Obituary – Thora Hallgrimsson (Margrét Þóra Hallgrímsdottir) 1930 – 2020

Dear Comrades, It is with great sadness that we must announce the death of Thora Hallgrimsson (Margrét Þóra Hallgrímsson or Hallgrímsdottir), the second wife of George Lincoln Rockwell. She passed away on August 27 of natural causes, at age 90.

Commander Rockwell’s former wife Thora (far right) seen here with (left to right) her grandson Björgólfur Hideaki Takefusa, her daughter Evelyn Bentína Björgólfsdóttir (née Rockwell), and her second husband Bjorgulfur Guthmundsson.

Commander Rockwell was stationed in Iceland in 1953, while serving with the US Navy during the Korean War. There he met the Icelandic beauty Thora Hallgrimsson at a diplomatic reception in the Norwegian embassy in Reykjavik. They were married in October of that year, and honeymooned at Berchtesgaden.

Thora bore LIncoln Rockwell three children: Lincoln Hallgrimur, Jeannie Margaret and Bettina Evelyn.

In 1958, Commander Rockwell began his political career as an open National Socialist. At that time,Thora and the young children were living with him in a small house in Arlington, Viriginia, that doubled as his headquarters. The building came under frequent attack, and fearing for the safety of his family, Rockwell agreed that she should return temporarily to Iceland until he could provide for secure accommodations in the US. Thora belonged to one of the wealthiest families in Iceland, and once back in Reykjavik, they put enormous pressure on her to divorce Rockwell, to which she finally acceded in 1961.

Thora was the great love of Commander Rockwell’s life. To the day of his death, he hoped for a reconciliation with her – but it was not to be.
She later became a leading figure in Icelandic society, and married the wealthiest man in Iceland, Bjorgulfur Guthmundsson.

Commander George Lincoln Rockwell (far right) at the famous Cotswold camp in 1962 with British national socialists including Colin Jordan and John Tyndall.

A longer account of her life and Commander Rockwell’s marriages will appear in the October issue of the NEW ORDER UPDATE. In the meantime, interested comrades may check out the Wikipedia page on her: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Margrét_Þóra_Hallgrímsson

88!
Martin Kerr – Chief of Staff – NEW ORDER

Editors note: In 2018 H&D published a five-part article about Colin Jordan (issues 82-86) based on MI5’s files concerning Jordan dating from 1941 to 1968 and declassified at the UK National Archives in November 2017. These files indicate that MI5 and Special Branch had failed to obtain significant advance information about the 1962 Cotswold camp, though throughout Jordan’s career various intelligence organisations kept a close eye on his (and WUNS’s) connections in Europe.

We later reproduced the full text of the Cotswold Agreements as an appendix to that series.

Despite the release of MI5 files, the wealthy family of Rockwell’s second wife, Icelandic heiress Thora Hallgrímsdottir, tried to suppress the history of her marriage to the American Nazi leader, by whom she had three children. The former Mrs Rockwell later married Icelandic tycoon Björgólfur Guðmundsson, who was the owner and chairman of West Ham United Football Club from 2006 to 2009.

Before her marriage to Rockwell, Thora Hallgrimsson / Hallgrimsdottir was a very close friend of British actor David Tomlinson, whose son (also David) was the judge presiding over the trial of London Forum founder Jez Turner at Southwark Crown Court, a few years ago, eventually sentencing Jez to 12 months imprisonment.

Changing face of Australia revealed in new Palace documents

Sir John Kerr (above right) with the Queen and Duke of Edinburgh

The well-financed republican campaign in Australia – whose backers include former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull and billionaire media magnate Rupert Murdoch – is busy propagandising today, after the release of hundreds of letters from the mid-1970s between the then Governor-General Sir John Kerr (the Queen’s representative in Australia) and Sir Martin Charteris, then the Queen’s Private Secretary.

