Richard Edmonds Memorial Meeting 2021 – Tony Paulsen Reports from South London

Some thirty patriots gathered in a traditional South London hostelry on the evening of Wednesday, 22nd September to pay their last respects to Richard Edmonds.

Chris Roberts chaired the meeting. His own involvement in the movement goes back to supporting the late Terry Denville-Faulkner’s campaign as National Front candidate at the Carshalton by-election of 11th March 1976, so over 45 years. Many other veterans of the cause were there, including the BNP’s first councillor, Derek Beackon; former press officer and candidate for Mayor of London, Mike Newland; and well-loved Downham patriot Tess Culnane.

The first speaker to pay tribute to Richard’s memory was Steve Smith (ex-Tower Hamlets branch, not to be confused with another stalwart, Steve Smith of Burnley). Steve gave a very fine speech, recounting several entertaining anecdotes about Richard, some of which appear in his impressive article about the history of the BNP in the East End in the 1990s now published in Candour, no. 877.

Steve has mastered many of Richard’s mannerisms and peppered his speech with them so effectively that at times it seemed that Richard was still marching in our ranks, not only in spirit (as he surely does) but even in the flesh!

Richard Edmonds with the famous Lewisham march poster from the NF’s anti-mugging campaign

Steve’s was not an easy act to follow, but the second speaker, John Morse, who had travelled a long way to join us, also made a valuable contribution, recalling his close comradeship with Richard over almost two decades of the NNF/BNP years between 1981 and 1999, until Nick Griffin’s ultimately ill-starred election as BNP chairman.

John Morse emphasised the centrality of Holocaust revisionism in Richard’s political work in uncompromising terms to which, it must be said, by no means all those attending privately assented, though it was not an occasion to debate what the speakers said, rather than to listen to them.

John Morse made a less controversial and very valid point when he called to mind Richard’s crucial role in keeping the BNP active and together in 1986, after John Tyndall and indeed John Morse were both sentenced to prison terms that left the ship bereft of its captain for several months.

Richard not only deputised for JT as chairman, but stood in for John Morse as editor of British Nationalist, the party newspaper, which in those days long before the internet changed how nationalist parties communicate with their supporters, was central to its political work.

Richard Edmonds (1943-2020)

The last platform speaker was Peter Phillips, who gave a moving speech, saying that as all lives must end in death, what makes a difference is the reputation that we leave behind us in the memory of friends and comrades.

That concluded the formal speeches, but many briefer tributes followed from the floor before the evening was out. We shall surely not see Richard’s like again.

“Cattle die, and kinsmen die, and so must one die oneself. But there is one thing I know which never dies, and that is the fame of a dead man’s deeds.”

Return of the Schleswig-Holstein Question!

Stefan Seidler celebrates his election to the Bundestag

In addition to the main parties mentioned earlier, it looks as though just one tiny party will make it into the Bundestag.

This is the ‘South Schleswig Voters’ Association’ (SSW), whose leader Stefan Seidler has won a seat, according to the preliminary results. This is the first time since the second Bundestag election in 1953 that a regionalist or national minority party has won a Bundestag seat. In those days the national minorities concerned were Germans who had been expelled from their homes in what had become Czech, Polish or even Russian territory, and had their own party – the All-German Bloc/League of Expellees and Deprived of Rights.

By contrast the SSW represents a small Danish-speaking minority who have lived in Germany from the creation of a united German state in 1871.

Obviously they didn’t pass the 5% threshold – they are a tiny regional party – and neither did they win a constituency. This party hadn’t even contested a federal election since 1961.

Waldemar Kraft (above, front row, far right) as a member of Konrad Adenauer’s cabinet in 1953. Kraft was the last leader of a regionalist / national minority party to be elected to the Bundestag, until Stefan Seidler’s election this week. Kraft’s party represented German refugees from several regions that had been taken over postwar by Czechs, Poles or Russians, leading to the expulsion of 12-15 million Germans from their homes.

There are 28 MPs in total elected from Schleswig-Holstein this time, 11 constituencies and 17 from the list. The SSW list polled 3.2% across Schleswig-Holstein, so that was just enough to get them one of those 28 seats, because as a party representing a ‘national minority’ they are exempt from the 5% threshold requirement.

Ideologically they are leftish-green, so I assume their MP would back the likely SPD-Green-FDP coalition.

But the reason they exist is to represent the Danish speaking population in Schleswig-Holstein, and the reason that exists is rooted in one of the most complex diplomatic disputes of the 19th century – the infamous ‘Schleswig-Holstein Question’.

Until 1871 Germany was divided into many different states/principalities/etc. that were a relic of the medieval age and the Holy Roman Empire: a patchwork of princes, dukes and dynastic traditions.

For centuries the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein (either side of the Holy Roman Empire’s northern border) had both been ruled by the Danish king, but with semi-independence as the Holstein part was German (and part of the Holy Roman Empire) and the Schleswig part was semi-German, semi-Danish.

Eventually there were two mid-19th century wars between Denmark and Prussia, one (1848-51) effectively won by Denmark; the second (1864) won by Prussia and its Austrian allies.

Denmark’s defeat at the Battle of Dybbøl in 1864 led to Schleswig-Holstein’s absorption into the new German state in 1871.

