Anthony David Jones RIP

The H&D team was very sorry to learn of the death of Dave Jones, an outstanding racial nationalist and loyalist who made a great contribution to our cause since the 1970s. As some readers will know, Dave had been in poor health for some years.

Dave Jones, racial nationalist, loyalist and parliamentary candidate, died on Friday 14th September

During the 1970s and 1980s Dave was a Manchester officer of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), carrying out intelligence work against the terrorist alliance between militant ‘antifascists’ and the IRA, INLA and republican splinter groups. At the same time he was also a National Front activist, remaining loyal to the NF through the difficult years of the late ’70s and early ’80s.

In 1978 he was an NF council candidate for the first time, gaining 136 votes (3.2%) in the Ashton West & Limehurst ward of Tameside Metropolitan Borough, east of Manchester. At the following year’s General Election he was NF parliamentary candidate for Ashton-under-Lyne.

After the multiple NF splits of the mid-1980s Dave found a new political home in the Conservative Party, for whom he twice contested Tameside council elections in the increasingly multiracial Ashton St Peter’s ward, polling 20.1% in 1988 and 15.1% in 1990.

Dave then emigrated to South Africa, where he spent much of the 1990s pursuing his studies. Dave was a mine of information on political and military history and a tenacious researcher. In the age of Google and ‘fake news’ it’s often difficult to rely on information supplied even by fellow nationalists, but with Dave Jones you always knew you could rely on the accuracy and acuity of his observations.

Dave and Bev Jones with members of what was then a very successful Tameside branch of the BNP

While in South Africa, Dave met and married his wife Bev, a fellow racial nationalist activist, and when they returned to England at the turn of the millennium our cause was once again in the ascendant, especially in Oldham – the town adjacent to Dave’s native Ashton.

Dave and Bev began attending Oldham BNP branch meetings, where H&D assistant editor Peter Rushton was at the time a regular speaker. Peter arranged with Nick Griffin for Dave and Bev to revive a Tameside branch of the party. Ironically Tameside BNP was to remain succesful for several years under Dave and Bev’s leadership, even after Oldham BNP had collapsed following Griffin’s treacherous conduct.

From 2004 to 2010 Dave contested five council elections for the BNP, with his best result coming in 2006: 755 votes (24.5%) in his home ward of Ashton Waterloo.

He also saved his deposit as a parliamentary candidate at successive general elections with 2,051 votes (5.5%) in Ashton-under-Lyne in 2005, and 2,259 votes (5.5%) in Stalybridge & Hyde in 2010.

Sadly this was to be Dave’s electoral swansong. The BNP collapsed soon after that 2010 election. Although already in very poor health, Dave bravely attended meetings organised by Andrew Brons and others in an effort to salvage something from the wreckage of the party Griffin had destroyed. Shortly before his death, Dave arranged with two longstanding comrades in the North West (who had by now left the BNP for the NF) to inherit his library – so his great store of knowledge about our movement, race and nation will be preserved for the next generation of activists.

Rest in Peace, Dave: Quis Separabit.

Corbyn and the uses of ‘anti-fascism’

The cover of Red Action’s journal boasts of RA/AFA leader Patrick Hayes terrorist role

Since the days of Cable Street in 1936 mainstream British journalists and historians have lionised militant (i.e. violent) ‘anti-fascism’. The true story of Cable Street was that an alliance of Jews and Communists fought police on the streets of East London to disrupt a lawful march by Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists. The fighting was not between ‘anti-fascists’ and the BUF, but between the Judeo-Marxist alliance and the London police.

Half a century after Cable Street the increasingly terrorist tactics of ‘Anti-Fascist Action’ were largely ignored by the media, who preferred to conjure fables of supposed ‘neo-nazi’ terrorism by largely mythical groups such as ‘Combat 18’. The real C18 (as H&D knows only too well) contained several enthusiastic though misguided patriots, but was run for the benefit of the British secret state.

And on into the 21st century the new ‘Antifa’ street gangs (admittedly immature and far less effective than their 1990s counterparts) are given a free pass by journalists on both sides of the Atlantic, who prefer to focus on a new generation of mythical ‘far right terrorists’.

