Censorship and the ‘greatest treason’
[This article is also available in Spanish / al español, and in German / auf deutsch.]
“The last temptation is the greatest treason:
To do the right deed for the wrong reason.“
When T.S. Eliot wrote these lines in Murder in the Cathedral, he was thinking of the temptations of intellectual vanity and self-aggrandisement that potentially soil the motivation even of a religious martyr.
Eliot’s reflections on Archbishop Thomas Becket are worth thinking about, for anyone aspiring to political leadership – especially in a dissident cause such as racial nationalism – but today those lines came into my mind for other reasons, grounded in the grim state of 21st century European politics rather than 20th century poetry or mediaeval history.
Last week the German magazine Compact was banned by the Federal Republic’s interior minister, who cited alleged incitement of racial hatred (and all the usual ‘anti-woke crimes’) by the journal and its editor Jürgen Elsässer.
Yet, as has been pointed out by our friends at Dritte Weg (which is one of the very few genuine German nationalist organisations and remains untainted by the cowardice and treachery that pervades the ‘patriotic’ scene), this latest ban is more complicated than it seems.
To be clear: Compact and Jürgen Elsässer (unlike Dritte Weg) are not real nationalists or even real patriots. The magazine has built a large readership on the basis of American-style conspiracy theory and shallow posturing on quasi-nationalist themes. Until recently – unlike most of the nationalist scene in Germany – Compact had been unmolested by the authorities, lavishly funded, and widely distributed.
The most striking feature of Compact was/is its slavish devotion to Vladimir Putin. Under the guise of calls for ‘peace’, it has persistently peddled Kremlin propaganda. Of course in every nation there have always been genuine pacifists, whose stance must in some ways be respected even if one disagrees with them. But that isn’t where Elsässer and Compact are coming from. Nor are they rooted in any form of nationalist tradition.
Elsässer began his political life as a dedicated follower of communism and a proponent of the Moscow line, as it was during the 1970s and 1980s: anti-nazi, anti-racist, etc. During the 1990s he was among the founders of what (believe it or not) was proudly termed the ‘anti-German’ movement. This particular leftist faction argued that Germany had an inherent historical tendency towards ‘nazi’-style crimes, and therefore that Germany should never again be allowed to have a viable military or play any serious role in international affairs.
Elsässer’s ‘anti-German’ movement became notorious for turning up at commemorations of the 1945 Dresden terror bombing and chanting: “Bomber Harris, do it again!” For them, Germany couldn’t be punished severely enough, and however weak Germany became, it deserved to be degraded still further.
But – very significantly – this ‘anti-German’ tendency also took the form of opposing German participation in military operations in the former Yugoslavia. In retrospect (whatever else we might think about the Yugoslav civil war of that era) we can see the continuity: the likes of Elsässer consistently took the Kremlin line, whether during the dying decades of the Soviet Union, the corrupt Yeltsin era, or the neo-Stalinist Putin era.
It didn’t matter whether this line was ‘anti-nazi’, pro-Serb, or anti-Ukrainian: if it was the Kremlin line, it was faithfully followed by Elsässer’s gang.
During the 2000s, recognising the damage that had been inflicted on the credibility of the West (even internally) by the Iraq War, Putin’s intelligence service began to capitalise on ill-focused dissidence and conspiracy theorising among an audience of credulous online readers that was replacing traditional categories of ‘left’ and ‘right’.
Between 2009-2011, this Moscow line infiltrated the ‘right wing’ scene in Germany via (for example) two expensively produced magazines. Zuerst! had roots in genuine nationalist movements, but from 2011 it was edited by a Kremlin agent, Manuel Ochsenreiter. With financial backing from his Moscow masters (including the oligarch Konstantin Malofeev), Ochsenreiter travelled widely (especially in the Middle East) and networked with other nationalists – he was well-known for example to H&D‘s assistant editor and to our late comrade Richard Edmonds, and he worked in the European parliamentary office of an AfD politician.
Long suspected of being a Russian agent, Ochsenreiter’s career ended in 2019 when two Polish ‘far right’ activists whom he had commissioned to carry out a terrorist attack in the Ukrainian border city of Uzhhorod, were caught red-handed and confessed.
Though his lawyer issued the usual feeble denials, Ochsenreiter knew the game was up. Facing terrorist charges, he fled to Moscow and sought his masters’ protection. Now an embarrassment to Putin, Ochsenreiter died from a convenient heart attack in a Moscow hospital, aged 45. (The fact that the mainstream media, including the BBC, has occasionally reported the truth about Ochsenreiter and his fellow Russian agents doesn’t make it any less true! Shamefully, the mainstream media has told more truth about Putin than has most of the ‘alternative’ media: a sad symptom of our movement’s sickness.)
Zuerst! continues to peddle Moscow’s lies, but Compact (launched around the same time and with a less umbilical connection to the nationalist scene) became a far more influential Putinist mouthpiece. Until February this year, when certain outlets began refusing to stock it, Compact was widely available at mainstream news kiosks on the streets and railway stations of German towns and cities.
Naturally enough, Elsässer’s magazine latched onto every fashionable theme linked to the broadly defined dissident right, from anti-Islam movements such as PEGIDA to anti-vaccination and anti-lockdown demos, though without promoting anything that could be described as a coherent nationalist ideology (which is unsurprising given Elsässer’s own roots on the communist left).
Yet, as our friends at Dritte Weg have pointed out, the federal republic’s interior ministry does not seem to have relied on the treacherous Putinism of Elsässer and Compact as a basis for their banning.
