Civic nationalism crashes to defeat in Yorkshire by-election

For Britain Movement leader Anne-Marie Waters leafleting in Batley & Spen

Parts of the Batley & Spen constituency in West Yorkshire were among the strongest racial nationalist areas in Britain during the first decade of the 21st century. The BNP’s David Exley won the mainly White working-class Heckmondwike ward at a by-election in August 2003 – one of a series of BNP victories either side of the Pennines, triggered by the Oldham riots of May 2001. Cllr Exley retained his seat in 2004 and a second Heckmondwike councillor was gained in 2005. Even as late as 2010 when the local BNP fought its last campaign, they managed 17.6%.

Admittedly this is just one of the six wards that make up Batley & Spen, but the party also polled very well elsewhere in the constituency in the 2000s, including the Tory wards Liversedge & Gomersal and Birstall & Birkenshaw. Any parliamentary by-election in Batley & Spen should have been (and should still be) good news for any serious pro-White nationalist party.

David Exley (above centre) congratulated by his BNP colleague Nick Cass after he won the 2003 Heckmondwike by-election

Yet when such a by-election first occurred here, it was in dramatic circumstances that made racial nationalist campaigning appear distasteful. A week before the Brexit referendum in June 2016, Batley & Spen’s Labour MP Jo Cox was murdered by a deranged Heckmondwike resident who was quickly labelled a ‘far right terrorist’ by the media. Despite living in Heckmondwike, Thomas Mair had no connection whatever with the BNP and was totally unknown to any other British nationalists, apart from the eccentric Alan Harvey (a former NF member long resident in South Africa) to whose newsletter South African Patriot Mair subscribed.

The other mainstream parties gave Labour a clear run in the ensuing by-election held in October 2016 and Labour’s Tracy Brabin won a majority of more than 16,000, with the civic nationalist English Democrats in second place on 4.8% and a much-diminished BNP third on 2.7%.

Reaction to Jo Cox’s murder only briefly disguised an anti-Labour trend among White voters. As in neighbouring Dewsbury, many White voters have been repelled by what they see as an Asian takeover of the local Labour party and by policies of the Asian Labour-led Kirklees council. To some extent these voters (using Brexit as a proxy issue for unmentionable racial concerns) have drifted to the Tories in recent elections. Even though UKIP and the Brexit Party failed to make much progress here, a former UKIP activist formed a populist movement called the Heavy Woollen Independents (a reference to the former staple industry of this area) who polled 12.2% at the 2019 general election, leaving Labour even more dependent on the presumed loyalty of Asian voters, concentrated in the Batley part of the constituency.

Former Batley & Spen MP Jo Cox, who was murdered in 2016

So when Tracy Brabin won the inaugural mayoral election for West Yorkshire in May this year, causing a second Batley & Spen parliamentary by-election in five years, one can understand eyes lighting up across various populist and broadly nationalist movements. All the more so because of a mini-scandal that pushed Batley into nationwide headlines in March this year, when a teacher at Batley Grammar School was briefly suspended for showing his pupils a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed.

A crowded ballot paper of sixteen candidates for the by-election – held on July 1st – included several from the spectrum of pro-Brexit, populist, Islam-obsessed or broadly civic nationalism. Perhaps the best known to H&D readers were Anne-Marie Waters – the multiracialist but Islam-obsessed leader of the For Britain Movement, whose party includes several experienced racial nationalists even though its leader and her coterie are sincerely ‘anti-racist’; and Jayda Fransen, the anti-Islam campaigner and former deputy leader of Britain First who is nominal leader of Jim Dowson’s donation-hunting enterprise that calls itself the British Freedom Party (even though it isn’t and perhaps never will be a registered political party – so Ms Fransen had to stand as an Independent).

At the start of her campaign Ms Waters publicised an endorsement from ‘Tommy Robinson’, an ultra-Zionist career criminal who founded the English Defence League. Perhaps she hoped For Britain could become the political wing of the now defunct EDL – if so it was a foolish ambition.

Anne-Marie Waters outside Batley Grammar School during the campaign, where she attempted to make an issue out of the school’s suspension of one of its teachers for showing pupils a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed

The results declared early on the morning of July 2nd told their own story. Ms Waters finished twelfth of sixteen candidates with 97 votes (0.3%), while Ms Fransen was fifteenth with 50 votes (0.1%). This was little short of a disaster for civic, Islam-obsessed nationalism – especially since unlike Ms Fransen and her paymaster Dowson, Ms Waters and For Britain had attempted to fight a serious campaign, with seasoned political veterans including Eddy Butler and his wife Sue travelling from Essex, and former BNP activist Gary Bergin travelling from the Wirral.

Nor can they point to any other candidate from the same spectrum having cornered the White vote, as this entire spectrum polled poorly. The English Democrats (who at least had a relatively local candidate) fared best of a bad bunch with 207 votes (0.5%), followed by UKIP on 0.4%, the anti-lockdown Freedom Alliance on 0.3%, the SDP (once a centrist party but now pro-Brexit populists) on 0.1% a fraction ahead of Ms Fransen, and the ex-UKIP splinter Heritage Party (absolutely no connection to H&D!) polling even worse than Ms Fransen with a truly microscopic 0.05%.

Unlike the May local elections covered in Issue 102, one cannot explain these results in terms of a resurgent Tory Party taking the votes of pro-Brexit, racially conscious Whites. Contrary to expectations, the Tory vote actually fell here compared to 2019, and despite maverick charlatan George Galloway taking most of the Muslim vote, Labour managed to hold the seat, confounding pundits and bookmakers’ odds. The Tory campaign in the final few days was handicapped by the scandal that forced health minister Matt Hancock to resign last weekend, but almost every observer assumed this would merely reduce the size of an expected Tory victory.