So H&D readers will have been surprised to see an article yesterday by the Sunday Times‘ star reporter Andrew Gilligan, belatedly drawing attention to the real terrorists of ‘Anti-Fascist Action’ and its core group ‘Red Action’.

AFA’s magazine Fighting Talk frequently advertised its violent tactics

None of the information will be news to our readers, since we have reported aspects of this story several times over the years. The best mainstream investigation remains a BBC programme broadcast almost five years ago.

Jeremy Corbyn was a particularly close friend of IRA / Sinn Fein during the 1980s, as was his then-ally Ken Livingstone. As we reported, Livingstone’s ties to the IRA almost led to his assassination by London-based Ulster Loyalists in 1993.

Red Action publications made no secret of the fact that they often met at Corbyn’s constituency office in Islington, and Corbyn himself (as Gilligan reports) addressed at least three Red Action meetings between 1985 and 1992, acting as an official of the Red Action dominated group Anti-Fascist Action.

A leader of AFA / Red Action – Patrick Hayes – and another member, Jan Taylor, were later given 30-year jail sentences for IRA terrorism: they had bombed the Harrods store in Central London and planned at least two other abortive bombings in the heart of the capital, targeting British civilians. Their ‘anti-fascist’ colleague Liam Heffernan was given 23 years for stealing explosives on behalf of an even more militant Irish terrorist group, the INLA, which for several years had particularly close ties to AFA / Red Action. (In 2013 The Times and other newspapers scurried to catch up with our exposé of INLA and ‘anti-fascist’ connections to a bizarre Marxist cult whose leaders were convicted for keeping women as ‘slaves’.)

(left to right) Ken Livingstone, Sinn Fein – IRA godfather Gerry Adams, and Jeremy Corbyn in London, 1983

A senior police officer told Gilligan that Corbyn’s connections to the group were investigated, and that although insufficient evidence was found for prosecution: “He knew they [Red Action] were open supporters of terrorism and he supported them. We had no evidence that he knew they were actually involved in terrorism themselves.”

All this dates back more than 25 years – and the British state itself is now in alliance with the very same IRA godfathers once linked to Corbyn! So why are veteran police officers and eminent journalists now dusting down files on cases and stories they failed to pursue in the 1990s?

The answer of course is that in Orwellian fashion there are ‘good’ anti-fascist terrorists and ‘bad’ ones. Broadly speaking, Jewish militancy on the streets of London is to be welcomed by the Murdoch press and their tame policemen. Irish republican violence on those same streets (while now mostly ignored as these “ex”-terrorists are fêted by government ministers and even royalty), remains a useful instrument for discrediting the real enemy.

And of course for British politicians and newspaper owners, the ‘real enemy’ means the enemy of their paymasters.

Make no mistake – Jeremy Corbyn is an enemy of British nationalists and a dedicated multiracialist. His arrival in Downing Street would be bad news for H&D readers. But it would be even worse news for the State of Israel and its proxies in London. Hence militant ‘anti-fascists’, having been foot-soldiers in the war against the ‘far right’, are now cast aside as collateral damage, just a few more insignificant casualties as the Zionist lobby concentrates its fire on the Labour leader.

Andrew Gilligan, author of yesterday’s Sunday Times exposé of ‘anti-fascist’ terrorism, seen (above right) accepting an award from former Prime Minister David Cameron

Arlene Foster speaks for UK after May’s blunders

As Prime Minister Theresa May blunders through another day of chaotic Brexit negotiations, it has been left to Arlene Foster, leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, to stand up for the principles once understood by every member of May’s Conservative & Unionist Party.

Mrs Foster today made clear:
“Northern Ireland must leave the EU on the same terms as the rest of the United Kingdom. We will not accept any form of regulatory divergence which separates Northern Ireland economically or politically from the rest of the United Kingdom. The economic and constitutional integrity of the United Kingdom will not be compromised in any way.”

How on earth could a Conservative Prime Minister have allowed herself to be drawn into a position where that “economic and constitutional integrity” could be questioned in the slightest degree?

What part of the words “United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland” does the Prime Minister fail to comprehend?