Instead, the minister Nancy Faeser prattled on about ‘racism’ and ‘anti-semitism’ – all the usual ‘crimes’ against wokeness. She specifically stated that the authorities “would not allow ethnic definitions to be used to define who belongs to Germany and who does not.”
The message is clear – ethno-nationalism itself is to be criminalised, in fact made unconstitutional. (The irony being that Compact is not in any serious sense ethno-nationalist!)
In this respect, the action against Compact is an action against all of us, although the federal republic has a record of attempting such bans but then failing in the courts, and the same might happen this time.
Does this mean we should all be rallying around, despite clear and obvious political differences, and defending Compact against censorship?
No: there are two good reasons why we should oppose censorship, but also distance ourselves from Compact.
Firstly, there is no point making all the sacrifices and taking all the risks involved in nationalist political life if we are prepared to sacrifice our principles and ignore clear ideological dividing lines. Our enemy’s enemy is not necessarily our friend – which is why European racial nationalists didn’t march in support of ‘anti-Zionist’ Al-Qaeda or IS sympathisers when they were carted off to Guantanamo. The same applies to Putinists now, as applied to IS then: they are our enemy, whether or not they are also to any genuine extent our enemy’s enemy.
Secondly, as the case of Manuel Ochsenreiter demonstrates, if we allow our cause to be tainted by blatant treason, we are handing our rulers a stick to beat us with. Perhaps, as the collapse of the multiracial experiment becomes ever more obvious, the state will find some excuse to intern us.
But let’s not make it easy for them by associating our cause with the indefensible. Let’s not allow our cause to be dragged into the Putinist gutter.
European nationalists should stand against censorship; we should stand in support of our comrades’ right to free expression; but we should not endorse the anti-nationalist, anti-European traitors Jürgen Elsässer and Compact magazine.
Zensur und der „größte Verrat“
[Dieser Artikel ist auch im englischen Original und in einer spanischen Übersetzung verfügbar.]
“Die letzte Versuchung ist der größte Verrat, aus falschem Grund zu tun die rechte Tat.”
Als T.S. Eliot diese Zeilen in Mord im Dom schrieb, dachte er an die Versuchungen intellektueller Eitelkeit und Selbstverherrlichung, die selbst die Motivation eines religiösen Märtyrers beschmutzen können.
Eliots Betrachtungen über Erzbischof Thomas Becket sind für jeden, der eine politische Führungsrolle anstrebt – insbesondere in einem oppositionellen Bereich wie dem Rassennationalismus –, eine Überlegung wert. Heute jedoch kamen mir diese Zeilen aus anderen Gründen in den Sinn, die eher im düsteren Zustand der europäischen Politik des 21. Jahrhunderts wurzeln als in der Poesie des 20. Jahrhunderts oder der mittelalterlichen Geschichte.
Letzte Woche wurde das deutsche Magazin Compact vom Bundesinnenminister verboten, der der Zeitschrift und ihrem Herausgeber Jürgen Elsässer angebliche Anstiftung zum Rassenhass (und alle üblichen „Anti-Woke-Verbrechen“) vorwarf.
Aber wie unsere Freunde vom Dritten Weg (eine der ganz wenigen echten deutschen nationalistischen Organisationen, die von der Feigheit und dem Verrat, die die „patriotische“ Szene durchdringen, verschont geblieben sind) bereits betont haben, ist dieses jüngste Verbot komplizierter, als es scheint.
Um es klar zu sagen: Compact und Jürgen Elsässer (anders als der Dritte Weg) sind keine echten Nationalisten oder gar echte Patrioten. Das Magazin hat sich auf der Grundlage amerikanischer Verschwörungstheorien und oberflächlicher Haltung zu quasi-nationalistischen Themen eine große Leserschaft aufgebaut. Bis vor kurzem wurde Compact – anders als der Großteil der nationalistischen Szene in Deutschland – von den Behörden unbehelligt gelassen, großzügig finanziert und weit verbreitet.
Das auffälligste Merkmal von Compact war/ist seine sklavische Hingabe an Wladimir Putin. Unter dem Deckmantel von „Friedens“-Aufrufen hat es ständig Kreml-Propaganda verbreitet. Natürlich hat es in jedem Land immer echte Pazifisten gegeben, deren Haltung bis zu einem gewissen Grad respektiert werden muss, auch wenn man nicht mit ihnen übereinstimmt. Doch Elsässer und Compact verfolgen keinen solchen Ansatz und stehen auch nicht in einer nationalistischen Tradition.
Elsässer begann sein politisches Leben als überzeugter Anhänger des Kommunismus und Befürworter der Moskauer Linie, wie sie in den 1970er und 1980er Jahren war: anti-nazistisch, antirassistisch usw. In den 1990er Jahren gehörte er zu den Gründern dessen, was (ob Sie es glauben oder nicht) stolz als „antideutsche“ Bewegung bezeichnet wurde. Diese spezielle linke Fraktion argumentierte, dass Deutschland eine inhärente historische Tendenz zu Verbrechen im „Nazi“-Stil habe und dass Deutschland deshalb nie wieder ein funktionsfähiges Militär haben oder eine ernsthafte Rolle in internationalen Angelegenheiten spielen dürfe.
Elsässers „antideutsche“ Bewegung wurde berüchtigt, weil sie bei Gedenkfeiern zum Terrorbombenanschlag von Dresden 1945 auftauchte und skandierte: „Bomber Harris, do it again!” („Bomber Harris, mach es nochmal!“). Für sie konnte Deutschland nicht hart genug bestraft werden, und so schwach Deutschland auch wurde, es verdiente eine weitere Erniedrigung.