The by-election result declared at 5.20 am. Candidates on stage include Anne-Marie Waters (second left); Labour winner Kim Leadbeater (with red rosette next to returning officer, centre); and George Galloway (far right). Jayda Fransen is not present, since she and Jim Dowson again fought no real campaign, in another cynical betrayal of British Freedom Party donors.

I’m writing this article within hours of the result, so this is very much an instant analysis, but these are some of the lessons I think we can draw from what was surely the most significant by-election in years for our broadly-defined movement.

  • Lunatic acts of political violence are a disaster for every wing of our movement, since even the most moderate civic nationalists are tarred by association in the minds of many potentially sympathetic voters. I’ve no doubt that many racially conscious folk cast their votes for Labour’s Kim Leadbeater because she is the sister of murdered MP Jo Cox.
  • Outside Northern Ireland and some Scottish islands, very few Whites in the UK now define their politics in religious terms – and they regard those who do as a bit mad. No offence to those H&D readers who are religious believers and for whom this is the centre of their lives, but we should not fool ourselves about faith’s lack of electoral impact. Even racially conscious voters do not respond well to a campaign that is ‘over the top’ in shrill references to Islam. We can imply such things in sensibly worded racial nationalist leaflets, but hysterical ‘Islamophobia’ is not a vote-winner.
  • George Galloway won most of the Muslim vote in Batley by campaigning on issues related to Palestine and Kashmir; but there is no equivalent bonus to be won among White voters by wrapping oneself in the Israeli flag. Aggressive Zionism is not a vote-winner among non-Jewish Britons, neither does it serve as an alibi for ‘racism’ as some former BNP veteran campaigners seem to believe.
  • While Kim Leadbeater undoubtedly lost many Muslim votes because she is a lesbian (in addition to other factors depressing the Asian Labour vote), and Anne-Marie Waters perhaps lost a few socially conservative White voters for the same reason, homosexuality is no longer an issue for the vast majority of White voters, though the ‘trans’ nonsense is another matter.
  • There continues to be no electoral benefit in campaigning against the government’s handling of the pandemic. Several parties focused on anti-lockdown policies all polled very poorly, especially the one for whom Covid-scepticism is its raison d’être, the Freedom Alliance whose candidate attracted only 100 votes (0.3%).
  • Brexit’s electoral relevance is at last fading, and the Tory party’s hold over sections of the White working class is a lot weaker than many pundits have assumed. It’s Hartlepool (the ultra-Brexity constituency that fell to the Tories by a big majority two months ago) that’s the exceptional ‘outlier’; there are far more constituencies broadly similar to Batley & Spen, including neighbouring Dewsbury, presently held by the Tories.
  • Kim Leadbeater won mainly due to White voters retaining (or returning to) traditional Labour loyalties. She lost most of the Muslim vote to George Galloway. In the probably unlikely event that Galloway can recruit high quality Muslim candidates to his new ‘Workers Party’, Labour might have difficulties in some other seats, but it’s more likely that they will just have problems turning out their Muslim voters after Keir Starmer’s shift of Labour policy away from hardline anti-Zionism. Most especially the modern left’s obsession with issues such as ‘trans rights’ will be a handicap in Muslim areas across Britain.
  • The many and various consequences of multiracialism continue to provide rich electoral potential for racial nationalists, if and when we get our own act together. Many For Britain activists logically belong in the same party as British Democrats leader Dr Jim Lewthwaite and Patriotic Alternative leaders Mark Collett and Laura Towler, as well as many other movement activists and veterans of the old BNP who are (temporarily?) in political retirement.

All of these questions and more will be the background to a discussion of nationalist strategy post-Brexit and post-Covid. We look forward to hearing readers’ views in forthcoming editions of H&D.

Covid-19 lockdowns in England’s racially ‘enriched’ areas

Tonight lockdown measures were suddenly reintroduced across large areas of northern England, where from midnight residents will be banned from any indoor meetings with people outside their immediate household. This will include pubs and restaurants, making the survival of some businesses very doubtful.

The government’s new rules were published just a few minutes before they came into effect at midnight.

Detailed examination of Covid-19 statistics that have led to this new lockdown show that as in Leicester, where the virus made its first big comeback, the areas concerned are predominantly those with very high Pakistani or Bangladeshi populations.

Yet the lockdown has been imposed across a vastly greater area, including many predominantly White districts where there is little or no sign of a Covid-19 resurgence.

The new measures will affect the whole of Greater Manchester; plus the East Lancashire boroughs of Blackburn with Darwen, Burnley, Hyndburn, Pendle, and Rossendale; plus the West Yorkshire metropolitan boroughs of Bradford, Calderdale and Kirklees; plus the city of Leicester.

Aside from Leicester, the vast area affected is broadly identical to the trans-Pennine region that saw the BNP’s major electoral advances almost twenty years ago. And the two phenomena – strong BNP votes in the early 2000s and a Covid-19 spike in 2020 – are of course related.

The common factor is that both were influenced by very high Asian populations, the behaviour of that particular minority and reactions to that behaviour.

Oldham – former cotton capital of the world, now one of the main Covid-19 hotspots

The statistics speak for themselves, to anyone who knows the racial geography of these areas (as the H&D team know very well). A detailed official map issued this morning gives a breakdown of confirmed new Covid-19 cases within the past week (20th-26th July), listed not merely by town but by much more detailed census areas within each town.