Too many Tories have been relying on the complacent assumption that DUP MPs will continue to support the government at Westminster (despite every provocation and betrayal) because they cannot possibly risk a Jeremy Corbyn government.

It’s time for the DUP (and any remaining genuine Tory patriots) to call that bluff.

H&D editor visits Ulster for “the 12th”.

Editor (right) at Loyalist ‘True Blues’ mural in Portadown

[spacer height=”20px”]H&D editor Mark Cotterill made a short trip over to Ulster last week, for the annual Battle of the Boyne Orange celebrations.
 
Leaving Manchester airport on July 11th, Mark arrived at George Best airport in East Belfast around 9pm – the flight being delayed for a massive three hours!
 
After a short bus ride to his hotel in the Queens University Quarter, he met up with a representative of the North West Infidels (NWI) from Blackburn. They ventured out for a quick pint, before watching one of the many bonfires (this one just off Botanic Avenue).
 
On the 12th, they met up with other patriots and loyalists from the mainland and watched – from an excellent vantage point at the top of Sandy Row – the massive Orange parade wind its way through South Belfast. The route is over six miles long. The parade heads back from “the field” around 4pm, and reached Sandy Row after 6pm, where the editor and friends watched it make its way into Belfast city centre.
[spacer height=”20px”]

The editor visiting the Ulster 36th Division memorial arch in Portadown

 [spacer height=”20px”]
On the 13th the editor and his Blackburn NWI comrade travelled (by train) to the town of Portadown in County Armagh, for an H&D Ulster subscribers meeting, which proved very successful, with a lot of ideas being exchanged. They also had time to walk round and view a number of Loyalist murals and arches on one of Portadown’s Loyalist estates. In the evening the watched the local flute bands and lodges march back through the town, after returning from the Royal Black parade in Scarva, in County Down.
 
On the 14th, before the editor and his NWI comrade flew back to Manchester (thankfully this time the flight was on time!) they visited Windsor Park, the home of both Linfield FC and the Northern Ireland football team. Later that afternoon, Linfield would host Glasgow Celtic in a Champions League qualifier. Sadly they could not be there for the game, but they purchased programmes and other souvenirs from the club shop.[spacer height=”20px”]

The editor visiting the Portadown mural commemorating the sacrifice of the 36th Ulster Division on the first day of the Battle of the Somme in 1916

 
[spacer height=”20px”]After a short drive from Windsor Park in the city centre, Mark  met up with representatives from the Traditional Unionist Voice party – TUV – in the famous Robinson’s Bar opposite the just as famous Europa Hotel (the most bombed hotel in Ulster!). Again, a lot was gained by both sides at the meeting, with ideas being suggested and discussed, on how Loyalism could go forward, now the Tory party and DUP have an alliance at Westminster.

Members of the Portadown chapter of the Royal Blacks marching on their return from the annual Royal Black parade in Scarva, on the border of Co Down and Co Armagh

 
[spacer height=”20px”]So all in all a successful trip, with a number of new subscribers for the magazine.
 

St Patrick – the Patron Saint of the USA

st pats flag on blue background

To mark today’s worldwide St Patrick’s Day celebrations, H&D published two articles on St Patrick which have recently appeared in the magazine.

This first article – “Saint Patrick the Patron Saint of the USA” – was written seven years ago, but the same issues are still being discussed in Loyalist circles today – now mainly on internet forums. So it was fitting that we republished it (in hard copy in issue #77 of H&D) on the run-up to this year’s St Patrick’s Day.

It was America that spawned the St Patrick’s Day parade, not Ireland, and its origins are both Protestant and British…

As March 17th approaches, the annual debate has reignited on whether Unionism should embrace St Patrick and the day set aside for his commemoration. Over the last five years there has been a slow emergence of Protestant participation on the date, though that has been via the creation of new events rather than involvement in existing ones. This article examines the origin of St Patrick’s Day parades, this new emerging trend, its motivation and where it may possibly lead.