Their objective has been to find a ‘smoking gun’ proving that Buckingham Palace had prior knowledge of Sir John Kerr’s decision to dismiss Australia’s left-wing prime minister Gough Whitlam during the 1975 constitutional crisis.

This morning’s release at the National Archives of Australia is a vast trove of documents, and the Whitlam saga is too complex to discuss in full here, but at first glance there are two aspects of immediate interest to H&D readers.

In June 1976 Sir John and Lady Kerr were confronted by a mob of 400 far-left demonstrators in Melbourne – mainly Maoist students and militant trade unionists – after the Governor-General and his wife had arrived for official celebrations of Commonwealth Day.

A brick smashed the front window of Sir John’s Rolls-Royce and one of his officials suffered facial cuts requiring hospital treatment.

Eric Butler, founder of the League of Rights, was a prominent pro-Monarchy campaigner and opponent of international communist subversion.

In his report to Buckingham Palace on the incident, Sir John mentioned that many others were rallying to his and the monarchy’s support:
“A very right-wing organisation has taken up my cause – the League of Rights. It is issuing great numbers of pamphlets and placing advertisements. The sort of things it is saying are true enough… Eric Butler who is the leader of the organisation is said to be racist and anti-semitic but these things are not stressed in his organisation. I enclose an ASIO [Australia’s MI5] report on his organisation. It is very pro-Monarchy. He may be cashing in on my position and The Queen’s visit.”

Other correspondence from the end of 1976 hints at Australia’s ethnic transformation.

Sir John wrote: “..a larger proportion of our population today is not of British extraction than was the case at the end of World War II. In 1947 98% were of British stock. By the 1971 census only 88% were so derived. …By far the majority of the non-British are Italians, Greeks, Yugoslavs and Germans. …Increasingly, but not yet significantly, we have Asians.”

The Governor-General warned the Palace that this pattern of immigration meant support for the monarchy could no longer be assumed as automatic.

However rather than Australia submitting to alien values, he believed that immigrants could be taught British-Australian values:
“…why they have come here is to benefit from our democratic and stable institutions which happen to include the Monarchy and our task for the future is to make it clear to them that in coming, and especially in becoming naturalised, they have bought a package deal which is, with the Monarchy, entrenched in our Constitution.”

This was only 40-odd years ago, but how times have changed!

Now Australians are required to grovel before the ‘culture’ of every immigrant. They must provide cheap accommodation and (in the Covid era) free food, while facing incessant complaints and demands for more.

Dare we say that perhaps the “racist and anti-semite” Eric Butler was correct?

Festival of hypocrisy as politicians clap for NHS

Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer and his wife Victoria Alexander ‘clap for the NHS’ on its 72nd anniversary today.

Politicians and celebrities have again been seeking cheap publicity by “clapping for the NHS” this weekend, this time marking the 72nd anniversary of the foundation of the National Health Service.

The official launch of the NHS was on 5th July 1948, following a long political struggle by Aneurin ‘Nye’ Bevan, Health Minister and the most leftwing member of the postwar Labour government.

Just seventeen years earlier Bevan had been on the point of quitting the Labour Party to join rebel Labour minister Sir Oswald Mosley in forming the New Party, which eventually evolved into the British Union of Fascists. In December 1930 Bevan was one of 17 MPs who signed the ‘Mosley Memorandum’ criticising the economic policies of the then Labour government led by Ramsay MacDonald.

Eventually Bevan decided to stick with the Labour Party, partly because (unlike Mosley and most New Party recruits) Bevan admired many of the ‘achievements’ of Stalin’s Soviet Union.

NHS founder ‘Nye’ Bevan had been on the point of joining Sir Oswald Mosley’s New Party, but unlike Mosley, Bevan and his friends saw much to admire in Soviet communism

The formerly close political relationship between Bevan and Mosley tends to be written out of history. Even more embarrassing in the era of ‘Black Lives Matter’ is that Britain in 1948 would never have been able to create an NHS without the more profitable parts of the British Empire.

