can equate your beliefs with the 14 Words then that is fine by me. So I finish by saying surely there are sometimes people should think twice before they let their bellies rumble, dividing comrades, and just haud yer wheesht – Haud yer weesht (Ed- in English it means shut your mouth or be quiet!)” 

A memorial to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II on the Shankill Road, Belfast

His statement brought in some replies (see below) from other long-standing racial nationalists.

“I’m almost the same, a lot of my friends are devoted Monarchists and I am not, I am not a fan of any of them, however I am keeping a respectful silence because I think love or loathe them, you can’t blame the woman for the shameful behavior of her progeny and when she passed people have to remember that she was a mother, grandmother to someone, so as I said I will remain silent!” 

On October 20th 1954, I took the Queen’s Shilling and gave in return a solemn oath of allegiance to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. I have never wavered from that standpoint. Even since leaving HM’s Forces I have remained loyal. My stance has often met with less than sympathy from various sources, including members of my own family. I deplore the actions of such Royals as Prince Harry and the revolting creature he married. But that in no way detracts from my continued loyalty to the Monarchy, now extended to King Charles III. Long live the King!” 

I agree with you 100% comrade. Some of the ‘Facebook warriors’ attacks on our brothers, just because they support something that we may not wholeheartedly support ourselves, is very disrespectful and sad. No wonder our little movement is in the sad state it’s in.”

As Peter Rushton quite correctly pointed out on Thursday evening on the H&D website, shortly after the Queen’s death was announced: – “Now is not the time for detailed political and constitutional discussion, nor for speculation as to whether the monarch could realistically have done anything to prevent some of the disastrous policy decisions made by governments of different parties during her reign. But we can all wish King Charles III well, and hope that he presides over a very different, revitalised political scene in the years to come.”

The time for such a discussion on the British racial-nationalist movement’s stand on the monarchy will come, and will be thoroughly debated within the pages of H&D magazine – but not this year.

Pro-terrorist march halted

A gang of apologists for IRA terrorism was due to march through Glasgow today, commemorating the communist International Brigades, ending in a rally at the statue of arch-Stalinist Dolores Ibárurri.

A decade ago the same organisation attempted to march in Liverpool – readers with long memories might recall that H&D was involved in helping mobilising opposition to this Liverpool march. The outcome was that the pro-IRA marchers and their “anti-fascist” friends were literally smashed off the city’s streets. One anti-fascist online journal commented bitterly: “a gang of around two hundred fascists mobilised in the city centre, running amok, and forcing the Irish Republican Flute Band off the streets, before going on to hassle Occupy supporters on an anti-police brutality protest. This was a serious defeat for Liverpool activists, and it is vital that this is acknowledged, so that we can stop it happening again in the future.”

Loyalist demonstrators smashed a similar rally by the same organisers a decade ago

In Glasgow, local patriots had again mobilised to oppose today’s march, and the city’s police have decided they would in present circumstances be incapable of protecting the marchers: consequently they have banned the entire event under Section 12 of the Public Order Act.

Predictably “anti-fascists” and Fenians are whining about their “rights”. The video below shows police enforcing the ban today and protecting those Fenians who showed up.

Perhaps some of their Catholic friends might explain to this gang of terror apologists that the Spanish Republican forces backed by their International Brigade ‘heroes’ slaughtered nuns and priests?

But for today’s Sinn Fein / IRA and their backers, Catholic identity is merely a figleaf for their agenda of terrorist blackmail, which (in their dreams) would lead to Ulster’s surrender.

Loyalists in Glasgow as well as Ulster, and in towns and cities throughout the United Kingdom, will never allow this surrender agenda to succeed.

H&D wishes a Happy 12th to all readers

The editor and staff of Heritage and Destiny wish all readers a very happy 12th July.

Across Ulster and in several other towns and cities in the UK (and even overseas) loyal friends of the Union are marching in commemoration of the Battle of the Boyne, 12th July 1690, when the deposed King James II and his French allies were decisively defeated by King William III and his Dutch and German allies.

Thanks to this victory in 1690, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland was able to develop under King William’s sister-in-law Queen Anne and her successors.

In 2022 we have special reason to celebrate the 12th as we resist the efforts of sinister forces to betray the Union by means of the ‘Northern Ireland Protocol’.

With the outcome of the Conservative leadership election in doubt, there is more reason than ever for loyal friends of Ulster to rally against this betrayal.

The cover story of H&D‘s July-August edition – published this week – discusses the fight against the Protocol and the battle to save a Disunited Kingdom.

Meanwhile we hope all readers enjoy meeting old comrades and celebrating our traditions on this first post-pandemic 12th July.