Aber – und das ist sehr bezeichnend – diese „antideutsche“ Tendenz äußerte sich auch in der Ablehnung der deutschen Beteiligung an Militäroperationen im ehemaligen Jugoslawien. Rückblickend (was auch immer wir sonst über den jugoslawischen Bürgerkrieg dieser Zeit denken mögen) können wir die Kontinuität erkennen: Leute wie Elsässer vertraten konsequent die Linie des Kremls, ob in den letzten Jahrzehnten der Sowjetunion, der korrupten Jelzin-Ära oder der neostalinistischen Putin-Ära.
Es spielte keine Rolle, ob diese Linie „anti-nazistisch“, pro-serbisch oder anti-ukrainisch war: Wenn es die Linie des Kremls war, wurde sie von Elsässers Bande treu befolgt.
In den 2000er Jahren erkannte Putins Geheimdienst, wie sehr der Irakkrieg der Glaubwürdigkeit des Westens (sogar im Inland) geschadet hatte, und begann, aus der unkonzentrierten Dissidenz und den Verschwörungstheorien eines Publikums leichtgläubiger Online-Leser Kapital zu schlagen, das die traditionellen Kategorien „links“ und „rechts“ ersetzte.
Zwischen 2009 und 2011 infiltrierte diese Moskauer Linie die „rechte“ Szene in Deutschland beispielsweise über zwei aufwändig produzierte Zeitschriften. Zuerst! hatte seine Wurzeln in echten nationalistischen Bewegungen, wurde aber ab 2011 von einem Kreml-Agenten, Manuel Ochsenreiter, herausgegeben. Mit finanzieller Unterstützung seiner Moskauer Herren (darunter der Oligarch Konstantin Malofejew) unternahm Ochsenreiter weite Reisen (vor allem in den Nahen Osten) und knüpfte Kontakte zu anderen Nationalisten – er war beispielsweise dem stellvertretenden Herausgeber von H&D und unserem verstorbenen Kameraden Richard Edmonds wohlbekannt und arbeitete im Europaparlamentsbüro eines AfD-Politikers.
Ochsenreiter stand lange unter Verdacht, ein russischer Agent zu sein, und seine Karriere endete 2019, als zwei polnische „rechtsextreme“ Aktivisten, die er beauftragt hatte, einen Terroranschlag in der ukrainischen Grenzstadt Uschhorod zu verüben, auf frischer Tat ertappt wurden und gestanden.
Obwohl sein Anwalt die üblichen schwachen Dementis von sich gab, wusste Ochsenreiter, dass das Spiel vorbei war. Angesichts der Terrorismusvorwürfe floh er nach Moskau und suchte den Schutz seiner Herren. Ochsenreiter, der nun eine Peinlichkeit für Putin darstellte, starb im Alter von 45 Jahren in einem Moskauer Krankenhaus an einem Herzinfarkt. (Die Tatsache, dass die Mainstream-Medien, einschließlich der BBC, gelegentlich die Wahrheit über Ochsenreiter und seine russischen Agentenkollegen berichtet haben, macht sie nicht weniger wahr! Beschämenderweise haben die Mainstream-Medien mehr Wahrheit über Putin erzählt als die meisten „alternativen“ Medien: ein trauriges Symptom der Krankheit unserer Bewegung.)
Zuerst! verbreitet weiterhin Moskaus Lügen, aber Compact (das etwa zur gleichen Zeit auf den Markt kam und weniger eng mit der nationalistischen Szene verbunden war) wurde zu einem weitaus einflussreicheren Sprachrohr Putins. Bis Februar dieses Jahres, als bestimmte Verkaufsstellen begannen, es nicht mehr in ihr Sortiment aufzunehmen, war Compact an den wichtigsten Zeitungskiosken auf den Straßen und Bahnhöfen deutscher Städte weithin erhältlich.
Natürlich griff Elsässers Magazin jedes modische Thema auf, das mit der weit gefassten dissidenten Rechten in Verbindung gebracht wurde, von antiislamischen Bewegungen wie PEGIDA bis hin zu Anti-Impf- und Anti-Lockdown-Demos, allerdings ohne etwas zu fördern, das man als kohärente nationalistische Ideologie bezeichnen könnte (was angesichts von Elsässers eigenen Wurzeln in der kommunistischen Linken nicht überraschend ist).
Doch wie unsere Freunde von Dritte Weg betont haben, scheint sich das Innenministerium der Bundesrepublik nicht auf den verräterischen Putinismus von Elsässer und Compact als Grundlage für ihr Verbot gestützt zu haben.
Stattdessen plapperte Ministerin Nancy Faeser über „Rassismus“ und „Antisemitismus“ – die üblichen „Verbrechen“ gegen die Wokeness. Sie erklärte ausdrücklich, dass die Behörden „nicht zulassen würden, dass ethnische Definitionen verwendet werden, um zu definieren, wer zu Deutschland gehört und wer nicht.“
Die Botschaft ist klar – Ethnonationalismus selbst soll kriminalisiert und sogar verfassungswidrig gemacht werden. (Die Ironie dabei ist, dass Compact in keiner ernsthaften Weise ethnonationalistisch ist!)
Insofern ist die Klage gegen Compact eine Klage gegen uns alle, auch wenn die Bundesrepublik in der Vergangenheit schon öfter solche Verbote versucht hat, dann aber vor Gericht gescheitert ist, und das könnte auch diesmal wieder passieren.
Bedeutet das, dass wir uns alle trotz klarer und offensichtlicher politischer Differenzen zusammenschließen und Compact gegen Zensur verteidigen sollten?
Nein: Es gibt zwei gute Gründe, warum wir uns gegen Zensur stellen, uns aber auch von Compact distanzieren sollten.