The Second World War had almost bankrupted Britain, and much of the Empire was actually a financial liability (viz. the disastrous ‘groundnut scheme’ launched in 1947, attempting to create a profitable peanut industry in Tanganyika, now Tanzania). Moreover, it was soon realised that Africans would be incapable of providing large numbers of high-quality soldiers to replace those lost to the Empire after Indian independence.

However there were parts of the world where the British Empire still generated huge profits. In June 1948, just one month before the creation of the NHS, Attlee’s government began a brutal campaign against their fellow socialists in Malaya (now Malaysia) who were in revolt against British rule. Malaya was perhaps the most profitable corner of the Empire, thanks to its tin and rubber industries.

The most notorious exploitation of native resources that helped fund creation of the NHS was Iranian oil. What was then the largest oil refinery in the world had been built just before the First World War at the Iranian port of Abadan by the Anglo-Persian (later Anglo-Iranian) Oil Company, which is now British Petroleum (BP).

By the late 1940s the Iranians were demanding an improvement on the miserly share of profits they received from their own oil industry, which primarily benefited Britain rather than Iran.

This led to a secret plot to remove Iran’s democratically elected nationalist prime minister Mohammad Mossadegh and replace him by a monarchical/military dictatorship under the Shah. The coup plot was instigated under Attlee, though not carried out until he had been succeeded as British Prime Minister by Winston Churchill.

It’s very easy for naive (or not so naive) protestors to demand ‘Black Lives Matter’ and start tearing down statues. But how many of these protestors would be happy to give up their rights to NHS treatment or surrender half their pension – all benefits that they enjoy because earlier generations of Britons, including the ‘democratic socialist’ founders of the NHS, were prepared to exploit the resources of other countries?

Many happy returns – John Bean

Bill Baillie on the left (his position in the photo not his politics!); the late Paul Barnes (centre), who shared John’s views on racial-nationalism and John Bean (definitely on the right!). When John informed H&D editor Mark Cotterill that he and Bill only shared around 50% of the views expressed in the magazine, Mark replied that was very good, and slightly more than he did! Mark explained that unlike a party-political magazine, H&D is here to represent a very broad cross section of nationalist opinion, not all of which everybody will agree with.

The editor, assistant editor and all the staff at H&D Towers, would like to wish our oldest subscriber (by two months) – John Bean – a very happy 93rd birthday.

John was born on June 27th, 1927 in Carshalton, Surrey. The family moved to Blackfen, near Sidcup in Kent, where at the age of 13 he suffered the trauma of being bombed out of the family home in February 1941.

Aged 18, John began his National Service in 1945. He was largely apolitical, although he had briefly flirted with communism whilst at school, calling for support for the Soviet Union. Initially he was a trainee navigator in the RAF Volunteer Reserve.

Later as a sailor in the Royal Navy. John became a radar mechanic and was placed on HMS Bulawayo, a fleet supply ship which made several visits to Trinidad until the end of his naval service in June 1948.

He briefly lived in India during 1950, working as a chemist in a paint factory, although he failed to settle and returned to Britain six months later.

Upon his return, John began to attend meetings of the Union Movement, being attracted by the ‘Europe a Nation’ policy and by the time Oswald Mosley had spent in prison for his beliefs. John initially served as a member of the Special Propaganda Service, the main duty of which was to sell copies of the party’s newspaper Union.

Soon however he became a leading figure active on behalf of the UM in the East End of London, before being appointed to head a branch in Putney in 1952. Despite these advancements, John grew disillusioned of the UM’s chances of making any real headway and he left them altogether in February 1953. A brief stopover in the local Conservative Party in Barnes followed but lasted only two months.

After a spell on the side-lines he then linked up with Andrew Fountaine, who had been attempting to form his own party, the National Front, and began to produce a journal, National Unity.