The much publicised Oldham outbreak featured Alexandra Park (22 new cases): this is the Glodwick area, one of the main Asian ghettos. Other hot spots included Chadderton SE (18); Werneth (16); Oldham Town South (10) and Busk – one of the original Bangladeshi areas in the Coldhurst council ward – (9). Also a scattering in several other Oldham areas.

But nothing (or below 3 anyway so not published) in the White working class Derker, Moorside & Sholver, or Alt areas of Oldham – once BNP strongholds. Perhaps a beneficial side-effect of Oldham’s notorious divisions.

In Rochdale, another very Asian area is the highlight: Wardleworth & Newbold Brow, with 21 new cases.

In Preston where H&D is based the outbreak is not as bad, and the city is not yet under lockdown, but those parts of Preston with most Covid cases are again Asian areas: notably St George’s (which includes some of the Deepdale area near Preston’s football ground) with 10 new cases in the past week. An exception is the mainly White working-class Brookfield & Holme Slack area (6 new cases).

The Jaame Masjid, Blackburn’s central mosque, in the Audley district that has seen a Covid-19 spike

Meanwhile in Blackburn with Darwen, where H&D editor Mark Cotterill was once a borough councillor and which is now under renewed lockdown, the worst hit areas are the very Asian Bastwell (23); Audley (18); and Central Blackburn (18).

It does seem likely that certain communities that have strong extended-family traditions, and might have held events, are leading to these latest outbreaks. In this context look at London, where there is very little in most White areas, and by Oldham/Blackburn standards no longer very much even in Asian areas, but Week 30’s highlights included Stamford Hill North (10 new cases); and Stamford Hill West (9 new cases), plus a scattering in other parts of Hackney.

It seems very likely that these are related to the Orthodox Jewish community which is particularly numerous in these areas; just as almost all the other outbreaks are related to areas with large Pakistani or Bangladeshi Muslim populations.

Today’s panic measure by the government is probably related to this weekend’s important Muslim festival of Eid al-Adha. Community leaders and local councils had already cancelled large public events, but there would certainly have been large, indoor, extended-family events in many of the areas now subject to a ban.

The question is whether at such short notice the ban will be communicated in time throughout areas where English might only be spoken at a very basic level, if at all.

Hindus rising to top of British Government

Priti Patel (above left) at a secret meeting with Israeli politician Yair Lapid in 2017

The highest level of Britain’s Government was rocked by an unprecedented resignation this weekend, after the top civil servant at the Home Office resigned, making extraordinary allegations against Home Secretary Priti Patel.

It had already been alleged a few days earlier that the Security Service MI5 “did not trust” Ms Patel with secret information, despite her being the senior minister responsible for MI5, as well as for counter-terrorism, policing, immigration and many other sensitive issues.

This is the second time in just over a year that Ms Patel has faced unwelcome headlines. In November 2017 she was forced to resign from then Prime Minister Theresa May’s Cabinet after admitting a series of secret meetings with Israeli officials and politicians including Benjamin Netanyahu.

Then and now, Jewish Chronicle editor Stephen Pollard was and is one of Ms Patel’s principal defenders.

The Hindu-Zionist axis at the top of UK politics: Priti Patel (above centre) with (left to right) Stuart Polak of Conservative Friends of Israel; Israeli Ambassador Mark Regev; and Lord Pickles, former Conservative Party chairman, now in charge of promoting plans for a vast Holocaust Memorial in Westminster.

Yet according to her Permanent Secretary at the Home Office Sir Philip Rutnam – one of the elite ‘mandarins’ of the British Civil Service usually legendary for their discretion – Ms Patel simply could not be believed and was impossible to work with.

Sir Philip is now beginning a legal action against the Government for ‘constructive dismissal’, ensuring that this damaging saga will continue for many months, just after Prime Minister Boris Johnson had already lost his most senior minister, Chancellor of the Exchequer Sajid Javid. This might have led Ms Patel to believe she is unsackable.

While many H&D readers no doubt share the widespread delusion that Muslims are the ethnic minority that wields political influence in Britain, the Patel saga is part of a wider story in which the ruling Conservative Party is seen to have effectively declared war on Muslims in Britain, while promoting a surprising number of Hindus to top positions and developing disturbing ties to the Hindu extremist government in India.

Ms Patel (the daughter of ethnic Indian immigrants who came to the UK from Uganda in the 1970s) is one of three Hindus in Boris Johnson’s Cabinet, all in very senior positions. Rishi Sunak is now Chancellor of the Exchequer: his grandparents were originally from the Punjab region of India and immigrated to the UK from Kenya in the 1960s. Mr Sunak (a former hedge fund manager who spent three years with Goldman Sachs) is married to the daughter of an Indian billionaire. He took his parliamentary oath on the Hindu holy book Bhagavad Gita, as did his newly promoted colleague Alok Sharma, Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy.

N.R. Narayana Murthy (above left with former PM David Cameron), Indian billionaire and father-in-law of new Chancellor of the Exchequer Rishi Sunak.

Mr Sharma was born in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh and immigrated to Britain aged 5. His wife is Swedish, but unlike his two Hindu colleagues in the Johnson Cabinet Mr Sharma represents an ethnically diverse constituency (Reading West) in contrast to the very White constituencies in North Yorkshire and Essex represented by Mr Sunak and Ms Patel.