The question ‘where is the biggest St Patrick’s Day parade in Northern Ireland?’ at first glance would appear easily answered. Belfast most would say, with a few probably suggesting the Cathedral City of Armagh or even where he was allegedly laid to rest, Downpatrick. What will surprise many is that the largest parade for the last few years by sheer number of participants has been in the small County Armagh village of Killylea. It is here since 2005 the Cormeen Rising Sons of William Flute Band have held their annual band procession and competition. Last year the Cormeen parade saw 42 bands take part (in comparison to the seven that paraded at the Dublin event), amounting to approximately 1800 band members. Thousands of spectators stood along the route, despite it being a bitterly cold evening.

The St Patrick's Day parade in Killylea, led by Cormeen Rising Sons of William Flute Band

The St Patrick’s Day parade in Killylea, led by Cormeen Rising Sons of William Flute Band

Cormeen Rising Sons of William chairman Mark Gibson explains that the bands original motivation for the parade came more out of necessity than anything else. “The band season is very busy, and when trying to find a date for our parade it was difficult to define one that didn’t clash with other bands locally.” Some members suggested March 17 as a solution to the problem, but the band was nervous. “We were concerned about how a St Patrick’s Day parade would go down in our community, the parade in Armagh never was very welcoming, but we made a decision to try it and it has been a success.”

From that initial year where thirteen bands took part, the parade is now among the largest in the Province. It’s not only the number of bands participating that has increased, but also the crowds attending to watch, and the event is increasingly becoming a fixture in the calendar for many Unionists. Another band, the Ulster Protestant Boys Flute Coleraine, have started a similar event on the date that too is growing. The ever increasing scale of both processions indicates clearly that there is certainly a willingness within the PUL (Protestant, Unionist, Loyalist) community to be involved in St Patrick’s Day. Where the schisms emerge are with the issues of why and how.

It is generally acknowledged that in the distant past Patrick was not a controversial figure for Protestants in Ireland or beyond. His ‘sainthood’ was never conferred by the Pope and pre-dates the reformation, so he was never seen as being the possession of ‘Rome’. St Patrick was seen as an evangelical Christian who had made personal sacrifice to spread the gospel in Ireland. The anniversary of his death was observed and commemorated by all Protestant denominations to different degrees, with the Church of Ireland in particular very active.

The shift from an anniversary of religious significance towards an ‘Irish’ event however first took place in the United States in 1737. In Boston that year the Irish Charitable Society, made up of Protestant immigrants (some of whom were British Soldiers), held their first meeting and dinner. The purpose was to both honour Patrick in the context of their Protestant faith and to reach out the hand of friendship to other Irish immigrants. The exercise obviously struck a chord and the practise spread, with the first recorded parade in New York in 1766, with again British Soldiers of Irish blood heavily involved. It was America that spawned the St Patrick’s Day parade, not Ireland, and its origins are both Protestant and British.

During that period in history the vast majority of Irish immigrants were Presbyterian, however from 1830 it was Catholic arrivals who were in the ascendancy. With that change began an emphasis towards anti-British sentiment in the demonstrations. In the aftermath of the American Revolutionary War anything portrayed as anti-colonial was well received, with even the many original Protestant immigrant descendants non-antagonistic of this motivation. Many British ‘Loyalists’ had left for Canada, and effectively the descendants of the original Protestant Irish settlers remaining saw themselves as primarily American in identity, with all that was left for their original ‘homeland’ of Ireland simply folk memory and sentimentality.

Mike Cronin, author of A History of St Patrick’s Day, states that whilst this tradition was developing, back in Ireland the first parades didn’t take place until the 1840s and even then they were organised by Temperance societies. Mike emphasises the lack of public celebration “The only other major events in nineteenth century Ireland was a trooping of the colour ceremony and grand ball held at Dublin Castle.” So even as late as 1911 the largest St Patrick’s Day occasion in Ireland was still rooted in a joint Irish and British expression of identity. Protestant churches and some Orange Lodges throughout the island appear to have held minor functions on the date, but these were very subdued affairs, and essentially even post-partition very little changed. Catholic observance of the day continued to different degrees in different areas, as did the Protestant nod to Patrick.