His work attracted the attention of A.K. Chesterton and, with the National Front idea failing to get off the ground, he decided to join the League of Empire Loyalists, serving as its Northern Organiser and then in the HQ in London. Continuing to produce his paper, now called The Loyalist, John soon became frustrated at both the lack of political activity and the links to the Conservative Party that were the hallmarks of the LEL.

He left in 1957 to set up the National Labour Party with Fountaine. Fountaine, a Norfolk landowner from a rural landowning family, was officially President of the new group, but was largely a figurehead: control actually lay with John.

The NLP gained a few minor results in elections but was always destined to be a small fringe movement, and as a result John decided to merge his party with another LEL splinter group, the White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party.

John Bean was made leader of the party upon its foundation. Early in the group’s life, both John and former White Defence League leader Colin Jordan were approached by Oswald Mosley, who offered them roles in his Union Movement if they agreed to its subsuming the BNP, but both men rejected the offer.

Initially gaining some support in London, the party soon ran into trouble when it became clear that Colin Jordan was emerging as its spokesman. A journalist commented in 1962 that Jordan was becoming the British Adolf Hitler. John jokingly responded to the Daily Mail reporter that that made him “the British Joseph Goebbels”. Despite this, John soon clashed with Jordan over his extremism and before long Jordan had left to form the National Socialist Movement, taking emerging figures John Tyndall and Denis Pirie with him. Matters had come to a head at the party’s national council meeting in 1962 when John proposed a motion to condemn Jordan’s open support for National Socialism. It was passed 7 to 5, but the party immediately split as a result, albeit with around 80% of the membership remaining within the BNP. John had blamed the associations with National Socialism that Jordan and Tyndall brought for the party’s marginal position in British politics.

At the 1964 general election John Bean stood as BNP candidate in Southall and obtained 3,410 votes (9.3%), the highest post-war vote for a minority party at that time. Another BNP candidate picked up nearly 2,000 votes in Deptford. In 1966 he again stood in Southall, but his vote fell to 2,600. With BNP membership only marginally increasing, John felt the need to try to create a nationalist front with like groups and arranged, with the help of Ted Budden, a private meeting with his old mentor A.K. Chesterton and a spokesman of the Racial Preservation Society. The result of the meeting was the founding of the National Front in 1967.

John became something of a peripheral figure in the NF, as the BNP element was somewhat side-lined. He held the post of Deputy Chairman of the Executive Directorate, a body which was largely subordinate to the Policy Directorate and stood as second candidate for the Ealing constituency in the 1967 Greater London Council elections until resigning in 1968. Still an NF member, he was recalled to positions of minor influence from time to time until 1972 when he largely ceased active involvement. Retreating into political retirement, his membership lapsed in 1977

He emerged only briefly to lend some support to his old friend Andrew Fountaine’s NF Constitutional Movement and to take part in the Countryside Alliance March of 1st March 1998 – which was also attended by supporters of Nick Griffin, by then inside the BNP.

John eventually ended his retirement after the political fall of John Tyndall and joined the British National Party under the leadership of Nick Griffin. He became an active official of the BNP (mostly in administration) and was a candidate for the party in the 2004 European elections, where he was seventh on a list of seven candidates for the Scotland constituency.

He formerly ran his own website, but then wrote a regular column for the main BNP website, and served as editor of BNP magazine Identity until March 2010.

Due to dissatisfaction with his leadership, John demanded that Nick Griffin resign as National Chairman and focus more on representing the North West region as an MEP.

In May 2011, John endorsed Andrew Brons (the BNP MEP for Yorkshire and the Humber) in his challenge for the BNP leadership. He made significant contributions to the Brons team web site, including articles on ‘Genetics and Inheritance’ and ‘Nationalism and a European Confederation’. He subsequently became involved in Brons’s party the British Democratic Party, established in February 2013.

John lived in London, and later Suffolk, before retiring to Yorkshire to live nearer his expanding family – three grandchildren, and five great grandchildren (so far!).

During periods away from politics John wrote four books.