Sir Henry Wilson honoured on centenary of his murder

Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson (1864-1922)

A great British hero was belatedly honoured this week, a century after his murder, by the unveiling of a plaque at the House of Commons and a ceremony at Liverpool Street railway station.

Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson was shot dead by IRA assassins outside his home in Eaton Place, Belgravia on 22nd June 1922. Two hours earlier – in full uniform but armed only with a ceremonial sword – he had unveiled a war memorial at Liverpool Street, and had no police or other bodyguards on his return.

Wilson had served the British Empire in various quarters of the globe. For most of his life he bore severe facial scars incurred when (armed only with a bamboo cane) he tackled axe-wielding bandits in Burma.

And his political courage was equal to his physical courage. At the start of 1914 he was one of the most prominent of the senior officers prepared to defy Asquith’s Liberal government when it was prepared to betray Ulster to Irish ‘Home Rulers’. Wilson and others made it clear that if (or rather when) Ulstermen resisted such betrayal, the British Army would not be prepared to take up arms against patriots in order to deliver a political surrender to traitors.

The ensuing ‘Curragh Incident’ or ‘Mutiny at the Curragh’ prevented such a betrayal (although more recent governments in London have done their best to complete the sell-out).

Crowds line the streets for Sir Henry Wilson’s state funeral

In 1921 Lloyd George’s postwar coalition government suddenly resumed a policy of surrendering the Union to Irish terrorists. Wilson – though at that stage a soldier rather than a ‘democratic’ politician – was regarded as the possible leader of a ‘real’ Conservative opposition, and in preparation for such a role he became an MP for the Ulster constituency of North Down.

Despite (or perhaps because of) his own distinguished war record, Wilson was no ‘Little Englander’, but a bold visionary: a staunch defender of both the Union and the Empire, but someone with close ties to European leaders including the French and Spanish governments, and an advocate of a merciful and rational peace with the recently defeated Germans.

A year before his murder, Wilson had a private meeting with King Alfonso of Spain where they discussed the possibility of an Anglo-Spanish alliance (to be the basis of a broader European alliance) against the growing power of the USA. Unlike the rabid Germanophobes who infested the Foreign Office, he viewed Germany as a crucial potential ally and bulwark against the aggressive schemes of newly Bolshevised Russia.

In 1922, it would not be unreasonable to view Sir Henry Wilson as a potential British Mussolini (who became Italian Prime Minister four months after Wilson’s assassination) or Miguel Primo de Rivera (who came to power in Spain in September 1923, backed by King Alfonso): someone who in the national and imperial interest was prepared to sweep aside shabby parliamentary manoeuvres and compromises. Or what his enemies would have viewed as a potential ‘dictator’. In fact arguably the only realistic potential ‘dictator’ Britain ever had during the 20th century.

So it’s not surprising that there have been many ‘conspiracy theories’ about Wilson’s death.

A wreath laid at Liverpool St station this week by Ulster Loyalists in memory of a great British hero

Many (then and now) suspected that the notoriously unscrupulous Prime Minister Lloyd George and his cronies were happy to see his assassination.

What we do know is that two IRA assassins were lurking at the street corner as the Field Marshal’s taxi approached his home. Their first shot missed. Then, as one of Wilson’s biographers Basil Collier puts it:
“At that point he made a brave man’s blunder. He could have run into the house and saved his life. He might even have scared the men away by shouting at the top of his voice…But he was still the Henry Wilson who had faced the bandits in Burma with a stick. He did not retreat into the house. He did not shout for help. He drew his sword and faced his enemies. They fired again quickly. Then seeing him fall, they ran away. He tried to speak as he was lifted up, but the words would not come. In a few minutes it was over. A man who understood him wrote his epitaph when he said that even in his death, he showed he was a soldier.”

A new biography of Wilson has just been published, and will soon be reviewed in Heritage and Destiny.

Today we salute the memory of a Great Briton.

New remake of old (1919) medal

One of our readers in Bangor (County Down) has had these enamel pin badges made up (20mm diameter – gold brooch pin back fitting). It’s a round badge with a Union Flag in the centre, on a gold background. In the outer-circle are the words “ONE FLAG” at the top; and “ONE PARLIAMENT” at the bottom; in gold lettering, on a back background. The badge has a nice gold trim.

The badge is a re-make of a 1919 medal, produced by Unionists in Ireland pre-partition, to oppose “Home Rule”. They supported just ONE Parliament – the one in London, and just ONE flag – the Union Flag of Great Britain and Ireland (as it was back then).