Erstens: Es hat keinen Sinn, alle Opfer zu bringen und alle Risiken eines nationalistischen politischen Lebens auf uns zu nehmen, wenn wir bereit sind, unsere Prinzipien zu opfern und klare ideologische Trennlinien zu ignorieren. Der Feind unseres Feindes ist nicht unbedingt unser Freund – deshalb marschierten europäische Rassennationalisten nicht zur Unterstützung der „antizionistischen“ Al-Qaida- oder IS-Sympathisanten, als diese nach Guantanamo verschleppt wurden. Dasselbe gilt heute für die Putinisten, was damals für den IS galt: Sie sind unser Feind, ob sie nun auch in einem echten Ausmaß der Feind unseres Feindes sind oder nicht.
Zweitens, wie der Fall Manuel Ochsenreiter zeigt, geben wir unseren Herrschern einen Stock, mit dem sie uns schlagen können, wenn wir zulassen, dass unsere Sache durch offensichtlichen Verrat beschmutzt wird. Vielleicht wird der Staat, wenn der Zusammenbruch des multirassischen Experiments immer offensichtlicher wird, irgendeinen Vorwand finden, uns einzusperren.
Aber machen wir es ihnen nicht leicht, indem wir unsere Sache mit dem Unhaltbaren in Verbindung bringen. Lassen wir nicht zu, dass unsere Sache in die Putinsche Gosse gezogen wird.
Europäische Nationalisten sollten sich gegen Zensur stellen; wir sollten das Recht unserer Kameraden auf freie Meinungsäußerung unterstützen; aber wir sollten die antinationalistischen, antieuropäischen Verräter Jürgen Elsässer und das Compact-Magazin nicht unterstützen.
La censura y la ‘mayor traición’
[Este artículo también está disponible en inglés y alemán.]
“La última tentación es la mayor traición: Hacer la acción correcta por la razón equivocada.”
Cuando T.S. Eliot escribió estas líneas en Asesinato en la catedral, pensaba en las tentaciones de la vanidad intelectual y el autoengrandecimiento que potencialmente manchan la motivación incluso de un mártir religioso.
Vale la pena que cualquiera que aspire a un liderazgo político piense en las reflexiones de Eliot sobre el arzobispo Thomas Becket, especialmente en una causa disidente como el nacionalismo racial, pero hoy esas líneas me vinieron a la mente por otras razones, basadas en el sombrío estado de la política europea del siglo XXI, en lugar de poesía del siglo XX o historia medieval.
La semana pasada, la revista alemana Compact fue prohibida por el Ministro del Interior de la República Federal, quien citó una supuesta incitación al odio racial (y todos los habituales “crímenes contra el despertar”) por parte de la revista y su editor Jürgen Elsässer.
Sin embargo, como han señalado nuestros amigos de Dritte Weg (que es una de las pocas organizaciones nacionalistas alemanas genuinas y no está contaminada por la cobardía y la traición que impregna la escena “patriótica”), esta última prohibición es más complicada de lo que parece.
Para ser claros: Compact y Jürgen Elsässer (a diferencia de Dritte Weg) no son verdaderos nacionalistas ni siquiera verdaderos patriotas. La revista ha conseguido un gran número de lectores sobre la base de teorías de conspiración al estilo estadounidense y posturas superficiales sobre temas cuasi nacionalistas. Hasta hace poco –a diferencia de la mayor parte de la escena nacionalista en Alemania– Compact no había sido molestado por las autoridades, estaba generosamente financiado y se había distribuido ampliamente.
La característica más llamativa del Compact fue/es su servil devoción a Vladimir Putin. Bajo la apariencia de llamados a la “paz”, ha difundido persistentemente propaganda del Kremlin. Por supuesto, en todas las naciones siempre ha habido pacifistas genuinos, cuya postura debe, en cierto modo, respetarse incluso si uno no está de acuerdo con ellos. Pero Elsässer y Compact no vienen de ahí. Tampoco tienen sus raíces en ninguna forma de tradición nacionalista.
Elsässer comenzó su vida política como un devoto seguidor del comunismo y defensor de la línea de Moscú, como lo fue durante los años 1970 y 1980: antinazi, antirracista, etc. Durante los años 1990 estuvo entre los fundadores de lo que (¡increíblemente!) fue denominado con orgullo el movimiento “antialemán”. Esta facción izquierdista en particular argumentó que Alemania tenía una tendencia histórica inherente hacia crímenes de estilo “nazi” y, por lo tanto, que nunca más se le debería permitir a Alemania tener un ejército viable o desempeñar un papel serio en los asuntos internacionales.
El movimiento “antialemán” de Elsässer se hizo famoso por aparecer en las conmemoraciones del atentado terrorista de Dresde de 1945 y corear: “¡Bombardero Harris, hazlo de nuevo!” Para ellos, Alemania no podía ser castigada con la suficiente severidad y, por muy débil que se volviera, merecía ser degradada aún más.
Pero –muy significativamente– esta tendencia “antialemana” también tomó la forma de oponerse a la participación alemana en operaciones militares en la ex Yugoslavia. En retrospectiva (cualquier otra cosa que podamos pensar sobre la guerra civil yugoslava de esa época) podemos ver la continuidad: personas como Elsässer adoptaron consistentemente la línea del Kremlin, ya sea durante las últimas décadas de la Unión Soviética, la era corrupta de Yeltsin o la Era neoestalinista de Putin.
No importaba si esta línea era “antinazi”, proserbia o antiucraniana: si era la línea del Kremlin, era fielmente seguida por la banda de Elsässer.
