Hindu tribal vote saves Tories in Uxbridge: civic nationalists fail again

On a generally disastrous night for Rishi Sunak’s Conservative Party, the Prime Minister was saved by his fellow Hindus from what would otherwise have been a historic hat-trick of defeats.

Two safe Tory seats were lost on massive swings – the rural West Country constituency Somerton & Frome falling to the Liberal Democrats, and the previously ultra-Tory North Yorkshire constituency of Selby & Ainsty electing a Labour MP.

But Uxbridge & South Ruislip in North West London – which should have been a much easier target for Labour – narrowly stayed Tory with a wafer-thin majority of 495 votes.

With good reason, most of the media will focus on the London Mayor’s unpopular ‘Ulez’ policy – the extension of the Ultra Low Emission Zone that imposes a fee on drivers of the most polluting vehicles. The Conservative campaign in Uxbridge focused almost entirely on this issue, even though in principle Ulez was first agreed by the Conservative London Mayor Boris Johnson in 2015. No doubt the Tories were also helped by their candidate being a local, middle-aged family man; whereas Labour brought in a young homosexual candidate from Camden (a very different part of London). However we should also note that another young homosexual candidate won a historic victory for Labour on the same day in Selby & Ainsty.

But the media will ignore another vital factor. Uxbridge & South Ruislip is 8.6% Hindu (almost five times the national average of 1.8%). Evidence from local elections since Sunak became leader has shown that Hindus have swung heavily to the Tories (evidently for tribal reasons), and many Tories have close ties to the Hindu fundamentalist government of Indian prime minister Narendra Modi. The problem for Sunak and his party is that there are not that many constituencies in the UK where Hindus are a significant electoral force. England is 6.7% Muslim but only 1.8% Hindu.

This week’s by-elections were yet another predictable disaster for civic nationalism. UKIP (now a moribund shadow of the party that won 24 European parliamentary seats and forced David Cameron to promise a Brexit referendum) fought two of the three, and polled joke votes even by their standards. UKIP deputy leader Rebecca Jane took only 61 votes (0.2%) in Uxbridge, and might be wishing she was back in one of her old roles as ‘reality TV’ contestant and Marilyn Monroe impersonator. Peter Richardson in Somerton & Frome fared only slightly better with 0.7%.

By far the biggest name in civic nationalism, actor Laurence Fox, stood in Uxbridge for his Reclaim party which is little more than a one-man band, but well-financed. His 714 votes (2.3%) were an improvement on the 1% taken by his former deputy Martin Daubney in Reclaim’s previous by-election effort (North Shropshire in December 2021), but Fox’s donors must be starting to wonder whether this is the best use of their cash.

The anti-vaccination campaigner Piers Corbyn (brother of former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn) also stood in Uxbridge but polled only 101 votes (0.3%): perhaps even his strongest supporters will now wake up to the fact that there is absolutely no electoral potential in peddling conspiracy theories about the pandemic.

In Somerton & Frome, Reform UK (which is clearly the largest successor party to UKIP on the civic nationalist scene, but equally clearly is failing to make any serious headway) lost yet another deposit, polling 1,303 votes (3.4%).

Similarly in Selby & Ainsty, Reform UK took only 1,332 votes (3.7%), beaten not only by the Greens but by the regionalist Yorkshire Party. Another ex-UKIP splinter party, the Heritage Party (founded by half-Jamaican anti-vaccination campaigner David Kurten) managed just 162 votes (0.5%).

These were the ninth and tenth successive Reform UK lost deposits in parliamentary by-elections: a stark contrast to some national opinion polls and the regular hyping of the party by Nigel Farage and his friends at GB News.

The truth is that the ‘free market’ capitalist ideology that underpins both Reform UK and the Tories offers no solution to the UK’s immigration crisis and related crises in housing and transport policy.

The challenge for any racial nationalist party that gets its act together to fill the UK’s political vacuum will be to link London’s chronic overcrowding to the transport issue. Crude populist gestures against the ‘Ulez’ policy won’t suffice. Nationalists have to reclaim the green agenda as our own, not reject it – but we need to explain that a green agenda means ending the mass immigration, multiculti madness.

July by-elections confirm civic nationalist chaos

Three parliamentary by-elections being held on 20th July confirm the chaotic state of civic nationalism in the post-Brexit era, but also reflect the absence of racial nationalism from the electoral arena.

Selby & Ainsty has thirteen candidates, including two parties that emerged from the wreck of UKIP (Reform UK and Heritage) and the SDP (who nowadays are a pro-Brexit, socially conservative, but economically left-wing party). There are also two independents and two ‘no description’.

Unusually the environmentalist vote is also split, with a Green Party candidate but also someone from the Climate Party, which was founded last year as a conservative green party.  They are ‘right-wing’ in the sense of being pro-business and focused on the single issue of fighting climate change, rather than all the other trendy leftist policies that the Green Party now stand for.