He was given the medal (which badly needs repairing now) by his late father – who had it given to him by his father in the 1940s. He hopes to leave it to one of his sons, but would like it repaired first. If anybody knows of anywhere that could repair the enamel on it please let me know?

Anyway, back to the NEW badges, he has just had made (50% of the profits will go to H&D). These are on sale for only £3.00 each (or two for £5.00) – plus £1.50 p&p (UK only) – for overseas sales please contact me re postage charges. If you are interested please email heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com

Ian David Carser 1968-2021

To be honest not many of us were that shocked to hear at the beginning of November of the death of John Bean (the 1960s leader of the BNP mark II) who was aged 94, and whose obituary will be in the next edition of H&D (#106). However, it came as a massive shock to learn of the death of Ian Carser (aged only 53) at the very end of October.

Ian had had some health issues for a few years, but nobody really knew how bad they were. Only a few weeks before his death I had chatted on the phone with him and he bought a copy of Troy Southgate’s Arnold Leese biography – Truth Dressed As a Lie. After not being seen for a few days, a member of his Orange Lodge, contacted his father, who in turn contacted the Police. They broke into his house at the start of the month, and sadly found him dead inside. Covid may have finished him off in the end, but at the moment that remains unclear.

Ian was a long-standing supporter and subscriber of Heritage and Destiny, who I had known since 2004, when I met him for the first time in Portadown, County Armagh, over the “12th July” weekend. However, he had been active in “the movement” and the Ulster Loyalist cause, since his late teens.

Ian in front of the famous Carrickfergus Castle. Born, Lived and Died in Carrick.

He was a former part-time soldier in the Royal Irish Regiment (Home Service), formerly the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) for many years. And, so he really did put his life on the line for Queen and Country every day of the year.

Politically Ian was both an Ulster Loyalist and staunch British nationalist. He had been a member of both the NF and the BNP, and later in the Northern Ireland based Ulster Awake group.

He was a proud protestant – a Free Presbyterian – and belonged to all three of the main loyal orders: No Kilroot True Blues LOL 1544 was his Orange Lodge; Lily Among The Thorns RBP 236 was his Royal Black Preceptory; and Woodburn Browning was his Apprentice Boys of Derry (ABOD) Campsie Club. He held senior office at both private and district levels in all of the above orders and was also the treasurer of the ABOD Club of Research.

Ian travelled all over the UK on parade with the Loyal Orders, and in 2017 he went over to Germany with the Orange Order to mark the 500th anniversary of the Reformation (in 1517, Martin Luther nailed his 95 Theses on the castle door in Wittenberg in Germany – an act widely seen as the beginning of the Protestant Reformation, which spread throughout Europe).

Ian outside the offices of the Northern Ireland Football Association, on Windsor Avenue, Belfast.

I attended ABOD parades with Ian in both Markethill – County Armagh – and East Belfast in the late 2000s. He always wanted to attend the ABOD parade in Southport (Lancashire) held every June, but sadly never got round to it.

However, Ian did travel over to Preston in Lancashire, on three occasions for H&D‘s annual John Tyndall Memorial Meeting, which he always enjoyed, making a weekend of it, taking in the sights of Preston afterwards! He also planned at some stage to come over to Lancashire, to watch some live English football, but again never got round to it.

Ian was a long-time supporter of Linfield Football Club (who play at Windsor Park in South Belfast) and a member of Carrick True Blues (his local Linfield Supporters Club). Known affectionately as “Stompee” Ian was a devout “Blueman” who was an ever present on the supporter’s bus for many seasons. Although a quiet, polite, and well-read (he had a library of well over 1,000 books at his house) gentleman, he was sometimes known to get a bit boisterous at the big games!

I travelled with him on the supporters’ bus from Carrick to an away game at Coleraine (in County Londonderry) back in 2007, and that was quite an experience I can tell you – even for a seasoned football fan like myself! I remember asking him if he thought the quality of Irish League football was very poor. He replied, no, but it was an acquired taste!

I also attended the Northern Ireland v Georgia game at Windsor Park, the same year, as well as a couple of Linfield home games in the early rounds of the Champions League in later years.

Apart from league games in Northern Ireland, Ian followed the Blues across Europe, including trips to Croatia, Denmark, Belarus, and various places in the in the Irish Republic for Setanta Cup games, to name but a few.

Ian supporting his beloved Linfield FC, whom he followed all over Europe – even to Dublin!

For most of his working life, Ian was a civil servant, working in the Belfast civil courts in his final few years.

He was born and bred in the Loyalist town of Carrickfergus (County Antrim), famous for The Siege of Carrickfergus Castle in August 1689 when a force of Williamite troops under Marshal Schomberg landed and laid siege to the Jacobite garrison. After a week the Jacobites surrendered, and were allowed to march out with the honours of war. William of Orange himself subsequently landed at Carrickfergus in June 1690.