There are no Muslim ministers serving at any level of Johnson’s government, let alone in the cabinet. Johnson’s only Muslim colleague – Nusrat Ghani, a junior transport minister, was sacked in this month’s reshuffle. She is one of only four Muslim Tory MPs, one of whom – the newly elected MP for Wakefield, Imran Ahmad-Khan, is a very atypical Muslim, having been described as “openly gay” in several press releases which have since been corrected!

This is a remarkable over-representation of Hindus, who amount to 1.3% of the UK population yet hold two of the top three ministerial posts in the Johnson Cabinet, the other being Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab, whose father was a Czech Jewish immigrant. Muslims are 4.4% of the UK population, yet have no ministers in either the cabinet or more junior roles.

Three Hindus at the top of the British Government: (above left to right) Priti Patel, Rishi Sunak, and Alok Sharma.

British diplomats raised concerns during last year’s general election about explicit links between India’s extremist Hindu government and the Conservative Party campaign.

Another ethnic minority Tory who gained promotion is Buddhist Suella Braverman, now Attorney General, who took her oath of allegiance on the Dhammapada. Ms Braverman (whose family origins are on the formerly Portuguese-controlled Indian island of Goa) has also faced recent media controversy after it was revealed that she belongs to a Buddhist sect whose founder was an alleged sexual predator.

Tories expel ‘Islamophobes’

Baroness Warsi, former chairman of the Conservative Party, has called for an inquiry into ‘Islamophobia’ in Tory ranks

The Conservative Party today expelled fourteen members for alleged ‘Islamophobic’ posts on a Facebook page.

This followed the resignation of Peter Lamb, who had been due to stand as a Conservative candidate in May’s local elections for Harlow Borough Council.

Mr Lamb had made several anti-Muslim posts on Twitter and had become the focus of demands by the party’s former chairman Baroness Warsi (herself Muslim) for an internal inquiry into the extent of Tory ‘Islamophobia’.

Peter Lamb has quit as a Tory council candidate following controversy over his anti-Muslim posts on Twitter

Many of the comments by purported Tory activists are remarkably stupid, but it does look as though Prime Minister Theresa May has seized on this mini-scandal in an effort to contrast her party with Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour, where Jewish activists claim there has been a reluctance to deal with ‘anti-semitism’.

However like many such unprincipled gestures, it risks tainting the Tories among potential UKIPish, ‘BNP-lite’ voters, while failing to gain them much on the other side, because most committed liberal, obsessive ‘antiracists’ wouldn’t vote Tory at present in any case – unless they are Jews on the liberal left who prioritise defeating Corbyn, in which case they probably don’t care about Islamophobia…

Prof. Rob Ford of Manchester University (co-author of a book about the rise of UKIP) has posted interesting comments about the Tories’ dilemma over multiculturalism. (see series of tweets below)

Many H&D readers will think Prof Ford is too obsessed by the supposed need to modernise the Tories long-term in order to capture liberal/non-white votes. An equally plausible route to power would be to appeal to White social conservatives.

At present one big problem is that many of these, while potentially agreeing with a conservative agenda on immigration and other social issues, profoundly disagree with the Tory (and for that matter UKIP) policies on economic austerity, privatisation of former nationalised industries such as rail and the Post Office, and the worship of the ‘free’ market.

Ending the “reign of egoism”: Tolkien and Le Pen’s granddaughter

Dr Joseph Pearce, now a Roman Catholic scholar in the USA but probably better known to most H&D readers for his days as a young NF activist and Bulldog editor in the 1980s, has just published a preview of the forthcoming film Tolkien.

Not without reason, Dr Pearce speculates that the new film will amount to “Wormtongue’s revenge”, and will seek to impose homosexual/bisexual themes that have nothing to do with Tolkien’s life and work.

H&D is not a religious journal and we do not concern ourselves with questions of personal morality or the private lives of individuals.

However it is interesting to read Dr Pearce’s article in the context of last year’s speech by Marion Maréchal Le Pen (granddaughter of French National Front founder Jean-Marie Le Pen) to the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), an event where H&D used to be represented before the usual suspects ensured that our editor Mark Cotterill was excluded from the USA!

Marion Maréchal (as she now likes to be known to avoid confusion with her aunt Marine Le Pen), presented a challenge to Anglo-American conservative assumptions, which for at least the past couple of centuries have tended to be based on individualism.

Denouncing what she termed the “reign of egoism”, she pointed out:

“Today, even children have now become merchandise. We hear now in the public debate, we have the right to order a child from a catalog, we have the right to rent a woman’s womb, we have the right to deprive a child of a mother or father. No you don’t! A child is not a ‘right’. Is this the freedom that we want? No. We don’t want this atomized world of individuals without gender, without fathers, without mothers, and without nation.”

Analysing this CPAC speech for The American Conservative, Rod Dreher suggested that the contrast between Marion Maréchal’s speech and individualist philosophy normally encountered in such circles emphasised “how very, very Protestant most American conservatism is”, and that “even American Catholics are a lot more Protestant in how they think politically than they realize”. He also linked to an earlier commentary on the same speech by Michael Brendan Dougherty for National Review.

One doesn’t have to be a Catholic – or even a Christian – to get their point, nor does one have to be a racial nationalist. These ideas would be familiar academically to anyone who has read the works of Max Weber or R.H. Tawney (the latter was an Anglo-Catholic socialist).

Tolkien of course was a lifelong Catholic, and one of the underlying themes of The Lord of the Rings is the rejection of selfish power-seeking in favour of traditional community values – the values of the Shire as opposed to the values of Mordor.

H&D readers will justifiably fear that such values will either be absent or treated with postmodern contempt in the forthcoming Tolkien film.