Ten Miles from Anywhere (Hedgerow Publishing 1995), looked at the changes in a Suffolk village from the beginning of the 20th century.

Many Shades of Black, (New Millennium 1999), was Bean’s political memoirs up to that date.

His first novel Blood in the Square, which fictionalized some of his political experiences in the 1960s.

And in August 2016 his historical novel Trail of the Viking Finger (Troubador Publications).

Eddy Morrison 1949-2020

Eddy Morrison 1949-2020

H&D greatly regret to announce the death of Eddy Morrison: proud Yorkshireman, veteran national socialist and a contributor to our magazine for many years. Eddy died on Wednesday following a fall at his home, a month before his 71st birthday which would have been 16th July.

A reprint of Eddy’s 2003 autobiography Memoirs of a Street Soldier was being launched to coincide with his birthday, but very sadly it now coincides with his death.

Educated at St Michael’s College, a Catholic grammar school in Leeds, Eddy Morrison had to leave school at 15 to earn a wage and support his family after his father was crippled in an industrial accident. Following teenage service with the RAF, he became an active racial nationalist in 1967 with the newly formed National Front, attending the NF’s first annual meeting at Conway Hall, Westminster in October that year. Though he had a great deal in common ideologically with the NF’s future leader John Tyndall, Eddy had been too young to be involved in the national socialist schisms of the early ’60s, so he was able to join the NF as an 18-year-old without any factional baggage.

In 1968 he succeeded Phil Stone as the NF’s Leeds branch organiser. Though he was to be a member – and indeed founder! – of numerous different parties and movements, Eddy’s ideology was to remain consistent for more than half a century. As he put it, he regarded national socialism and White racial nationalism as interchangeable terms.

In fact though he would often joke about the myriad organisations he had joined or founded, this is very much a reflection of our movement’s history. Unlike some other leading movement personalities such as Nick Griffin, Eddy did not blow with the prevailing wind, changing his ideological colours to suit personal advancement. Eddy remained Eddy.

In 1972 Eddy organised the Leeds branch of Colin Jordan’s British Movement, breaking away at the end of 1973 with a small group who formed the National Democratic Freedom Movement. Essentially Yorkshire-based, the NDFM quickly attracted a reputation for highly effective street activity. At a time when political violence was commonplace throughout the White world – often with the far left gaining the upper hand – Eddy’s street soldiers made much of West Yorkshire a “red-free zone”.

During 1975 the NDFM expanded, as Eddy recruited other national socialists from outside Yorkshire to expand the movement into a new British National Party. Though he was also to become a prominent organiser in John Tyndall’s BNP a few years later, this 1970s version was a completely different party.

During this period John Tyndall was engaged in a struggle for control of the NF, for a time losing the leadership to a Strasserite/populist faction led by former Conservative activist John Kingsley Read, so Eddy’s BNP attracted support from numerous national socialists who had quit the NF during this period.

The Morrison BNP continued and built on the NDFM’s fearsome reputation for taking control of the streets. It also became part of a growing national socialist network in Europe. German attorney Manfred Roeder was guest speaker at the BNP’s annual congress.

Once John Tyndall and Martin Webster had re-established control of the NF, it wasn’t long before Eddy Morrison and his BNP were invited to merge into the Front, and Eddy became the NF’s Yorkshire regional organiser. This period coincided with the international phenomenon of ‘punk rock’, in which Eddy had taken an early interest, attending early punk gigs including memorable appearances by the Sex Pistols in Manchester and Leeds.