Ian took me around Carrickfergus Castle on one of my many visits to the town around 2010, reminding me of another famous visitor in the summer of 1962 – George Lincoln Rockwell – who spent a day in the town, after driving up from the Irish Republic with Colin Jordan and John Tyndall, before getting the ferry over to England.

Ian was a true bachelor, his family being the Loyal Orders, and his British nationalist and Ulster Loyalist friends. He leaves behind his father Ronnie, to whom we offer our thoughts, prayers, and condolences at this difficult time.

On November 4th Ian was buried at Victoria Cemetery in Carrickfergus, with the Union Flag and his Orange Sash (complete with his “Enoch Powell Was Right” badge) on top of his coffin, which was carried by former Soldiers from the Royal Irish Regiment.

As well as being a longstanding subscriber/support of H&D, Ian was a good friend and comrade, and I will miss him deeply.

Audaces Fortuna Juvat

“For whether we live, we live unto the Lord; and whether we die, we die unto the Lord: whether we live therefore, or die, we are the Lord’s”. Romans 14.8

Mark Cotterill, Preston, Lancashire

Ian (centre foreground in orange shirt) at the 2015 John Tyndall Memorial Meeting, in Preston sitting next to his friend and fellow Ulsterman Neil Hanna

Dublin, Sinn Fein and Biden attempt conquest of Ulster by stealth

Edwin Poots, who resigned last night

Last night’s resignation of Edwin Poots after just three weeks as leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) has led to much sniggering among the liberal media establishment in London.

Yet this is far more than an internal party crisis for the DUP – it reflects a fundamental crisis over the meaning of democracy, and national/cultural identity.

Sinn Fein – political wing of the terrorist IRA – is trying to force through an ‘Irish Language Act’ as part of its invented ‘national culture’. Absurdly this would give the ‘Irish language’ equal status to English as an official language throughout Northern Ireland, even though it is a language that hardly anyone in the province speaks. Literally no-one in Northern Ireland speaks ‘Irish’ as their first language: even south of the border, only 1% claim to do so. Sinn Fein leaders regularly embarrass themselves when forced to stumble through a sentence or two in ‘Irish’.

As has been shown in several countries during the last century, imposing a language is part of a cultural struggle to achieve or compromise national sovereignty, which is clearly the case here.

The Dublin government and Joe Biden’s White House are part of a coordinated campaign to conquer Ulster. They are assisted by the provisions of the Good Friday Agreement, requiring that any devolved government in Stormont must involve a coalition of the largest Unionist party and the largest Republican party (in effect insisting on a DUP – Sinn Fein coalition).

Joe Biden with the late IRA godfather Martin McGuinness (above right)

Would President Biden be happy if the constitution forced him to share power with Donald Trump, regardless of the election result? Would President Macron of France, who had the cheek to imply that Northern Ireland was not part of “the same country” as the rest of the UK, be happy if he were forced to share power with Marine Le Pen and enact sections of her party’s agenda?

Yet that is what the Agreement imposes on Ulster.

Sinn Fein’s chutzpah knows no bounds. In response to Mr Poots’s resignation, Sinn Fein MP Chris Hazzard said that the DUP was “struggling to come to terms” with a “modern, progressive society”.

This from Sinn Fein – whose progressive modernism includes wishing to impose a language long dead (if indeed it ever existed in this form); a party rooted in barbaric terrorism, whose leaders (including the then Deputy First Minister!) openly scoffed at the law last year when holding a mass funeral for IRA godfather Bobby Storey.

The ultimate progressive modernism of Sinn Fein / IRA and their allies in Dublin and Washington is to force through the abandonment of Ulster identity and the imposition of Dublin rule against the democratic will of Ulster’s citizens.

That’s what lies behind the Irish Language Act and the EU’s trade protocols, and that’s why British patriots should stand with Loyal Ulstermen – whatever it takes – against this betrayal and in support of the United Kingdom’s integrity.

Ulster’s uncertain future as Northern Ireland marks centenary

One hundred years ago today Ireland was partitioned with six of Ulster’s nine counties becoming the new province of Northern Ireland.

While the terms “Ulster” and “Northern Ireland” are often loosely treated as synonymous, the sad truth is of course that three Ulster counties – Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan – were consigned to rule from Dublin a century ago.

Ulstermen in these three counties who remained loyal to the United Kingdom – as well as their fellow loyalists in the three other Irish provinces of Connaught, Leinster and Munster – were abandoned by the London government for whom they had fought in the Flanders mud just a few years earlier.