Durante la década de 2000, reconociendo el daño que la guerra de Irak había causado a la credibilidad de Occidente (incluso internamente), el servicio de inteligencia de Putin comenzó a capitalizar la disidencia mal enfocada y las teorías de conspiración entre una audiencia de lectores crédulos en línea que estaba reemplazando categorías tradicionales de “izquierda” y “derecha”.
Entre 2009 y 2011, esta línea de Moscú se infiltró en la escena de la “derecha” en Alemania a través (por ejemplo) de dos revistas de costosa producción. ¡Zuerst! tenía raíces en genuinos movimientos nacionalistas, pero desde 2011 fue editado por un agente del Kremlin, Manuel Ochsenreiter. Con el respaldo financiero de sus maestros de Moscú (incluido el oligarca Konstantin Malofeev), Ochsenreiter viajó mucho (especialmente en el Medio Oriente) y estableció contactos con otros nacionalistas; era muy conocido, por ejemplo, por el editor asistente de H&D y por nuestro difunto camarada Richard Edmonds, y trabajó en la oficina parlamentaria europea de un político de AfD.
Sospechoso durante mucho tiempo de ser un agente ruso, la carrera de Ochsenreiter terminó en 2019 cuando dos activistas polacos de “extrema derecha” a quienes había encargado llevar a cabo un ataque terrorista en la ciudad fronteriza ucraniana de Uzhhorod fueron capturados con las manos en la masa y confesaron.
Aunque su abogado emitió las débiles negativas habituales, Ochsenreiter sabía que el juego había terminado. Ante acusaciones de terrorismo, huyó a Moscú y buscó la protección de sus amos. Ahora una vergüenza para Putin, Ochsenreiter murió de un conveniente ataque cardíaco en un hospital de Moscú, a la edad de 45 años. (El hecho de que los principales medios de comunicación, incluida la BBC, hayan informado ocasionalmente la verdad sobre Ochsenreiter y sus compañeros agentes rusos no significa que sea es menos cierto. Vergonzosamente, los principales medios de comunicación han dicho más verdades sobre Putin que la mayoría de los medios “alternativos”: un triste síntoma de la enfermedad de nuestro movimiento).
¡Zuerst! continúa vendiendo las mentiras de Moscú, pero Compact (lanzado casi al mismo tiempo y con una conexión menos umbilical con la escena nacionalista) se convirtió en un portavoz putinista mucho más influyente. Hasta febrero de este año, cuando algunos medios comenzaron a negarse a venderlo, Compact estaba ampliamente disponible en los principales quioscos de noticias en las calles y estaciones de ferrocarril de pueblos y ciudades alemanas.
Naturalmente, la revista de Elsässer se aferró a todos los temas de moda relacionados con la derecha disidente ampliamente definida, desde movimientos antiislámicos como PEGIDA hasta manifestaciones antivacunas y anticonfinamientos, aunque sin promover nada que pudiera describirse como una ideología nacionalista coherente ( lo cual no es sorprendente dadas las raíces del propio Elsässer en la izquierda comunista).
Sin embargo, como han señalado nuestros amigos de Dritte Weg, el Ministerio del Interior de la república federal no parece haber confiado en el traicionero putinismo de Elsässer y Compact como base para su prohibición.
En cambio, la ministra Nancy Faeser parloteó sobre el “racismo” y el “antisemitismo”, todos los “crímenes” habituales contra el despertar. Declaró específicamente que las autoridades “no permitirían que se utilizaran definiciones étnicas para definir quién pertenece a Alemania y quién no”.
El mensaje es claro: el etnonacionalismo en sí debe ser criminalizado y, de hecho, declarado inconstitucional. (¡La ironía es que Compact no es etnonacionalista en ningún sentido serio!)
En este sentido, la acción contra Compact es una acción contra todos nosotros, aunque la república federal tiene un historial de intentar tales prohibiciones pero luego fracasar en los tribunales, y lo mismo podría suceder esta vez.
¿Significa esto que todos deberíamos unirnos, a pesar de las diferencias políticas claras y obvias, y defender Compact contra la censura?
No: hay dos buenas razones por las que deberíamos oponernos a la censura, pero también distanciarnos del Compact.
En primer lugar, no tiene sentido hacer todos los sacrificios y correr todos los riesgos que implica la vida política nacionalista si estamos dispuestos a sacrificar nuestros principios e ignorar líneas divisorias ideológicas claras. El enemigo de nuestro enemigo no es necesariamente nuestro amigo, razón por la cual los nacionalistas raciales europeos no marcharon en apoyo de los simpatizantes “antisionistas” de Al Qaeda o del EI cuando fueron llevados a Guantánamo. Lo mismo se aplica a los putinistas ahora, como se aplicaba entonces al EI: son nuestro enemigo, sean o no, en cierta medida, enemigos genuinos de nuestro enemigo.
En segundo lugar, como lo demuestra el caso de Manuel Ochsenreiter, si permitimos que nuestra causa se vea manchada por una traición flagrante, le estamos dando a nuestros gobernantes un palo con el que golpearnos. Quizás, a medida que el colapso del experimento multirracial se haga cada vez más evidente, el Estado encontrará alguna excusa para internarnos.
Pero no se lo pongamos fácil asociando nuestra causa a lo indefendible. No permitamos que nuestra causa sea arrastrada a la cloaca putinista.
Los nacionalistas europeos deberían oponerse a la censura; debemos apoyar el derecho de nuestros camaradas a la libre expresión; pero no debemos respaldar a los traidores antinacionalistas y antieuropeos Jürgen Elsässer y la revista Compact.