Trump vs Clinton: America’s first post-Christian election?

trump-religion

For European nationalists, American politics traditionally seem alien in several respects, including the role of religion.  Christianity (usually in its protestant, ‘fundamentalist’ variants) has been an essential ingredient of ‘right-wing’ political movements in the USA, whereas in most of Europe it was marginal (at best).

Donald Trump seems to have changed all that.  During the Republican presidential primaries, it was obvious that he had little support among Christian fundamentalists, most of whom rallied behind Trump’s main rival, Ted Cruz. Similarly the main Jewish Republican powerbrokers, such as casino magnate Sheldon Adelson, whose financial clout has traditionally been allied to Protestant fundamentalists in promoting Republican presidential candidates since the Reagan era, have been lukewarm at best towards Trump.

As the critical phase of the campaign begins, with tonight’s first presidential debate, the so-called Christian Right is now (mostly) coming off the fence and declaring for Trump as the lesser of two evils, given that Hillary Clinton would be a nightmare candidate for traditional Christians on issues such as abortion and homosexual marriage.

One influential Christian Right leader, Russell Moore of the Southern Baptist Convention, remains hostile to Trump.  Moreover there is now a clear divide within American Christianity: Catholic voters are heavily pro-Clinton according to latest polls.  This is partly because of the large bloc of Hispanic Catholics, who are for obvious reasons likely to be especially hostile to Trump: but this cannot wholly explain the swing.  Clearly Trump is also losing heavily among White Catholics.

Around one-quarter of the US electorate is Catholic, and in recent polls they have split 55-32 or 61-34 in favour of Clinton.  When Mitt Romney lost to Barack Obama in 2012, he was only 50-48 behind among Catholics.  In 2004 George W. Bush won the Catholic vote, as did his father in 1988.

Caridinal Keith O'Brien, leader of Scotland's Catholics, with former SNP leader Alex Salmond.  Among the most significant changes in recent Scottish politics has seen many Scottish Catholics abandoning their traditional adherence to Labour.

Cardinal Keith O’Brien, leader of Scotland’s Catholics until his disgrace in a homosexual scandal, with former SNP leader Alex Salmond. Among the most significant changes in recent Scottish politics has seen many Scottish Catholics abandoning their traditional adherence to Labour.

In the UK, there has traditionally been a clear lead for Labour among Catholic voters, although one of the most interesting aspects of last year’s general election was that Scottish Catholics for the first time backed the Scottish National Party in large numbers.  (The SNP was once seen as a Protestant party, but its former leader Alex Salmond assiduously cultivated the Catholic hierarchy.)

However in the UK the vast majority of voters are not genuine practitioners of any religion.  Only 11% of Britons now claim that they attend some form of religious service at least once a month, though there are much larger numbers of nominal Christians.

In the most recent detailed survey of England and Wales, those openly admitting that they have “no religion” amounted to 48.5%: for the first time this is now the largest sub-group, ahead of all Christians combined, who amount to 43.8% (though most of these do not practice their religion in any meaningful sense).  All non-Christian religions combined add up to just 7.7% of the UK population, though of course this is a growing minority, and most of these have more than a nominal attachment to their religion.

The sharpest declines are among practising Anglicans, once the bedrock of the Conservative Party, and the various (White) non-Anglican Protestant churches.  Every undergraduate history student, for example, was once familiar with the argument that the origins of the Labour Party “owed more to Methodism than to Marx”, yet the House of Commons post-2015 now has not a single Methodist MP. The typical non-Anglican Protestant today is more likely to be an inner-city African than an English or Welsh chapel-goer.

 

The Myth of the Muslim Vote

Miliband ethnics

Many nationalist blogs and forums would have you believe that Muslim voters exercise significant political power, forcing party leaders to curry favour with them at the expense of White voters.

But is this true?  There is no doubt that the number of Muslim voters in Britain has increased dramatically in recent years, as children and grandchildren of the original Asian immigrant generations have grown up, and their numbers have been swelled by more recent arrivals from Africa.  Also there is no doubt that Muslims tend to turn out to vote at elections, in much greater proportions than some other minority groups such as the (mainly Christian) Afro-Caribbeans.

Nevertheless to have real influence even in a very close contest such as next week’s general election, Muslims would need to have two extra factors on their side: they would have to be concentrated in potentially marginal seats, and it would have to be credible that they could switch between the major contending parties.

The truth is that neither of these factors apply.  There are forty constituencies (out of the UK total 650) that are more than 15% Muslim, and of these only five are truly in the balance: two Lib Dem held seats being targeted by Labour (Birmingham Yardley and Bradford East), and most crucially three presently Conservative seats on Labour’s key target list (Pendle, Dewsbury and Ilford North).  In the latter case the importance of the Jewish vote (6.5% – plus ethnic Jews who are listed on the census as ‘no religion’) partly counterbalances the Muslim vote (15.3%), and the odds are that pro-Israel Tory MP Lee Scott will survive. Meanwhile in Pendle and Dewsbury the influence of UKIP will probably combine with Muslims moving from Lib Dem to Labour, and produce Labour gains.  In Bradford East the incumbent Lib Dem MP David Ward has desperately burnished his anti-Zionist credentials in a bid to avoid what seems sure defeat.

Of the rest 33 are safe Labour while one – Brent Central – is a certain Labour gain from the Lib Dems this year, and is such an ethnic and religious hotchpotch that its 21.2% Muslim population could never be seen as decisive anyway. Birmingham Hall Green was close in 2010 only because of the strong Respect campaign by local councillor Salma Yaqoob. With her retirement and the decline of Respect everywhere outside George Galloway’s Bradford, Hall Green is sure to be safe Labour this year.