But of course neither the Climate Party nor the Green Party recognises that mass immigration and unchecked population growth in the Third World is part of the threat to our planet’s future. Neither of these parties recognises that ecological politics, the organic food movement etc. were pioneered by German national socialists such as the Third Reich’s Minister of Food and Agriculture, Walther Darré, and British fascists such as Henry Williamson and Rolf Gardiner.

(The latter’s son – eminent Bach scholar and conductor Sir John Eliot Gardiner, who as a personal friend of King Charles III conducted some of the music at the recent Coronation – inherited his father’s interest in organic farming but not other aspects of his fascism.)

The Climate Party are also fighting the Uxbridge by-election, where their candidate is the party leader Ed Gemmell who is also a councillor in Buckinghamshire.

In Uxbridge & South Ruislip there are seventeen candidates. The interesting thing is that Reform UK are not contesting this one, and have presumably done a deal with Reclaim’s Laurence Fox – his party’s second parliamentary candidate after a disastrous debut by Fox’s then deputy Martin Daubney, who polled less than 1% at North Shropshire in 2021.

As well as Fox, the Uxbridge ballot paper includes the anti-vaxxer Piers Corbyn (brother of the former Labour leader), and UKIP’s deputy leader Rebecca Jane (aka Rebecca Jane Sutton) who has an eccentric background even by her party’s standards. She was born in Barrowford (near Pendle, Lancashire) and used to live in Burnley, where her jobs included working as a Marilyn Monroe lookalike and running a private detective agency. She has also ‘starred’ in a couple of reality TV series including Big Brother.

There are four independents, two of whom are single-issue campaigners who have changed their names to include the words ‘Anti-Ulez’ and ‘No-Ulez’ (referring to the controversial ‘Ultra Low Emission Zone’ that imposes charges on the most polluting vehicles. This was originally a Boris Johnson policy, approved in theory when he was Mayor, but Sadiq Khan was Mayor by the time it was implemented.
Others on the Uxbridge ballot paper include the SDP, Christian Peoples Alliance (whose candidate is, as usual, an African) and Rejoin EU, as well as the Climate Party mentioned above.

By comparison to the other two 20th July by-elections, Somerton & Frome has a conventional ballot paper with just eight candidates, including Reform UK and UKIP. This is the only one of the three by-elections where Nigel Farage’s new party and his old party are fighting each other.

The Mid Bedfordshire by-election date hasn’t yet been set, but I’d guess will be September or October.
And it seems possible there will be a by-election in Tamworth, because there’s a report due to be published on the homosexual Tory Chris Pincher who had to resign as deputy chief whip after a scandal that helped bring down Boris.  Pincher lost the Tory whip in July last year but has remained as an independent MP for the last 12 months while the investigation continued.

The bad news for failing Prime Minister Rishi Sunk is that both Mid Bedfordshire and Tamworth are very safe Tory seats. If his party loses either or both of these, in addition to the pretty certain defeat at Uxbridge, and the fairly likely defeats at Selby & Ainsty and Somerton & Frome, then it’s not impossible the Tories might seek another very late change of leader before next year’s General Election.

And the bad news for H&D readers is that despite the Tory collapse, Reform UK’s continuing failure, and widespread distrust of Labour – there is no sign whatsoever of even a vaguely credible movement party. In 1972 the Uxbridge by-election proved that the National Front was a serious party, and ignited that party’s most successful period during the mid-1970s. More than half a century later, this year’s Uxbridge contest is likely to prove both that civic nationalism and single issue obsessions are electorally bankrupt, and that there is a political vacuum waiting to be filled by any racial nationalist party that can get its act together on a national scale.

When is a party a “major party”?

Many H&D readers will recently have received a fundraising email from Britain First, stating that they have been classed as a “major party” by the Electoral Commission and consequently must find £6,000 to pay for the auditing of their accounts.

Some might (wrongly) imagine that this “major party” status has something to do with election results or with the number of candidates that a party stands.

In fact it seems to be largely a financial matter. Any party whose income or expenditure (or both) is over £250,000 must file audited accounts, which are published on the Electoral Commission’s website.

The most recent accounts of this type relate to the year ending December 2021, when nineteen parties fell into this category.

Some of these are the obvious “major parties” but there were some interesting anomalies. For example, Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV), which by normal reckoning might be thought a “major party” in Northern Ireland, where its leader Jim Allister is a member of the Stormont Assembly, was not among the nineteen parties with turnover above £250,000.

However, a tiny vanity party – the London Real Party, formed to support the London mayoral campaign of American-born podcaster Brian Rose – had income of £280,114 and expenditure of £273,540.

Even a tiny Marxist sect, the Socialist Party of Great Britain, had income of £551,810.