Codename CROOK – how a leading “anti-nazi” spied for Moscow
A new article on the Real History blog describes how one of the earliest “Holocaust” propagandists was a corrupt congressman – Sam Dickstein – who acted as a paid agent of the Soviet intelligence service NKVD (later KGB).
(H&D readers will have seen a passing reference to Dickstein’s espionage as part of a book review in Issue 118 of the magazine.)
Dickstein also sold his congressional influence as chairman of the House Immigration Committee to obtain US permanent residence visas, in return for a $1,000 bribe in each case.
During the 1930s and 1940s he was a prominent lobbyist for Jewish causes, both “anti-Nazi” and anti-British, including support for propaganda operations run by the terrorist Irgun’s representative in the USA.
At a time when “anti-fascist” lobbyists are again trying to abuse immigration laws, both to allow floods of non-European migrants and to deny European patriots – notably our European correspondent Isabel Peralta – the right to travel, it seemed the right time to tell the strange history of Soviet spy and Zionist criminal, Congressman Sam Dickstein.
Click here for the full story.
Starmer and Corbyn’s Putinist friend
Yesterday’s election in Slovakia has been reported in the mainstream press (and even by some H&D readers who should know better) as a victory for the ‘populist right’, or even for ‘nationalists’.
In fact the election winner (and given the fissiparous nature of Slovak politics it’s important to point out that he ‘won’ with less than 23% of the vote and will need to find coalition partners) was the ex-communist Robert Fico, whose social democratic party Smer remains a member of all the usual international alliances of mainstream leftwing parties.
The only reason why some on the vacuous “dissident right” have welcomed Fico’s victory, is that this Slovak leftist is a de facto supporter of the Kremlin’s anti-Ukrainian, anti-European aggression.
Fico has insisted that Putin’s invasion of Ukraine was a war started “by Ukrainian nazis and fascists”. And predictably this Stalinist rhetoric has been echoed by the Kremlin’s useful idiots, including some so-called ‘nationalists’.
Ironically, Sir Keir Starmer’s Labour Party is a longstanding partner of Fico’s party in three international socialist alliances – the Party of European Socialists, Progressive Alliance, and Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats. The Slovak party is also part of an even more leftwing organisation, the Socialist International, where Starmer’s Labour now only has “observer” status.
In 2006 Smer was suspended from the Party of European Socialists because Fico accepted a ‘far right’ party into his coalition government, but this suspension ended in 2008 and Fico now seems to be accepted by the likes of Starmer and Germany’s social democratic Chancellor Olaf Scholz as a good socialist comrade!
During the coming days and weeks, Smer will look for coalition allies. The Slovak nationalist party SMS might again be one of them, but with 5.6% (10 MPs) it has less than half the support it enjoyed when it joined one of Fico’s previous coalitions in 2006.
The real kingmakers this time will be another leftwing party, Hlas, with 14.7% and 27 MPs. We shouldn’t expect much in the way of political principle in these negotiations, still less should we expect anything resembling racial nationalism, whether or not SMS ministers join the payroll.
What we can sadly continue to expect is that the ignorant and deluded ‘dissident right’ will continue to disgrace themselves by applauding Putinist victories, even when these victories are for parties of the socialist / social democratic left.
Death of an embarrassment
We are unlikely ever to find out for certain who was responsible for the death of Yevgeny Prigozhin and his right-hand man Dmitry Utkin on 23rd August after their plane crashed in unexplained circumstances.
Many observers will quite reasonably point to the long history of Kremlin dictators assassinating their rivals. The KGB and its predecessors and successors have frequently tracked down ‘traitors’ even in foreign countries, let alone those such as Prigozhin and Utkin who had the temerity to continue to challenge the Kremlin’s authority within Russia.
Yet even today we don’t know for sure whether (for example) the KGB murdered Walter Krivitsky in the Bellevue Hotel, Washington, in February 1941, or whether he killed himself in the despair and isolation of exile.
Even in death, Prigozhin and Utkin continue to be an embarrassment to the European cultural and political traditions whose symbolism they and their Wagner Group abused.
It seems unlikely that Prigozhin had the slightest interest in or knowledge of Wagner, beyond a vague idea that he was Adolf Hitler’s favourite composer, and that the ‘Ride of the Valkyries’ from Die Walküre was used to accompany scenes of American helicopter gunships slaughtering Vietnamese civilians in the Hollywood film Apocalypse Now.
Neither did he or Utkin demonstrate any appreciation of national socialist ideas, nor of Adolf Hitler’s true political legacy.
What Prigozhin, Utkin and their fellow ‘Wagner Group’ thugs liked was the Hollywood image of ‘nazi brutality’. They revelled in slaughter and profited from selling their murderous services to sundry African dictators. In so doing, they acted as arm’s length instruments of their Kremlin sponsor Vladimir Putin, who of course naturally took his cut from their numerous criminal enterprises.
This cosy partnership fell apart for only one reason. The Wagner Group was in the forefront of Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, given special license to scour Russia’s prisons for rapists and murderers who could be unleashed on Ukrainian civilians. As is so often the case with mercenary forces, their reward was to come largely from looting their victims, in what was expected to be a swift conquest.
Ukrainian resistance prevented that scenario, and left Prigozhin’s forces under fire and under paid.
The consequence was that Prigozhin and Utkin turned on their Kremlin master, and even after the swift evaporation of their attempted ‘coup’, Putin was left looking enfeebled. If he believed that killing Prigozhin and Utkin would be a form of political Viagra, Putin is sure to be disappointed.