That leaves just Bradford West – 51.3% Muslim and sensationally won by George Galloway in a 2012 by-election – where we really do see a contest that is all about the Muslim vote, though with many local peculiarites (in this case ‘local’ means Pakistani village politics transferred to Yorkshire).  Galloway will almost certainly win, but this underlines the real truth that Muslim voters will have very little influence on the outcome of the 2015 General Election, and very little influence on the next government.

Obituary – Edward Walter Carr (1917 – 2015)

It is with really great sadness that I have to announce the death of H&D’s oldest subscriber – Edward Walter Carr, who passed away peacefully in the early hours of Sunday 29th March, at a nursing home in Worcestershire.

Walter Carr (1918-2005)

Walter Carr (1917-2015)

Walter was one of the few remaining nationalists who was active pre-War, with Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists (BUF). And like OM he was interned (under the second phase of Defence Regulation 18B) in May 1940 with over a thousand of his Blackshirt comrades.

After World War Two Walter again became active with OM in his post-war Union Movement (UM), and like many in the UM went into the League of St George in the early 1970s.

From the League Walter joined the National Front (NF) but only after John Kingsley Read (whom he did not like – to put it mildly!) had departed to form his rival National Party.

Walter (and his son Michael) soon got an active NF group going in and around the Worcestershire town of Kidderminster.

I was living in Worcester and joined the NF in September 1977 (shortly after the battle of Lewisham and the Ladywood by-election the month before). However there was no NF group (then) in Worcester, so I was invited by the neighbouring Kidderminster group to attend their monthly meeting.

This I did (with another YNF member and ex-school friend Ian Russell), and the rest as they say is history! The meeting was held at a traditional Banks pub – the Corn Exchange – just outside of “Kiddy” town centre.

As 17-year-olds going to our very first political meeting, both Ian and I were a bit apprehensive of who and what we might expect to find as we entered the pub! If memory serves me right, the first person we met as we entered the pub was Walter’s son Michael, who warmly greeted us and bought us a pint each of Banks bitter (we did not worry about all that pub ID stuff in those days! – If you looked 18 you got served, end of story).

Kidderminster NF branch meeting in 1979, activists include Michael Carr (far left), Wilf Evans (second right), Reg Brooks (whose widow Judith left one of the first major legacies to the Griffin-era BNP).

Kidderminster NF branch meeting in 1979, activists include (left to right): Walter’s son Michael Carr, Terry Jackson, Wilf Evans, Reg Brooks (whose widow Judith left one of the first major legacies to the Griffin-era BNP).

As we entered the “Snug room” – where the meeting was being held, I met Walter Carr for the first time. He was the group’s local NF organiser, and must have been about 59 or 60 then (which at the time seemed ancient to me as a young lad of 17!).

A few weeks later I went on my first NF march which was in the Manchester/Stockport area (the same day as Webster staged his “one man march” through Hyde). I sat by Walter on the coach, and he (and his son Michael) took me under their wing(s) so to speak.

This was the first of many NF marches, demonstrations and rallies up and down the country that I would attend with Walter and Michael Carr, up until the 1979 General election (when I quit). I remember Walter buying a set of three or four sewn union jack flags, complete with brass flag poles, so that he and Michael could go in the flag party at the front of NF marches. When I asked him why he had gone to so much trouble and expense, he said that he had to, as “that as where you picked up all the internal (gossip) on what was really happening inside the NF leadership”!

I remember how shocked I (and many others) were, when travelling by coach to a march in London, Walter suddenly told us that Martin Webster was a “poof” (homosexual) and many other members in London were “queer”, and in fact the “queers” had taken control of two key branches (I think Wandsworth in the south and Islington in the north). To say that we were all flabbergasted would have been a massive understatement. I did not think we had any “poofs” in NF as we were meant to be anti-queer. How very wrong I was!

Even though we set up our own Worcester NF group in 1978, I worked quite closely with Walter and his Kidderminster NF group for the next couple of years. Unlike most branches and groups who held monthly meetings, Kidderminster NF held fortnightly meetings. These meetings very rarely had formal speakers, but even so they were still interesting and attracted a wide range of NF members (and other nationalists) from around the West Midlands – not just Worcestershire.

I later realised why. Walter would bring along all sorts of radical publications from both Britain (League Review, NS News and British Patriot) and the USA (The Thunderbolt, White Power and National Vanguard) – all by the way were proscribed by the NF’s (then) national activities organiser Martin Webster (who would have had a fit if he had seen them being sold there!).  Walter would do a roaring trade out of his stocky brown briefcase that he would bring along to almost every meeting.

Myself and the other members of course bought copies of Spearhead and NF News, but Walter’s publications were a lot more interesting – and racist!

At the infamous 1979 General Election, Walters’s group stood two candidates – Albert Luckman in Kidderminster (1052 votes – 1.7%) and Capt. Ray Adshead (who later went on to be the BNP’s first West Midlands organiser) in Ludlow (354 votes 0.9%). For a small group this was an excellent effort, but I expect Walter put more than his fare share of pound notes towards the costs.

Ray Adshead, first West Midlands organiser of the BNP

Ray Adshead, first West Midlands organiser of the BNP

Albert Luckman, 1979 NF candidate for Kidderminster.

Albert Luckman, 1979 NF candidate for Kidderminster.