Right up until the 1960s the primary theme of St Patrick’s Day in both Northern Ireland and the Republic still remained religious observance, with even from 1923 to then public houses and bars in the Republic of Ireland closed by law. A poll conducted in 1968 suggested that 20% of Northern Irish Protestants at this stage still considered themselves Irish. The onset of civil unrest in Northern Ireland coincided however with the importation of the American style to St Patrick’s events in Dublin and elsewhere. Now whilst a violent conflict was being waged in the name of all things Irish, St Patrick’s Day parades were starting to display the features that had developed in the United States. On these parades Irish identity was perceived by Northern Protestants as being defined as aggressively anti-British and anti-Protestant, with the disjointed and casual nature of the parades and the now integral alcohol element alien to PUL parading traditions and customs.

The type of St Patrick's Day image most readers will recognise, from one of the many New York parades.

The type of St Patrick’s Day image most readers will recognise, from one of the many New York parades.

As the IRA campaign escalated, many Protestants simply could not divorce the fact that these celebrations displayed an exclusive form of Irish sentiment whilst a campaign was being waged against them in the name of Ireland. As the years progressed, in Northern Ireland in particular it became apparent that the day was being deliberately used in many instances as an extension of the Irish Republican war against Unionism.

Grand Orange Lodge Director of Services Dr David Hume reiterates the view that in the recent past it has been the nature of the parades and commemorative events that turned Protestants away. “The perception among Unionism is without doubt that Irish Republicanism and Irish Nationalism has used St Patrick’s Day parades as a weapon, effectively using the ‘shield’ of Patrick to express obvious militant anti-British and therefore anti-Unionist sentiment.” David believes that the manner and focus of these events is totally at odds with the purported motivation. “St Patrick’s Day should be used as a day of reflection on the religious significance of Patrick, something far removed from the aggressive and confrontational use of symbolism; and the huge emphasis on alcohol consumption that currently seems to be the case.” David bluntly states that the date isn’t an important one on the ‘Orange’ calendar, but recognises that it does have a place in society.

There remains one annual Orange Order parade related to St Patrick’s Day, which is held each year in Ballymena. One of the participating Lodges is The Cross of St Patrick LOL 688 which was founded in 1967. A lodge spokesperson describes the motivation behind its formation as being “to reclaim the heritage of Saint Patrick” explaining that “Brethren were concerned that Patrick’s heritage was being hijacked by Roman Catholicism and Republicanism.” The lodge’s concerns would appear to have been reflecting the growing sense of alienation the PUL community was feeling regarding St Patricks events.

There is no doubt that this alienation effectively forced many Protestants into an automatically negative position regarding St Patrick’s Day. With the advent of the IRA cessations of violence and the ongoing political process however, it has become apparent that many within Unionism have been able to reflect much more on the meaning of St Patrick’s Day for them. The ending of a violent ‘Irish’ physical campaign has given space to examine the date, with many now realising that it once was a date of relevance that they were forced into denying, and there is a willingness to make it relevant again. Nevertheless this reflection and willingness has not as yet manifested itself into significant participation in civic St Patrick’s Day parades.

With a few exceptions, such as the participation of an unashamedly Loyalist Blood and Thunder band in the 2003 Limerick St Patrick’s Band competition, Unionism still does not feel comfortable taking part in the modern version of a St Patrick’s parade. Concerns still exist regarding the involvement of militant Republicanism in such events along with the aggressive use of flags and symbols, but the problem seems to go much deeper.

The Cross of St Patrick Loyal Orange Lodge 688

The Cross of St Patrick Loyal Orange Lodge 688

Iain Carlisle of the Ulster Scots Community Network has a very straightforward and unambiguous answer regarding Unionist involvement in St Patrick’s Day events. Iain states very clearly “I don’t think there has to be ANY justification given for Protestants or Unionists marking Patrick’s day”, but goes on to say that “there is however a fundamental difference of approach to both Patrick as a person and the means of celebration within the Unionist community”. Iain’s comments would appear to reflect not just a general uncomfortable position with the overtly ‘United Ireland’ underlying St Patrick’s Day theme, but the actual motivation and method of celebration.