Nor was this a straightforward religious divide. Many Catholics across Ireland remained loyal to the Crown, a topic that will be discussed in a forthcoming H&D book review. While today’s anniversary partly represents the successful resistance by generations of Ulstermen to malign plots by 20th and 21st century liberals and trans-Atlantic “new world order” advocates, it also reminds us of that original betrayal of loyalists abandoned (often to a bloody fate) south of the border.

The original Ulster flag (above) was replaced by the six-pointed modern Northern Ireland flag (representing the six counties, as opposed to the nine counties of Ulster).

Ironically the centenary of Northern Ireland coincides with a political crisis in Ulster’s largest political party – the Democratic Unionist Party. Whoever becomes DUP leader will have to negotiate treacherous political waters during the Brexit transition process.

Though Boris Johnson is technically leader of the “Conservative & Unionist Party”, the latter half of his party’s name seems to have been forgotten in Westminster and Whitehall.

It will be the job of loyal Ulstermen and their friends on the mainland to remind Johnson (and if necessary his successor) that the “sovereignty” supposedly regained by Brexit is meaningless if accompanied by the betrayal of almost two million of our compatriots, and the surrender of sovereignty over more than 5,000 square miles of Northern Ireland.

We look forward to the day when the British Isles are again reunited in some form of federal structure, when England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland (north and south) stand together in the common struggle for racial and cultural survival.

Northern Ireland (at the 2011 census) was 98.2% White – by far the Whitest component of the British Isles. For all its founders’ pretence of ‘nationalism’, the Irish Republic is by contrast only 92% White and getting darker every day, especially in Dublin; Wales and Scotland are roughly 96% White; and England is of course the most multi-ethnic part of the UK – roughly 85% White.

Jim Dowson enters electoral politics as Scotland prepares for May 6th polls

Jim Dowson (above left) with ally, turned enemy, turned ally again Nick Griffin.

Jim Dowson – right-hand man to former BNP leader Nick Griffin – is making his debut as a Scottish parliamentary candidate. 56-year-old Dowson has extensive experience in political fundraising and publicity, initially for the anti-abortion movement, and despite his longstanding Ulster Loyalism has in recent years built bridges with a small Catholic and Irish nationalist group in the Republic.

His previous electoral experience was on the Britain First slate in Scotland at the 2014 European elections, but most of Dowson’s recent political activity has been in collaboration with Nick Griffin, the former BNP leader with whom Dowson first worked professionally almost fifteen years ago. They split for a few years after Griffin (to no-one’s surprise) failed to pay bills, but a reunion was promoted by the Italian nationalist Roberto Fiore, who is the real organiser behind Dowson and Griffin’s new venture, the British Freedom Party.

The BFP, whose figurehead leader is former Britain First deputy chief Jayda Fransen, has not yet registered as a political party with the Electoral Commission, so its three candidates next month cannot have the party name on ballot papers.

Ms Fransen will be an independent candidate for Glasgow Southside in the Scottish Parliament election, opposing Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon, while her colleague Joe Finnie (a former BNP organiser who remained loyal to Griffin after the latter’s expulsion from the party he once led) will contest Glasgow Pollok, against the SNP’s Justice minister Humza Yousaf.

Jayda Fransen (above right) with her ‘deputy’ Nick Griffin, who will no doubt be sharpening the knives in the party office kitchen if the party raises any serious money or support.

These two campaigns have long been expected and mentioned in previous editions of H&D. The new development is in Airdrie & Shotts, where Jim Dowson has only recently decided to stand as a candidate himself. At first we understood he was going to stand both in the Scottish parliamentary election and in a Westminster by-election that will be held a week later on May 13th. In the event he decided not to stand in the Westminster contest.

H&D understands that Mr Dowson saw a political opportunity in Airdrie & Shotts for two reasons. Firstly the farcical and money-wasting circumstances, where the sitting Westminster MP Neil Gray has triggered an unnecessary by-election because of his decision to stand for the Holyrood parliament (a farce worsened by the returning officer who quite pathetically decided that he and his team could not safely and competently hold the by-election on May 6th alongside the Holyrood polls).

And secondly because in typical ‘woke’ fashion, the ‘Scottish’ National Party is putting up yet another Asian candidate in the Westminster contest.

For some reason neither Mr Finnie nor Mr Dowson have put the word ‘Independent’ on their nomination papers for Holyrood, so they will appear on the ballot as ‘no description’.

Anum Qaisar-Javed, former general secretary of Muslim Friends of Labour, defected to the SNP a few years ago and will be the party’s candidate in the Airdrie & Shotts by-election on May 13th

Mr Finnie is unlucky to be facing opposition in Pollok from the anti-woke party Reclaim’s only Scottish candidate as well as UKIP.