He was quick to see the potential of this angry movement of working class rebellion (though of course it shocked more ‘respectable’ nationalists). As Eddy later wrote:
We either had to condemn Punk or use it. I chose the latter option and started a spoof fanzine called Punk Front which featured a NF logo with a safety pin in it. To my great surprise, Punk Front was a huge success and soon, especially in Leeds, NF members and supporters were going to the biggest Punk club around — the infamous F Club. I started to regularly go to the club and NF Punks were recruiting other punks. In a few months, the NF was the dominant political force on the big punk scene in Leeds. Music papers such as Sounds and the New Musical Express were taking an interest in us. Gary Bushell was sent up to look into the phenomenon. We had pro-NF letters published in many music papers and other punks started bringing out pro-NF fanzines. We even started two bands — the Ventz and the Dentists. Both these bands were to feature later on in the start of ‘Rock Against Communism.’

Eddy Morrison with Simon Sheppard at one of the latter’s many court appearances

Eddy Morrison could justifiably claim to have been the founder of the White racial nationalist music scene, which was later to expand under the late Ian Stuart into Blood & Honour.

Around the time of Eddy’s 30th birthday in 1979, British nationalism had one of its watershed moments when the National Front began to fall apart following disappointing election results. A large part of the last forty years of Eddy Morrison’s life was to involve his attempts to navigate treacherous political waters and maintain uncompromising national socialism in the UK.

This included years of activism in the BNP and later NF, punctuated by attempts to form breakaway movements such as the National Action Party, White Nationalist Party and British People’s Party. At other times Eddy attempted to build cross-factional alliances, and at one stage was a leading figure in the Spearhead Support Group, formed to build support for John Tyndall in his quest to recapture the BNP from Nick Griffin.

In these many activities Eddy could count on a loyal cadre of supporters, notably his Bradford-based comrade Kev Watmough – and it’s fair to say that Eddy was shocked to have outlived numerous fellow streetfighters such as Dave Brown and Chris ‘Weasel’ Ledger.

Eddy Morrison (far right!) at an H&D event in Blackburn, Lancashire: also in this photo (blue shirt, centre left) is his late comrade Dave Brown.

Latterly Eddy published the online magazine White Voice, as well as contributing to H&D – both as author, reviewer and quizmaster at social events! It is impossible in one brief online article to encompass the life of this uncompromising national socialist warrior, and for obvious reasons we have avoided speaking about Eddy’s family, of whom he was so proud and who will miss him greatly.

Needless to say, the next edition of H&D will contain a full obituary of our friend and comrade Eddy Morrison.

Cattle die, and kinsmen die. And so one dies oneself. One thing I know that never dies: The fame of a dead man’s deeds

14/88 Eddy!

(above and below) Eddy Morrison with H&D editor Mark Cotterill and fellow nationalists at a Remembrance Day ceremony in Darwen, Lancashire, 2006

Jack Simmonds – survivor of King David Hotel terrorist bombing – dies aged 99

Jack Simmonds (circled) with fellow prisoners-of-war at Oflag XXIB, Schubin

One of the last British survivors of the infamous 1946 attack on the King David Hotel by Jewish terrorists has died aged 99.

Squadron Leader Jack Simmonds piloted a Whitley bomber for a few weeks during the spring of 1941 before he was shot down over Holland, spending the next four years as a prisoner-of-war.

Held at first in a Bavarian castle, Simmonds was transferred to several other PoW camps ending up at Stalag Luft III in Sagan, Silesia (now part of Poland). Here he was involved in the successful escape of three fellow prisoners in October 1943 using a ‘wooden horse’, later dramatised as the 1950 film The Wooden Horse (available on BBC Iplayer for the next eight days).

In late January 1945 Simmonds and other prisoners were evacuated from Sagan and began a long march westward with their German guards in bitter weather, ahead of the advancing Soviet Red Army.

Simmonds and his fellow PoWs eventually arrived in Luckenwalde, south of Berlin, which was captured by the Soviets at the end of April 1945, and on the arrival of US forces soon afterwards he was repatriated to the UK, where he was quickly back with the RAF.

In November 1945 he was sent to Cairo, then to the RAF Station at Lydda Palestine, where he became camp adjutant. By 1946 he was adjutant of No. 651 Squadron, which then flew Auster reconnaissance planes and played an important role in ‘Operation Agatha’, a major round-up of terrorists at the end of June 1946.