All historical examinations of Protestant Irish and their approach and relationship with Patrick indicates that for them he has never truly deviated from having a purely theological relevance. On St Patrick’s Day however the majority of Catholics, Irish Nationalists, Republicans, those of Irish descent and indeed anyone who wants a day out, St Patrick’s significance as a religious icon is purely tokenistic. St Patrick is merely a figurehead for overt Irish nationalism and a holiday. In turn the Unionist tradition of parading has developed from a military perspective and the American style parades are an alien concept, being perceived as being undisciplined and overtly casual.

Whilst new events have arisen, it is obvious that Unionism has no desire to abandon its central belief of Patrick’s religious relevance, and in addition is reluctant to embrace what it sees as an alien approach to parades. Even with the emergence of band parades on the date, they in themselves are a much more disciplined and subdued practise than their counterparts on the day. Whatever the future holds, it is clear that the PUL community is going through an ongoing examination of Patrick and his relevance to them. As journalist Chris Ryder recently pointed out “there will be no going back to the view that St Patrick was a Catholic, and a saint only for Catholics.”

How a BNP demo almost led to the assassination of Ken Livingstone

Frank Portinari book

 

Just over 24 years ago a unity demonstration backed by the British National Party and an alliance of other patriots and opponents of terrorism almost led to the assassination of IRA sympathiser Ken Livingstone, who was then a Labour MP and later became Mayor of London.

The story is revealed in a new book Left-Right-Loyalist by Frank Portinari, former London commander for the Ulster Defence Association.

Today the Daily Star on Sunday broke the news under an “exclusive” headline: Second Northern Irish assassination plot on Ken Livingstone uncovered.  Later the same story was picked up by the Mail on Sunday.

(left to right) Ken Livingstone, Sinn Fein - IRA godfather Gerry Adams, and Jeremy Corbyn in London, 1983

(left to right) Ken Livingstone, Sinn Fein – IRA godfather Gerry Adams, and Jeremy Corbyn in London, 1983

Many H&D readers will remember the anti-IRA demonstration on 30th January 1993. Hundreds of patriots blocked the path of IRA supporters from the Troops Out Movement, who intended to march from Hyde Park to Kilburn (London’s Irish republican heartland).

Frank Portinari reveals in his new book that the intention was for the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) to use ensuing chaos to assassinate Livingstone:
“Livingstone’s provocative support for Irish republican terrorists and their apologists made him public enemy number one.  A UFF unit decided to assassinate Livingstone on the day of the march. A volunteer on a motorbike would be parked nearby to transport the gunman to a safe house.”

Author Frank Portinari

Author Frank Portinari

However huge numbers of police intervened to protect the IRA marchers and their friend Livingstone. At least 296 BNP and Loyalist demonstrators were arrested – in fact the true figure was over 400, since many were released once transported some distance from Hyde Park, and hundreds more were ordered to disperse under threat of arrest.

One leading BNP activist well known to H&D rallied a group to break through the police lines: they almost succeeded, but police just about kept control and were then reinforced. Livingstone survived and was elected Mayor of London from 2000 to 2008.

Several of our demonstrators were advised by sympathetic police officers to dispose of weapons before arriving at police stations.

Due to train delays our assistant editor was late arriving at Hyde Park.  In those days before mobile phones he was surprised to see none of our comrades around, so followed the route of the IRA march into Kilburn, expecting to catch up with the counter-demonstration – not realising that all our people had been arrested or dispersed. Unfortunately he then found himself right in the heart of the IRA supporters at their rally outside the Sacred Heart church in Quex Road, Kilburn – but was then able to file a report for the BNP newspaper British Nationalist exposing the true nature of the speakers at this event, who gloated over the IRA’s murder of two British corporals.

Frank Portinari’s book (which will be reviewed in a forthcoming issue of H&D) can be obtained for £15 (+ £3 UK p&p) at his website, or by emailing author@leftrightloyalist.co.uk

 

A dark day for the Union

DUP chairman Lord Morrow (left), who lost his Assembly seat in Fermanagh & South Tyrone, with outgoing First Minister and DUP leader Arlene Foster at the election count

DUP chairman Lord Morrow (left), who lost his Assembly seat in Fermanagh & South Tyrone, with outgoing First Minister and DUP leader Arlene Foster at the election count

Thursday’s Northern Ireland Assembly election proved a sad day for all Loyal Ulstermen and their friends across our increasingly Disunited Kingdom.