For European nationalists, the embarrassment of the Wagner Group’s ‘nazi’ iconography continues. Not only are we faced by endless news bulletins describing the dead mercenaries as ‘neo-nazis’, but we also have the living embarrassment of some of their associates, such as another supposed ‘neo-nazi’ gang allied to the Kremlin, Rusich and its co-leader Yan Petrovsky.
Last month Petrovsky, who sadly (unlike Prigozhin) does have real connections to the fringe of European nationalism, was arrested while passing through Helsinki airport. He co-founded Rusich with a sadist and football hooligan from St Petersburg, Alexey Milchakov, and they have polluted various corners of the internet with a combination of crude, fake ‘neo-nazism’ and advocacy of anti-European genocide in Ukraine.
But like the Wagner Group, Petrovsky and Milchakov turned against Putin. Rusich is now complaining loudly that the Kremlin has done nothing to help Petrovsky after his arrest.
These gangsters (large and small) are fighting each other as their plan to loot Ukraine falls apart.
For Western European nationalists the broader lesson is clear. We must firmly dissociate ourselves from sadistic thugs and mindless scum who discredit our cause, not only in Russia but throughout the White world.
Putinist oligarch arrested in London
Mikhail Fridman – one of London’s leading Russian oligarchs – was arrested at one of his two London homes on Thursday by officers from the National Crime Agency’s Combatting Kleptocracy Cell. British press reports have avoided naming Fridman.
According to an NCA statement, Fridman – a close ally of Kremlin dictator Vladimir Putin – was arrested “on suspicion of offences including money laundering, conspiracy to defraud the Home Office and conspiracy to commit perjury”. A 35-year-old man was arrested in the vicinity after being observed leaving Fridman’s home with a bag containing a large amount of cash.
Later on Thursday, the former boyfriend of Fridman’s current partner was arrested at his home in Pimlico, “for offences including money laundering and conspiracy to defraud”.
The NCA’s Director-General Graeme Biggar said: “The NCA’s Combatting Kleptocracy Cell, only established this year, is having significant success investigating potential criminal activity by oligarchs, the professional service providers that support and enable them and those linked to the Russian regime.
“We will continue to use all the powers and tactics available to us to disrupt this threat.”
Mikhail Fridman was born in Lviv but now holds joint Russian and Israeli citizenship. He began to build his Alfa business empire in his early 20s, in partnership with two fellow Jews – German Khan and Petr Aven – and is best known for his co-ownership of the controversial Alfa Bank and associated companies.
Since 2017 Fridman and his partners have been involved in several legal actions against the former MI6 officer Chris Steele, whose dossier alleged that they had corrupt dealings with Putin and Donald Trump.
Fridman co-founded the Russian Jewish Congress and has been a major donor to Zionist causes including the European Jewish Fund and ‘Holocaust’ education projects. His Genesis Philanthropy Group sponsors an annual prize for “Jewish contributions to humanity”.
Fridman’s two London homes are 25 Cavendish Close, St John’s Wood (close to Lord’s cricket ground), and Athlone House, a mansion in Highgate, North London, that was used as an RAF Intelligence base during the Second World War. For many years pre-war it was owned by Sir Robert Waley Cohen, one of the leaders of the Anglo-Jewish community.
In 2018 Fridman addressed a Chabad “Living Torah” event in London’s exclusive Belgravia district, where he described the Torah as the “backbone” of key concepts pioneered by Judaism, including “the precedence of good over evil and the power to choose between them using free will’. No doubt following his arrest he will be given plenty of time to explain these concepts to the Combatting Kleptocracy Cell of London’s National Crime Agency.
17th June 1953 – still relevant to us in 2022
This is a translation of a perceptive article posted online yesterday by the fast-growing German nationalist group Der III. Weg (‘The Third Way’ – no connection to the 1980s / 1990s UK organisation of the same name). Photos added by H&D: any errors in translation are our responsibility.
Almost 70 years have passed since people in central Germany rose up against the Bolshevisation of their homeland by Moscow’s GDR puppets and fought desperately against oncoming Soviet tanks, which finally violently crushed the uprising. 34 demonstrators lost their lives in the anti-Soviet uprising (Volksaufstand) that day. Subsequently, more insurgents died as a result of death sentences by Soviet court-martials or as a result of the conditions in the communist prisons.
On June 17th 1953, Germans had gathered in East Berlin, Halle, Magdeburg, Leipzig and Dresden with the Deutschlandlied on their lips and, in addition to social improvements, also demanded national goals such as the dismissal of the GDR government, which was dependent on Moscow, the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the Reunification of Germany. This uprising against the corrupt Soviet system, together with the “Prague Spring” of 1968, symbolises the resistance of the oppressed peoples in the Eastern Bloc countries against the Muscovite tyranny, against which the nations of Europe fought heroically in the years 1941-45, before they finally had to kneel before Moscow thanks to the alliance of Churchill and Roosevelt with Stalin.
Until recently, awareness of the Muscovite threat seemed to be shared only among the older generations among us. Too far away in the past was the time when the oppressive Stalinist regime in central Germany shot down rebellious workers who wanted a united German fatherland. The idea that Moscow could again reach out to Europe to seize parts of it and impose its system on them, as the Soviet predecessor system of today’s Russian Federation practiced against all western neighbouring states and on itself since the beginning of its existence, was too unreal. Though with the help of the Allies from 1945, it was even able to subdue the entire eastern half of Europe.
In the years that followed, Russia joined the ranks of the “democratic states” in the world. From then on, the USA and its allies were considered the only imperialists in the world who, with their wars of aggression against Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya and the continued presence of American military bases in Europe even after the collapse of the Eastern bloc, rightly earned the status of occupiers and warmongers . That changed when the Russian Federation invaded Ukraine on February 24th 2022 under the pretext of “denazifying” Ukraine, but actually wanting to reincorporate it into the Russian Empire. What had been hidden for years before was now openly apparent. The restoration of the old imperialist Soviet Union is a declared goal of the Kremlin’s policy under Putin.