But the most extraordinary anomaly is that the Reclaim Party, led by actor Laurence Fox, reported income of £1,850,002 – considerably more than Sinn Fein, Northern Ireland’s largest party, the long established political wing of the supposedly dormant terrorist IRA.

Sinn Fein’s reported income was £1,532,946.

Readers can judge for themselves which party’s donors (perhaps including unwilling donors in Sinn Fein’s case) obtained better value for money. Reclaim seems to have contested just three elections during 2021: receiving 1.9% in the London mayoral election, 0.3% in the Glasgow Pollok constituency at the Scottish parliamentary election; and a fraction under 1% at the North Shropshire parliamentary by-election.

Vanity politics: MP defects to ‘Reclaim’ party

Yesterday an article on this website referred to “years of vanity” as one of the problems that have beset the broadly nationalist movement in the UK.

This morning we saw a perfect example of this, when the MP for North West Leicestershire, Andrew Bridgen, defected to the Reclaim Party.

Bridgen has been a Tory MP since 2010 but was suspended from the parliamentary Conservative Party in January this year and expelled from the party three months later, after endorsing a series of bizarre conspiracy theories about the CoViD pandemic.

Some readers whose political knowledge depends on a social media echo chamber might be tempted to regard Bridgen as an anti-establishment hero. In fact aspects of his record indicate fairly clearly why Richard Tice and Reform UK (the main civic nationalist party) chose not to welcome him, despite the fact this would have given them an MP, and why he ended up joining a tiny vanity project like Reclaim.

Last year Bridgen was found repeatedly to have broken parliamentary rules on paid lobbying, including failure to declare financial interests. This included payments of £12,000 per year from a company based in Ghana.

Among many other questionable incidents, Bridgen has been involved in a long running financial disputes with his own relatives over his family business, which resulted in a High Court judge stating that the MP had “lied under oath and behaved in an abusive, arrogant and aggressive manner”, was “an unreliable and combative witness who tried to conceal his own misconduct”, and “gave evasive and argumentative answers and tangential speeches that avoided answering the questions”.

Some might think this is the sort of behaviour one should expect from Members of Parliament – but it is tragic that one of the few MPs to have broken with the mainstream should be someone of this sort, and that the defection should have occurred on a fringe, crank issue rather than on one of the many serious issues where the political establishment has betrayed our country.

Reclaim is not even a serious political party. There were over 8,000 local council seats contested at last week’s elections, and Reclaim had precisely zero candidates. It is an online vanity project, not a serious political party. So perhaps it is ideal for Andrew Bridgen.

Reclaim was created during 2020-2021 by the actor Laurence Fox, based on a pro-Brexit party founded during 2019 by Fox’s main donor, billionaire financier Jeremy Hosking.

Shattering Conservative defeat opens up British politics for 2022

The Conservative Party suffered one of its worst ever defeats at yesterday’s North Shropshire by-election. Liberal Democrat candidate Helen Morgan easily won a seat that had only once before (in 1904!) returned a non-Tory MP.

For racial nationalists, the importance of this result is that it surely marks the end of the Boris Johnson era. Two years ago Johnson’s Tories won a landslide mandate to “get Brexit done”, and as recently as May this year they were still achieving extraordinary levels of support in White working-class areas, winning support from many voters who should be the natural targets for any credible racial nationalist party.

All that is now over. While the last three parliamentary by-elections have been in traditionally Tory rather than “red wall” constituencies, polling evidence is clear that the Boris magic has gone.

And this North Shropshire by-election confirmed our analysis in H&D that the old Farage movement – the old UKIP and Brexit Party vote – is also finished.

A fortnight ago in the South East London constituency of Old Bexley & Sidcup, Farage’s political heir Richard Tice – leader of the Reform Party (a rebranding of the Brexit Party) – spent a fortune but could still only poll 6.6%.

Against an even more weakened Conservative Party yesterday, Tice’s candidate Kirsty Walmsley lost her deposit, polling only 3.8% despite being a personally credible and energetic candidate with strong local roots.

The other candidates from the civic nationalist spectrum encompassing hard Brexit, anti-woke but ‘non-racist’ views, combined with anti-lockdown / anti-vaccination politics, predictably polled insignificant votes: 1% each for UKIP and for Laurence Fox’s Reclaim Party (whose candidate was Fox’s deputy Martin Daubney); 0.2% for the Heritage Party (a UKIP splinter led by a half-Jamaican); and 0.1% for the Covid-sceptic, anti-vaccination ‘Freedom Alliance’.

This result’s message for racial nationalists is clear. The era of Brexit-dominated politics that benefited first Farage, then Johnson, is now over. Covid-sceptic campaigns are an electoral dead end. Britain is now open for a return to real politics in 2022, and racial nationalists will have no excuses if we fail to get our act together.

Further analysis of the British political scene from a racial nationalist perspective will appear in the January 2022 edition of Heritage and Destiny.