Various other parties are fielding candidates across Scotland either to the right of the Tories on immigration and social issues; still flogging the dead horse of Brexit; or committed to anti-lockdown or anti-vaccination campaigns that have attracted some support from sections of our movement.

Scotland’s parliamentary election is similar to that for the Greater London Assembly in that there are first-past-the-post elections for constituency MSPs, plus additional MSPs elected via a proportional list system – one very important difference being that in London this list covers the entire city region, whereas the Scottish Parliament has eight regions each with their own list.

This means in practice that (unlike London) a fringe party stands little chance of getting an MSP elected unless their support is very heavily concentrated in just one of these regions. Whereas the system does favour the more substantial smaller parties, notably the Greens and Liberal Democrats, and in theory protects 21st century Scotland from one-party SNP domination.

Leo Kearse, ‘right-wing comedian’ and Reclaim candidate for Glasgow Pollok

Parties standing at the 2021 election include:

Reclaim (anti-woke party led at a UK level by actor and London mayoral candidate Laurence Fox)
– comedian Leo Kearse is standing both for the Glasgow regional list and in the Glasgow Pollok constituency

Freedom Alliance (a new anti-lockdown party)
– all eight regional slates;
– constituency candidates in Banffshire & Buchan Coast; Edinburgh N & Leith; Caithness, Sutherland & Ross; Glasgow Southside

Reform UK (the Scottish branch of the former Brexit Party, led by Richard Tice and associated with Nigel Farage before the latter’s retirement from party politics)
– all eight regional slates

Abolish the Scottish Parliament (a new party led by John Mortimer who founded the British Union & Sovereignty Party, later renamed the British Sovereignty Party)
– seven of the eight regional slates (not contesting Highlands & Islands region)

Scottish Family Party (anti-woke, social conservatives)
– all eight regional slates;
– constituency candidates in Renfrewshire N & W; Mid Fife & Glenrothes; Edinburgh S; Coatbridge & Chryston; Strathkelvin & Bearsden; Edinburgh Pentlands; Perthshire N

UKIP (a now much-diminished force across the UK, and especially so in Scotland)
– all eight regional slates;
– constituency candidates in Glasgow Pollok; Edinburgh C; Eastwood; Moray; Motherwell & Wishaw

Scottish Libertarian Party (a rare example of a party that’s both pro-Brexit and pro-independence; but mainly a US style small-state, pro-market, pro-privatisation party)
– all eight regional slates;
– constituency candidates in Aberdeen S & N Kincardine; Dumbarton; Kilmarnock & Irvine Valley; Glasgow Pollok; Kirkcaldy; Edinburgh C; Edinburgh W; Caithness, Sutherland & Ross; Motherwell & Wishaw

Restore Scotland (another pro-Brexit but pro-independence party; has attracted a very small number of veteran SNP activists who were also pro-Brexit; seems to be concentrated in the north / Highlands)
– regional slates in Highlands & Islands; NE Scotland;
– constituency candidates in Dundee City West; Banffshire & Buchan Coast; Inverness & Nairn; Shetland

Vanguard (sometimes known as Scottish Vanguard Party; founded by former Brexit Party candidate and barrister Michael Banks; no known connection to the Ulster Vanguard Party of 1970s fame)
– regional slate South Scotland; plus the Midlothian South, Tweeddale & Lauderdale constituency

Social Democratic Party (a pro-Brexit party whose other policies seem more like the old right-wing of Labour; rump of the old SDP that supported David Owen, though Owen is no longer in any way associated with the party)
– regional slate Lothian.

Numerous other parties are standing representing leftist, liberal or establishment political traditions. H&D will report here and in the next issue of the magazine on these elections and their implications for racial nationalism.

St Patrick – The Patron Saint of the USA?

St Patrick

Editor’s note: The following article was written seven years ago, but the same issues are still being discussed in Loyalist circles today – now mainly on internet forums. So its fitting that we republish it on the run-up to this years St Patrick’s Day. The article “Enoch Powell’s Suppressed Article Rediscovered”, on St Patrick, which we published in issue 71 of H&D certainly added fuel to the (Loyalist) bonfire!

It was America that spawned the St Patrick’s Day parade, not Ireland, and its origins are both Protestant and British…As March 17th approaches, the annual debate has reignited on whether Unionism should embrace St Patrick and the day set aside for his commemoration. Over the last five years there has been a slow emergence of Protestant participation on the date, though that has been via the creation of new events rather than involvement in existing ones. This article examines the origin of St Patrick’s Day parades, this new emerging trend, its motivation and where it may possibly lead.