On Monday 22nd July 1946 Simmonds was off-duty in the King David Hotel, Jerusalem, which then housed administrative headquarters for the British Mandate authorities. Future Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion ordered the hotel to be bombed, with minimal advance warning, so as to ensure destruction of a large cache of intelligence files related to the British anti-terrorist campaign.

The mission was handled by another future Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, whose Irgun was at times a rival to Ben-Gurion’s Haganah but during this period was secretly allied to it. Future writers often found it convenient to blame Begin and the Irgun for this bombing while exonerating the supposedly more ‘moderate’ Haganah, but the true story of the terror campaign was explored by H&D assistant editor Peter Rushton and by Lady Michèle Renouf in the above videos.

The aftermath of the King David Hotel bombing, July 1946

The King David bombing caused 91 deaths (including 28 Britons) and many horrific injuries, but Jack Simmonds survived the terrorist attack unscathed and remained with the RAF until retirement in 1968, latterly at Lindholme in South Yorkshire. To commemorate Battle of Britain week in 1951, he landed his Sunderland flying boat on the Thames near Greenwich then taxied to Tower Bridge which was opened for him, remaining moored near the bridge for six days.

His wife Mary, herself a WAAF veteran, died in 2012: they are survived by three sons.

Squadron Leader Jack Simmonds, born 8th December 1920, died 2nd April 2020, RIP.

Jack Simmonds landed his Scarborough flying boat on the Thames to mark Battle of Britain week, 1951

Mosley’s Irish home for sale

The 12-acre postwar home of Sir Oswald and Lady Mosley has been put on the market by its present owners.

Ileclash is close to Fermoy, Co Cork. It was the second Irish property that the Mosleys owned, having first purchased Clonfert Palace, a 17th century house in East Galway, in 1951.

Lady Mosley’s sister and brother-in-law had already moved to Ireland, and by 1951 it had become clear for various reasons that Mosley’s postwar political revival was running out of steam. A second Mosley revival began at the end of the ’50s, but for the rest of his life (from 1951 to 1980) he and Diana lived in Ireland or France, with occasional visits to London.

Clonfert was severely damaged in a fire at the end of 1953, and at the start of 1955 Mosley bought Ileclash, a 19th century mansion near the River Blackwater, 25 miles north of Cork. It became the Mosleys’ summer home for several years.

Several controversial European political figures settled in Ireland after the war, though recently released Irish government documents show that (despite having remained neutral during the Second World War and having maintained diplomatic relations throughout with National Socialist Germany and Fascist Italy) Ireland’s prime minister Eamon de Valera discouraged prominent national socialist immigrants.

In October 1945 and April 1946 de Valera twice rejected applications by dissident, anti-Hitler national socialist Otto Strasser to take up Irish residency, writing “in present circumstances, it is not possible to accede to your request”. Similar rejection letters were sent to Léon Degrelle, former leader of the Belgian national socialist Rexist Party, who had led an SS Division on the Eastern Front.

Degrelle later settled in Spain, while after a decade in Canadian exile, Otto Strasser eventually returned to Germany.

As British citizens, the Mosleys could not be denied the right of residence in Ireland.

Ileclash is being marketed by Colliers International for €2.75m. The agents describe the property as “one of Ireland’s finest country houses”.

Unlike the vast majority of British nationalist leaders, Sir Oswald Mosley always had significant support among Irishmen, reflected in this postwar Union Movement pamphlet.

Lady Renouf’s Dresden trial postponed

Lady Michèle Renouf’s trial in Dresden – due to begin on 15th May – has been postponed due to the impact of Covid-19.

The trial is now rescheduled to begin on 16th October 2020 – again in Dresden’s District Court (Amtsgericht).

Charges relate to Lady Renouf’s impromptu speech on 17th February 2018 at a commemoration of the 1945 British and American terror bombing of Dresden.