The general election was a disaster for the NF, who lost all their deposits in the 301 (or 303) seats they contested, and not long after the party split up into four or five factions.  Walter left the NF and joined the faction based mainly in the Midlands, led by Anthony Reed Herbert. It was first called the British Peoples Party (BPP), but soon changed its name to the British Democratic Party (BDP), as Reed Herbert did not want his new moderate party tainted with a name linked to a pre-war “Fascist party” – although I doubt this would have bothered Walter!

The BDP did not last long, and after Reed Herbert was “outed” on a World in Action TV programme (selling/buying guns) – he fled to the Irish Republic, where he stayed for many years.

Walter got back in touch with his former leader John Tyndall, who by then had formed his own party the New National Front (NNF). Walter along with JT’s West Midland organiser Keith Axon organised a meeting to launch a Worcestershire NNF, which was held in the Corn Exchange pub (but this time in the much larger upstairs room).

If I remember right, eight of us went from Worcester – in two cars. The room was packed out and everyone seemed keen to get behind JT and the NNF. Like Walter I decided to join the NNF and give it go.

However, as any nationalist who was around in those days will tell you, it was bloody hard work even to keep what you had – let alone make any progress. A few months later the NNF merged with a few other nationalists and formed the British National Party (BNP).

From what I can remember it all started to go wrong after we attended the BNP’s “Support the Falklands” St George’s Day march in London in April 1982. The turnout was very poor – maybe only 300-400 turned up (however it would get a lot worse, with fewer than 100 turning out the following year). Walter’s son Michael and a few other Kiddy members refused to go on the march, due to its small size (remember they were use to attending marches of well over a thousand by the “old NF”) and that was it. There was a massive fall out between the local, regional, and national BNP leadership and Kiddy BNP ceased to exist from then on.

The BNP's Falklands march in London, 1982.

The BNP’s Falklands march in London, 1982.

Walter had got tired – bored even – of British nationalist politics, and he joined Ben Klassen’s World Church of the Creator organisation – which was based in the USA. Walter flew out to North Carolina to meet Klassen and was ordained into his “church”. Back in England Walter ordered and distributed hundreds – maybe a thousand copies of Klassen’s books “White Man’s Bible and Nature’s Eternal Religion – many were sent unsolicited to ministers in the Church of England and priests in the Roman Catholic Church!

Walter also went out to Australia, where he had spent much of his boyhood. His parents had “sold up and moved out Down Under” in the mid-1920s for a better life. However, it never worked out that way and less than ten years later Walter was back in the UK. During his second trip to Australia he traced and found the land where he and his parents had lived: it was nothing really more than a few tin huts.

After the BNP won the Millwall by-election in east London in 1993, and both votes and membership started to go up again, Walter decided to have another go at British nationalist politics and rejoined the BNP.

During the June 1999 European Election campaign, Walter did what many called a “marathon loudspeaking tour” of parts of the three Euro constituencies. He and a BNP colleague covered many hundreds of miles, roving from Staffordshire all the way down to the M25 around London – and then back up again shouting “Vote BNP” and other slogans through a loud hailer!

However, not long after the election he fell out with both BNP leader John Tyndall and West Midlands organiser Keith Axon over internal financial matters. The matter could not be resolved and Walter walked away from the BNP.

It was not too long before he returned to the BNP though. After JT lost the leadership election to Nick Griffin in September 1999, lots of things inside the BNP changed. The new pro-Griffin leadership in the West Midlands, Steve and Sharon Edwards and Simon Darby ousted Keith Axon and the few remaining Tydallites. And not long after Walter returned and rejoined the BNP, now under the firm control of Nick Griffin.

It was financial problems within the BNP leadership that caused Walter to walk away from the BNP for the final time almost two years later in 2001. This time it was Nick Griffin himself who was at the centre of the scandal. Walter sided with Steve and Sharon Edwards, Mike Newland and others and quit the BNP in disgust.

I was on the “other side” then, and sided with Griffin. I remember Walter writing to me in America (I was chairman of the American Friends of the BNP then) and urging me to support the rebellion against Griffin. Foolishly I did not listen to Walter and even wrote him a rather stupid letter, stating why he was wrong for going against Griffin and why I was right for supporting Griffin! – Well you live and learn!

Thankfully a few years later (2005) I had the chance to apologize to Walter in person, at the very first JT memorial meeting (in Milton Keynes). I remember Walter referred to what went on at the meeting as “back-slapping”, where everybody said what a good fellow JT was and what great people were on the top table – “let’s all us congratulate ourselves!”

Anyway, Walter bought a copy of Heritage and Destiny from me at that meeting, and became a subscriber and good supporter of the magazine, right up until his dying day. He often sent me letters, press cuttings and he emailed me hordes of interesting links once he had got the hang of the internet!

He lived in his own house – by himself – in the small town of Powick – near Worcester, almost right up until the end of last year. However after coming out of hospital for the final time, he was deemed too unwell to look after himself. So his son Michael found him a lovely nursing home where he lived out his final months.

I really don’t know that much about Walter’s long life – 97 years in total. So if any H&D reader can help me fill me in on some of the many large gaps, so a better and much fuller obituary can be published in a future issue of H&D (hard-copy version) it would be very much appreciated. Also does anybody have photos of Walter which they could lend me?

Mark Cotterill
Editor/Publisher – Heritage and Destiny

Winding up the EDL

Tommy Robinson and Kevin Carroll led young nationalists down a treacherous path of support for Israel: their true agenda is now clear.

Heritage and Destiny has warned on many occasions during the past three or four years that the leadership of the English Defence League was manipulating its naive followers, and that the real EDL agenda was the opposite of genuine nationalism.