The costly shambles over the Renewable Heat Incentive (otherwise known as ‘Cash for Ash’) was cynically exploited by two parties – Sinn Fein and (shamefully) the Official Unionist Party – but predictably only Sinn Fein benefited.

Terrorist sympathiser Michelle O’Neill thus took a step closer to becoming First Minister of Northern Ireland, while the IRA godfathers behind her celebrated yet another own goal by the Unionist establishment.

With the Assembly reduced to 90 seats, the target for the Democratic Unionist Party was 30 seats – enough to ensure an effective veto known as a “petition of concern”, but they have fallen two seats short.  Critically this means that even with the support of Jim Allister, leader of Traditional Unionist Voice, who retained his seat in North Antrim, the DUP will not have the 30 votes required for an effective block on (for example) gay marriage.

As for broader issues of who now runs Northern Ireland, Sinn Fein are likely to use their strengthened position to claim the scalp of Arlene Foster, DUP leader and outgoing First Minister. Edwin Poots, re-elected for the DUP in Lagan Valley, supported his leader today but hinted that she might be considering her position.

While it is unlikely that the DUP and Sinn Fein will be able to agree a new coalition within the official three week deadline, something will doubtless be patched up in due course to avoid a return to direct rule from London, which would be a disaster for Prime Minister Theresa May.

The big loser on Thursday – deservedly – was Official Unionist leader Mike Nesbitt who resigned after the failure of his opportunistic effort to destabilise the DUP. Nesbitt had called on his supporters to give their second preference votes to the nationalist SDLP rather than to the DUP, a shocking betrayal of the unionist interest.

Meanwhile UKIP confirmed their utter irrelevance in Northern Ireland.  They contested just one Assembly constituency – East Antrim – but this tactic of concentrating their resources failed miserably. UKIP candidate and Carrickfergus councillor Noel Jordan was eliminated with just 4.2% of first preferences. (The Assembly is elected by the Single Transferable Vote system, with each constituency now electing five MLAs.)

Mr Jordan told the Belfast Newsletter:
“We just don’t know what happened. I can’t explain why our vote has dropped.”

 

 

Law lecturer an apologist for terrorism

Sinn Fein candidate Dr Peter Doran with his party leader Michelle O'Neill

Sinn Fein candidate Dr Peter Doran with his party leader Michelle O’Neill

Dr Peter Doran lectures in “sustainable development and governance” at Queen’s University Belfast and has worked for the United Nations on environmental issues.  Some years ago he was a candidate for the Green Party, for example at the Upper Bann by-election in 1990.

Dr Doran has now turned a different shade of green, and is Sinn Fein candidate in the Lagan Valley constituency at today’s Northern Ireland Assembly elections. He also writes for a pro-Republican blog.

Quite disgracefully, as pointed out in a letter to the Belfast Newsletter by Robbie Butler (Ulster Unionist candidate for Lagan Valley), Dr Doran has failed to condemn the IRA’s murder of his fellow Queen’s University law lecturer Edgar Graham, who was shot dead on the Queen’s campus in December 1983. Unsurprising as Dr Doran is a candidate for the political wing of the IRA, the direct descendants of Edgar Graham’s killers.

Queen's University law lecturer Edgar Graham, murdered by the IRA in December 1983

Queen’s University law lecturer Edgar Graham, murdered by the IRA in December 1983

Fortunately Dr Doran stands no chance of being elected in Lagan Valley today.  He should perhaps remember that Loyal Ulstermen have had their own way of dealing with terrorists and their apologists – Sheena Campbell (who was Sinn Fein candidate in the same Upper Bann by-election when Dr Doran stood for the Greens, and was the fiancée of IRA bomber and sniper Brendan Curran) was executed by the UVF in October 1992.

Ambassador tackles Fenian scum

Ambassador Vickers (right) tackles 'Real IRA' scum disrupting ceremony

Ambassador Vickers (right) tackles ‘Real IRA’ scum disrupting ceremony

Kevin Vickers, Canada’s Ambassador to Ireland, was first to react when a terrorist front group tried to disrupt last Thursday’s centenary commemoration for British forces killed in the treacherous 1916 Easter Rising.