What happened almost 70 years ago in the cities of Central Germany, we are experiencing again just 2000 km to the east, in cities like Kherson and Melitopol, where the civilian population is making life as difficult as possible for the Russian occupiers, blocking the progress of military vehicles and gathering for mass protests on the streets under waving national flags, even at the risk of being gunned down by Putin’s troops. In Kherson, however, the Russian occupiers are planning to install another separatist bandit republic under the leadership of puppets loyal to Moscow – in the spirit of Ulbricht, Pieck and Grotewohl at the time of the early GDR – after the removal and arrest of local Ukrainian politicians.
And the so-called “victory flag” of the Russians has not changed compared to then. The red flag with hammer and sickle is now waving in central squares in Russian-held cities where the national symbols of Ukraine have been removed. The Bolshevik monster was never dead, just slumbering for the past 30 years. Europe’s struggle for freedom against the old enemy did not come to an end after the fall of the Soviet Union, but is now experiencing a resurrection. Reason enough to commemorate June 17th 1953 and its freedom fighters more consciously than ever this year, because our people still have a long way to go before they have paid the last bloody toll in the fight against Bolshevism and Muscovite imperialism.
Ethics and Oligarchs in Tel Aviv
One of Israel’s leading academics has admitted lobbying in defence of sanctioned oligarch Roman Abramovich, saying: “When someone offers you $50m, you sign their letter.”
The tycoon was already controversial for reported links to organised crime as well as his role as Putin’s international financial fixer, but had been welcomed as a big donor to Israeli institutions as well as to international campaigns against ‘racism’ and ‘anti-semitism’.
Just two days before the invasion of Ukraine, Abramovich and the Israeli ‘holocaust’ memorial Yad Vashem announced a “strategic partnership” in which the oligarch would donate tens of millions of dollars. He had acquired Israeli citizenship in 2018.
Perhaps it was unsurprising therefore that soon after the invasion Yad Vashem’s chairman Danny Dayan was among signatories to a letter from influential Israelis to the US Ambassador in Jerusalem, calling on the American authorities to refrain from sanctioning Abramovich.
These distinguished Jews, including Israel’s Chief Rabbi, wrote:
“We are examples of institutions that have benefited from Roman Abramovich, and have long-standing ties with him. We implore you warmly to consider Roman Abramovich’s position and importance to the community and to Israel. We warn that any action against him will not only be unfair, but will also negatively impact the Jewish world and Israel.”
After the appeal failed and Western governments proceeded with sanctions, a few of these institutions belatedly distanced themselves from the disgraced oligarch. Yad Vashem suspended their receipt of his largesse, but has not handed back his earlier gifts.
One of the senior Israelis who co-wrote the letter and remains unabashed is Professor Ariel Porat, president of Tel Aviv University, which had received $50 million from Abramovich.
Last week in a secret meeting with senior academics, Porat – one of Israel’s leading legal scholars – defended the university’s links with Abramovich. He admitted: “Unfortunately there is a legal impediment to taking money from [Abramovich]. After the war is over, I imagine the sanctions will be lifted.”
And he told his colleagues: “When someone offers you $50m, you sign their letter.”
One of Porat’s critics pointed out: “No one is disputing the necessity of donations — but not at all costs and at any condition. It is embarrassing that an academic institution is willing to sell its prestige and social standing for money.”
Embarrassing, but in the case of Tel Aviv University and Roman Abramovich not surprising.
The oligarch who hedges his bets
Today Spanish police seized a £70m ‘superyacht’ belonging to one of Vladimir Putin’s closest oligarch cronies.
Tango is registered in the British Virgin Islands – one of the favourite havens for shady international tycoons – and belongs to Viktor Vekselberg, son of a Ukrainian Jew and a Russian. Since 1990 Vekselberg has been head of the Renova Group, a Russian conglomerate with interests in aluminium, oil and other sectors. He has been subject to international sanctions due to his close Kremlin ties.
According to several investigators, Vekselberg’s most interesting international role has been as the man who does the dirty work for Sir Len Blavatnik, his business partner, co-founder of the Renova Group and closest friend since their schooldays.
While Vekselberg has been sanctioned, Blavatnik has earned a teflon reputation which might be connected to his remarkable talent for backing opposite political sides and remaining close to power.
Blavatnik has at various times backed pro- and anti-Netanyahu factions in Israel; Tony Blair in the UK; Bill Clinton, Donald Trump and Joe Biden in the USA. In 2015 a group of international scholars condemned Oxford University for accepting Blavatnik’s money to fund the ‘Blavatnik School of Government’.
Blavatnik however insists that he has distanced himself from Putin, and the likes of Tony Blair and his ‘charitable foundations’ have continued to work closely with the Blavatnik School of Government. Meanwhile Blavatnik has continued to be one of the world’s leading sponsors of ‘Holocaust’ education, including a recent international conference to celebrate “the nearly 1.5 million Jewish men and women who fought in World War II against Adolf Hitler and the Axis powers.” H&D will soon be analysing some of the interesting omissions from this ‘history’!
Perhaps the ambiguities of Blavatnik’s own position will never be fully resolved, but as the Kremlin’s brutality continues in Ukraine, the likes of Tony Blair are feeling increasingly nervous about their ties to Putin’s oligarchs. Whatever their politics, Western politicians (including some so-called ‘nationalists’) have been happy to stick their snouts in the Kremlin trough.