The question ‘where is the biggest St Patrick’s Day parade in Northern Ireland?’ at first glance would appear easily answered. Belfast most would say, with a few probably suggesting the Cathedral City of Armagh or even where he was allegedly laid to rest, Downpatrick. What will surprise many is that the largest parade for the last few years by sheer number of participants has been in the small County Armagh village of Killylea. It is here since 2005 the Cormeen Rising Sons of William Flute Band have held their annual band procession and competition. Last year the Cormeen parade saw 42 bands take part (in comparison to the seven that paraded at the Dublin event), amounting to approximately 1800 band members. Thousands of spectators stood along the route, despite it being a bitterly cold evening.

Cormeen Rising Sons of William chairman Mark Gibson explains that the bands original motivation for the parade came more out of necessity than anything else. “The band season is very busy, and when trying to find a date for our parade it was difficult to define one that didn’t clash with other bands locally.” Some members suggested March 17 as a solution to the problem, but the band was nervous. “We were concerned about how a St Patrick’s Day parade would go down in our community, the parade in Armagh never was very welcoming, but we made a decision to try it and it has been a success.”

From that initial year where thirteen bands took part, the parade is now among the largest in the Province. It’s not only the number of bands participating that has increased, but also the crowds attending to watch, and the event is increasingly becoming a fixture in the calendar for many Unionists. Another band, the Ulster Protestant Boys Flute Coleraine, have started a similar event on the date that too is growing. The ever increasing scale of both processions indicates clearly that there is certainly a willingness within the PUL (Protestant, Unionist, Loyalist) community to be involved in St Patrick’s Day. Where the schisms emerge are with the issues of why and how.

Cormeen Rising Sons of William Flute Band

It is generally acknowledged that in the distant past Patrick was not a controversial figure for Protestants in Ireland or beyond. His ‘sainthood’ was never conferred by the Pope and pre-dates the reformation, so he was never seen as being the possession of ‘Rome’. St Patrick was seen as an evangelical Christian who had made personal sacrifice to spread the gospel in Ireland. The anniversary of his death was observed and commemorated by all Protestant denominations to different degrees, with the Church of Ireland in particular very active.

The shift from an anniversary of religious significance towards an ‘Irish’ event however first took place in the United States in 1737. In Boston that year the Irish Charitable Society, made up of Protestant immigrants (some of whom were British Soldiers), held their first meeting and dinner. The purpose was to both honour Patrick in the context of their Protestant faith and to reach out the hand of friendship to other Irish immigrants. The exercise obviously struck a chord and the practise spread, with the first recorded parade in New York in 1766, with again British Soldiers of Irish blood heavily involved. It was America that spawned the St Patrick’s Day parade, not Ireland, and its origins are both Protestant and British.

During that period in history the vast majority of Irish immigrants were Presbyterian, however from 1830 it was Catholic arrivals who were in the ascendancy. With that change began an emphasis towards anti-British sentiment in the demonstrations. In the aftermath of the American Revolutionary War anything portrayed as anti-colonial was well received, with even the many original Protestant immigrant descendants non-antagonistic of this motivation. Many British ‘Loyalists’ had left for Canada, and effectively the descendants of the original Protestant Irish settlers remaining saw themselves as primarily American in identity, with all that was left for their original ‘homeland’ of Ireland simply folk memory and sentimentality.

Mike Cronin, author of A History of St Patrick’s Day, states that whilst this tradition was developing, back in Ireland the first parades didn’t take place until the 1840’s and even then they were organised by Temperance societies. Mike emphasises the lack of public celebration “The only other major events in nineteenth century Ireland was a trooping of the colour ceremony and grand ball held at Dublin Castle.” So even as late as 1911 the largest St Patrick’s Day occasion in Ireland was still rooted in a joint Irish and British expression of identity. Protestant churches and some Orange Lodges throughout the island appear to have held minor functions on the date, but these were very subdued affairs, and essentially even post-partition very little changed. Catholic observance of the day continued to different degrees in different areas, as did the Protestant nod to Patrick.

Right up until the 1960s the primary theme of St Patrick’s Day in both Northern Ireland and the Republic still remained religious observance, with even from 1923 to then public houses and bars in the Republic of Ireland closed by law. A poll conducted in 1968 suggested that 20% of Northern Irish Protestants at this stage still considered themselves Irish. The onset of civil unrest in Northern Ireland coincided however with the importation of the American style to St Patrick’s events in Dublin and elsewhere. Now whilst a violent conflict was being waged in the name of all things Irish, St Patrick’s Day parades were starting to display the features that had developed in the United states. On these parades Irish identity was perceived by Northern Protestants as being defined as aggressively anti-British and anti-Protestant, with the disjointed and casual nature of the parades and the now integral alcohol element alien to PUL parading traditions and customs.