This week the movement’s two founders – Stephen Yaxley-Lennon (alias Tommy Robinson) and his cousin Kevin Carroll – dramatically resigned.  They have chosen to team up with the Quilliam Foundation, an “anti-extremist” group which is partly funded by the British state.  Quilliam’s leaders are defectors from the hardline Muslim group Hizb ut-Tahrir, but they now promote the full liberal agenda.

Notably Quilliam leader Ed Husain defends the State of Israel, calling for a “two state solution” and opposing campaigns to boycott Israeli products.

Husain is a natural ally for the EDL leadership, whose previous adventure in “democratic” politics was their takeover of the British Freedom Party, which promptly allied itself with the terrorist Jewish Defence League before collapsing in ignominy.  For H&D‘s detailed exposé of the BFP-JDL tie-up, click here and follow the link to download a PDF report.

There have been two fatal errors that regularly tempt nationalists. One is to abandon politics in favour of provocative street marches.  These can have a useful purpose, in showing that our enemies cannot command the streets – but some nationalist leaders remain trapped in a time warp, deluding themselves that a wave of street activism will carry them to power: a Mussolini-style March on London, or perhaps a Leeds beer hall putsch.

Many of the movement’s younger supporters find these more fun than the hard grind of pushing out election leaflets etc., but large scale street activities too often degenerate into displays of exactly those aspects of nationalism that most repel ordinary Britons, feeding a media stereotype of drunken yobbery.

The other fatal temptation for nationalist leaders is (by contrast) to become obsessed by developing a ‘populist’ agenda supposedly more acceptable to ordinary folk and approved by the media.  Thus such leaders insist that ideological consistency (or even basic political honesty) is unimportant.  Nationalists should find whatever aspect of popular prejudice and media hype is vaguely similar to our agenda, and should then relentlessly pursue that line.

The EDL leadership pursued both of these errors simultaneously!

On the one hand they promoted increasingly ill-disciplined mass demonstrations; while on the other they sought to purge the EDL of any “racist” associations, insisting that they were only opposed to militant Islam, and were positively in favour of multiracialism.  And needless to say, they were staunch “anti-fascists” and ultra-Zionists, allowing not one word of criticism of Israel.

And so for several years a generation of potential nationalist activists has been encouraged to waste time on increasingly pointless street demonstrations, annoying the general public, entertaining Searchlight and police photographers, and sometimes acquiring criminal records. Meanwhile making absolutely no political progress and poisoning their minds with an anti-British ideology.

The logical conclusion was reached this week.  The useful idiocy of the EDL has served its purpose, and its secret backers have decided to move on, leaving a tragic legacy of wasted effort and betrayal of the many decent patriots who flocked to the EDL banner.

They can’t say they weren’t warned: let us hope that whatever activists remain will learn from these catastrophic errors.

Stephen Yaxley-Lennon (‘Tommy Robinson’) addressed a press conference this week at the exclusive 4-star Montague Hotel in Bloomsbury, London, explaining his decision to stand down from the EDL.

 

The EDL leader displayed his support for the liberal agenda of multiracial ‘anti-fascism’.

Nick Griffin’s road to Damascus

A younger Nick Griffin (left) with his then National Front colleague Derek Holland visiting Libya in 1988.

Today’s Times reports the arrival of Nick Griffin in Lebanon, and no doubt tomorrow’s papers will update the story now that the BNP leader has crossed the border into Syria and arrived in Damascus.

We have made many criticisms of Nick Griffin over the years, but several of his recent statements would not be out of place in Heritage and Destiny!

  • Distancing the BNP from the cretinous Zionist thuggery of the English Defence League.
  • Arguing against successive British governments’ wars for Israel.
  • Defending the Syrian government against relentless Western propaganda, and exposing the terrorism of anti-Assad rebels.
  • Endorsing the Lebanese Shia party Hezbollah in recent online comments.

That said, The Times is justified in pointing out the remarkable contortions and contradictions in Mr Griffin’s comments on the Middle East over the years.

During the mid-1980s he was a leading spokesman for the most militantly anti-Zionist faction of British nationalism, which became the “political soldier” faction of the National Front, and eventually the “International Third Position”.  In this capacity he visited the Libyan capital Tripoli in 1988 and sought funds from Col. Gadaffi.

As leader of the BNP after 1999 he remained pro-Gadaffi, but only because he saw the Libyan dictator as anti-Islamist, and by now Mr Griffin was hostile to all Muslims – apparently endorsing neo-conservative notions of a “clash of civilisations” between Islam and the West.

In January 2009 for example Mr Griffin criticised the BBC for “anti-Israel bias” and condemned “neo-nazi cranks” within nationalism who opposed Israel, saying that the destruction of the Zionist state would “inspire and radicalise a whole new generation of Jihadist fanatics”.

Mr Griffin now concluded that the survival of Israel was “in our clear national interest”.

Only a year or two ago, Mr Griffin was still condemning both the “Sunni and Shiite fundamentalists in Saudi Arabia and Iran”.  Now he seems to have decided (correctly as it happens) that only the Saudi Wahhabis should be criticised (though in H&D‘s view he should go a lot further in his historical analysis of this phenomenon).

Some cynics might argue that Mr Griffin has no genuine ideological (still less scholarly) interest in the region, and is motivated solely by the search for cheap headlines and potential donors.

But perhaps we should not be too cynical, and as Mr Griffin follows the road to Damascus we should remember the words of St Luke’s gospel:

I say unto you, that likewise joy shall be in heaven over one sinner that repenteth, more than over ninety and nine just persons, which need no repentance.

 

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