The ceremony at Grangegorman Military Cemetery was interrupted by Brian Murphy of the Irish Republican Prisoners Welfare Association (IRPWA) – a front for the terrorist faction known as the Real IRA or (since 2012) New IRA, which also uses titles such as 32 County Sovereignty Committee. An arms cache belonging to this terror gang – including anti-personnel mines and an armour-piercing rocket – was found on May 16th in Capanagh Forest, near Larne, Co Antrim.

Ambassador Vickers did not wait for police to deal with the Fenian insult last Thursday: a wise decision as one never knows with police in the Irish Republic whether to expect law enforcement or sympathy with terrorism.

As shown in the video, Ambassador Vickers took the direct action approach!  The Fenian scum on the receiving end can count themselves lucky to have got off so lightly: when another terrorist strayed onto Vickers’s patch in his previous role as Sergeant-at-Arms of the Canadian Parliament in 2014, Vickers shot him dead.

While several “New IRA” crimes have been directed at rival Fenian terror gangs, including several shootings earlier this month, there have been suggestions that a new wave of Republican terrorism might be expected soon against both Ulster and British targets. Loyal Ulstermen and Britons alike will bear in mind Ambassador Vickers’s example, and as during previous Fenian campaigns, will not wait for the courts to protect them.

In October 2014 as Sergeant-at-Arms of the Canadian Parliament, Kevin Vickers shot terrorist Michael Zehaf-Bibeau who had earlier killed a young Canadian sentry.

In October 2014 as Sergeant-at-Arms of the Canadian Parliament, Kevin Vickers shot terrorist Michael Zehaf-Bibeau who had earlier killed a young Canadian sentry.

Northern Ireland Assembly Nominations Close

stormont

This afternoon nominations closed for the Northern Ireland Assembly elections.  Voters in the province go to the polls on the same day as the London, English local, Scottish Parliamentary and Welsh Assembly elections on May 5th. At the previous NI Assembly election in 2011 the BNP had three candidates, but neither the BNP nor NF will have candidates in Northern Ireland this year, nor will any of the smaller racial nationalist parties.

The main concern of most H&D readers in Ulster will be to see that those political forces prepared to resist Sinn Fein (political arm of the terrorist IRA) maximise their vote. Due to the terms under which the Assembly and Northern Ireland Executive were constituted, following the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, power sharing among the various parties is guaranteed, with executive positions being allocated to any party with a significant number of Assembly seats.

Nevertheless there will be considerable interest in how the balance within unionism works out between the once dominant Ulster Unionist Party, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) whose leader Arlene Foster is the outgoing First Minister, the dissident Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) and various independents, such as former DUP activist Billy Dickson, who is standing in South Belfast.

UKIP has made some modest inroads in Northern Ireland, mostly winning votes within the unionist community, but won no Assembly seats at the last election in 2011 and will probably fail again, despite the proportional electoral system which gives some chance to smaller parties. The big story here is in South Down, where Henry Reilly (then UKIP’s chairman in Northen Ireland) achieved his party’s best result by far in 2011, polling 5.6%. Mr Reilly was expelled from UKIP in November 2015 following an internal dispute and now sits as a TUV councillor – he will be TUV candidate for the Assembly this year, and UKIP will have no candidate in South Down. Mr Reilly has denounced his former party for changing its policy and becoming too much in favour of the Good Friday Agreement: “In my view the GFA is not working and needs radical root and branch reform. That is what Ukip previously stood for. Now they are just another small-pro-agreement party.”

Mr Reilly has a strong chance of winning an Assembly seat this year, particularly with his strong personal vote in the fishing port of Kilkeel.

In North Antrim, Donna Anderson, a former TUV councillor who defected to UKIP, will be standing for the Assembly against TUV’s leader Jim Allister, who is almost certain to be re-elected. UKIP will be contesting 13 of the 18 constituencies: aside from South Down, they are missing only the Republican/Catholic strongholds of West Belfast, West Tyrone, Fermanagh & South Tyrone and Foyle.

Next Page »

  • Find By Category

  • Latest News

  • Follow us on Twitter