The Cross of St Patrick LOL 688

As the IRA campaign escalated, many Protestants simply could not divorce the fact that these celebrations displayed an exclusive form of Irish sentiment whilst a campaign was being waged against them in the name of Ireland. As the years progressed, in Northern Ireland in particular it became apparent that the day was being deliberately used in many instances as an extension of the Irish Republican war against Unionism.

Grand Orange Lodge Director of Services Dr David Hume reiterates the view that in the recent past it has been the nature of the parades and commemorative events that turned Protestants away. “The perception among Unionism is without doubt that Irish Republicanism and Irish Nationalism has used St Patrick’s Day parades as a weapon, effectively using the ‘shield’ of Patrick to express obvious militant anti-British and therefore anti-Unionist sentiment.” David believes that the manner and focus of these events is totally at odds with the purported motivation. “St Patrick’s Day should be used as a day of reflection on the religious significance of Patrick, something far removed from the aggressive and confrontational use of symbolism; and the huge emphasis on alcohol consumption that currently seems to be the case.” David bluntly states that the date isn’t an important one on the ‘Orange’ calendar, but recognises that it does have a place in society.

There remains one annual Orange Order parade related to St Patrick’s Day, which is held each year in Ballymena. One of the participating Lodges is The Cross of St Patrick LOL 688 which was founded in 1967. A lodge spokesperson describes the motivation behind its formation as being “to reclaim the heritage of Saint Patrick” explaining that “Brethren were concerned that Patrick’s heritage was being hijacked by Roman Catholicism and Republicanism.” The lodge’s concerns would appear to have been reflecting the growing sense of alienation the PUL community was feeling regarding St Patricks events.

There is no doubt that this alienation effectively forced many Protestants into an automatically negative position regarding St Patrick’s Day. With the advent of the IRA cessations of violence and the ongoing political process however, it has become apparent that many within Unionism have been able to reflect much more on the meaning of St Patrick’s Day for them. The ending of a violent ‘Irish’ physical campaign has given space to examine the date, with many now realising that it once was a date of relevance that they were forced into denying, and there is a willingness to make it relevant again. Nevertheless this reflection and willingness has not as yet manifested itself into significant participation in civic St Patrick’s Day parades.

With a few exceptions, such as the participation of an unashamedly Loyalist Blood and Thunder band in the 2003 Limerick St Patrick’s Band competition, Unionism still does not feel comfortable taking part in the modern version of a St Patrick’s parade. Concerns still exist regarding the involvement of militant Republicanism in such events along with the aggressive use of flags and symbols, but the problem seems to go much deeper.

St Patrick’s Day in New York (pre-Covid)

Iain Carlisle of the Ulster Scots Community Network has a very straightforward and unambiguous answer regarding Unionist involvement in St Patrick’s Day events. Iain states very clearly “I don’t think there has to be ANY justification given for Protestants or Unionists marking Patrick’s day”, but goes on to say that “there is however a fundamental difference of approach to both Patrick as a person and the means of celebration within the Unionist community”. Iain’s comments would appear to reflect not just a general uncomfortable position with the overtly ‘United Ireland’ underlying St Patrick’s Day theme, but the actual motivation and method of celebration.

All historical examinations of Protestant Irish and their approach and relationship with Patrick indicates that for them he has never truly deviated from having a purely theological relevance. On St Patrick’s Day however the majority of Catholics, Irish Nationalists, Republicans, those of Irish descent and indeed anyone who wants a day out, St Patrick’s significance as a religious icon is purely tokenistic. St Patrick is merely a figurehead for overt Irish nationalism and a holiday. In turn the Unionist tradition of parading has developed from a military perspective and the American style parades are an alien concept, being perceived as being undisciplined and overtly casual.

Whilst new events have arisen, it is obvious that Unionism has no desire to abandon its central belief of Patrick’s religious relevance, and in addition is reluctant to embrace what it sees as an alien approach to parades. Even with the emergence of band parades on the date, they in themselves are a much more disciplined and subdued practise than their counterparts on the day. Whatever the future holds, it is clear that the PUL community is going through an ongoing examination of Patrick and his relevance to them. As journalist Chris Ryder recently pointed out “there will be no going back to the view that St Patrick was a Catholic, and a saint only for Catholics.”

Editor’s note: republished in issue #77 of Heritage and Destiny magazine (March-April 2017)

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