Lady Renouf’s attorney Wolfram Nahrath is continuing to build a detailed rebuttal of these charges with the help of witnesses from several countries. Further details will be released closer to the trial date, and will appear here and via related social media accounts.

The defence team thank all correspondents for their kind messages of support.

Carl Harley: 70+ years in British nationalism!

Carl Harley (1930-2020)

We greatly regret to inform readers that H&D‘s second-eldest subscriber Carl Harley died on Saturday 22nd February, aged 89.

Carl Harley, who lived in Highgate, North London, was a long-standing H&D subscriber. He was not afraid to put his hand in his pocket, and sent H&D a donation a couple of times to help us keep going.

Cattle die, and kinsmen die,
And so one dies oneself;
One thing I know that never dies:
The fame of a dead man’s deeds.

We are grateful to Bill Baillie of the Nation Revisited and European Outlook blogs for this memory of Carl Harley’s lifelong commitment to our cause, first published in 2016.

Carl Harley – the man who recruited John Bean

I first encountered Carl Harley and John Bean at a National Labour Party meeting in Trafalgar Square in 1959. I was there as a schoolboy, on a bicycle, with my mate Paul Barnes. But I didn’t get to know them properly until the BNP camp held in Norfolk in 1962.

Carl Harley was born in Greenwich on 26 June 1930. He was a member of the Mosley Book Club in 1947 and joined Union Movement on its foundation in 1948. He did his National Service in the Royal Army Ordnance Corps from 1948 to 1950. When he came out of the army he was appointed organiser of the Lewisham branch of Union Movement, where he signed up a young man called John Bean before going to Manchester to help Jeffrey Hamm.

He fondly remembers his old comrades; Alexander Raven Thomson, Victor Burgess, Peter Lesley-Jones and Pat Dunigan; but he disliked Alf Flockhart. In 1958 he joined John Bean’s National Labour Party which merged with Colin Jordan’s White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party. In 1962 Colin Jordan broke away to form the National Socialist Movement. Carl tried to persuade John Tyndall to stay with the BNP but he decided to join Colin Jordan. Thirty-five years later, whilst writing to thank Carl for a donation, JT acknowledged his mistake.

Carl was a founder member of the National Front in 1967. He followed Andrew Fountaine into the NF Constitutional Movement in 1979. The NFCM was absorbed into John Tyndall’s British National Party in 1984. Carl stayed with the BNP until John Tyndall was ousted as leader in 1999.

Today he subscribes to Heritage and Destiny and keeps in touch with old friends all over the world. When I interviewed him for this article he was reading Jewish Supremacism by David Duke.

Carl Harley was not an armchair patriot. He was an organiser of branches, a public speaker, a builder of platforms and scenery, a painter of banners, a printer and distributor of leaflets, a campfire cook, a writer of letters, a security guard, a receptionist and a willing helper. I am glad to call him my friend.

As BNP members pose outside their Princedale Rd headquarters, Carl Harley is busy upstairs cleaning the windows.

Sir Roger Scruton: 1944-2020

The term ‘conservative’ is now so much abused it has become almost meaningless, but Sir Roger Scruton – who died today aged 75, having suffered from cancer for the last six months – was a true giant of English conservatism.

Just over a month ago in London, Europe’s greatest conservative leader Viktor Orban presented Sir Roger with the Order of Merit of the Republic of Hungary, saying rightly that he had “foreseen the threats of illegal migration and defended Hungary from unjust criticism.”

Many H&D readers will best remember Roger Scruton for his eighteen years as chief editor and publisher of The Salisbury Review. Within two years of its launch, Scruton’s Review made headlines for publishing a controversial article by Bradford headmaster Ray Honeyford, ‘Education and Race – an alternative view’.

The March-April issue of H&D will include an obituary of Sir Roger Scruton: may he rest in peace and may his example inspire new generations of Englishmen to redefine and reinvigorate conservatism for our times.

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