After the First World War, Germany lost the northern part of Schleswig to Denmark, but the southern part of Schleswig has remained German to this day, and is part of the German region of Schleswig-Holstein.

As with all these border disputes, a substantial community was stuck on the wrong side of the border, and since there was no IRA-type situation many of them stayed put, hence the need for a party representing their particular interests.

The British statesman Lord Palmerston, who was Foreign Secretary during the First Schleswig War and Prime Minister during the Second, famously said:
“Only three people have ever really understood the Schleswig-Holstein business – the Prince Consort [i.e. Queen Victoria’s husband Prince Albert], who is dead – a German professor, who has gone mad – and I, who have forgotten all about it.”

More than 150 years later, the question has returned to contribute to the most divided German parliament since the Weimar Republic. But this time the Danes in Schleswig-Holstein are amongst the least troublesome of Germany’s ethnic minorities!

Nationalist veteran Ken Kelly dies aged 90

One of the most controversial nationalist activists in North West England has died aged 90.

Ken Kelly had been involved in British Movement, the National Front, BNP, and then NF again at various times since the 1970s, living in Bamford, near Rochdale.

Almost forty years ago he was implicated by Searchlight informant Ray Hill for his illegal dealing in guns and ammunition. Now that Mr Kelly is dead, H&D can confirm that on this occasion the ‘anti-fascist’ press was not lying!

Mr Kelly and his late BM comrade Pete Brawley did indeed have access to a surprising range of weapons, including former British Army kit that had been ‘deactivated’ but then ‘reactivated’.

He also played a part in the tragic series of events that eventually led to the death of a British Army veteran, the brave and intelligent nationalist Chris Barker, whose experiences on several tours of active service in Ulster led to what was eventually diagnosed as combat stress (PTSD), with consequent alcohol and drug problems.

Chris got himself into debt with an unscrupulous Manchester gangster who (knowing that he was an ex-serviceman) said he could discharge the debt by obtaining an untraceable firearm. The gun was duly obtained – from Ken Kelly – and was used in an internal gangland feud.

A consequence of all this was that Chris Barker had to flee across the Pennines to Sheffield, where he fell into further bad company and died aged 43 in 2001.

By this time Ken Kelly was active in Rochdale BNP and remained a supporter of Nick Griffin’s leadership for several years, though hated by Chris Barker’s family and friends who were also longstanding nationalists and opposed to Griffin. The very first event that H&D editor Mark Cotterill attended (with his then wife Jenny) after returning to the UK in November 2002 was with Ken Kelly and then BNP regional organiser Chris Jackson.

Eventually Ken Kelly left the BNP to rejoin the NF alongside his closest friend in the movement (during his last twenty years), eventual NF chairman Kevin Bryan. Throughout his time in nationalism Ken was a generous donor to nationalist causes, never afraid to put his hand in his pocket (putting some younger comrades to shame) and turning out for activities even as the movement’s numbers began another temporary decline about a decade ago.

Even in his mid-80s Ken Kelly travelled down to London to march to the Cenotaph with fellow NF members. His record in the movement will always remain controversial, but he was one of the last links to an earlier era when it was seriously believed that nationalists would need to arm themselves for race war – a far cry from today’s lunatic online posturing and autistic ‘terrorists’.

Max Mosley, 1940-2021

Max Mosley (above left) with his parents

Max Mosley, son of the former government minister and British Union of Fascists leader Sir Oswald Mosley, died last night at his Chelsea home, aged 81. He had been ill with cancer for some time.

During the early 1960s Max was an active member of his father’s Union Movement and was election agent for UM candidate Walter Hesketh at the Manchester Moss Side by-election in November 1961. In later years he was best known for his role in the organisation of motor racing, where he pioneered important improvements in driver safety, and for his campaigns against tabloid newspaper intrusion into private lives.

Max was himself targeted in March 2008 by Rupert Murdoch’s News of the World, which reported his encounter with five prostitutes, one of whom turned out to be married to an MI5 employee.

H&D Assistant Editor Peter Rushton first met Max Mosley during an Oxford Union Society tribunal in 1986. In tribute to Max Mosley’s memory, we today republish online Peter Rushton’s review of Max Mosley’s autobiography. (The review first appeared in H&D Issue 73.)

Ave atque vale.

Public inquiry reveals police infiltration of 1970s National Front

Four of the young radicals who sought to take over the NF in the early 1980s: (left to right) Joe Pearce, Richard Lawson, Nick Griffin, and Steve Brady. Two of this group were involved in an earlier faction that was spied on by undercover policeman ‘Peter Collins’ who infiltrated both the NF and the Workers Revolutionary Party

Documents released this morning as part of a public inquiry into undercover policing reveal that an officer codenamed ‘Peter Collins’ infiltrated the National Front during 1975 and 1976.

Strangely this infiltration occurred not on the orders of his police superiors, but as an indirect consequence of his deployment to infiltrate a Trotskyist organisation, the Workers Revolutionary Party.

As with many far left groups, the WRP tried to latch on to any militant street activity, ranging from anti-war protests to the campaigns of vandalism launched by friends and family of armed robber George Davis.

An undercover police unit – the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS) – was created in 1968 in response to concerns about public order threats from a new generation of far left and ‘counterculture’ groups that had little or no connection to the old-style communist parties and fronts that MI5 and Special Branch had previously monitored.

The SDS recruited young police officers to work as long-term informants but about a decade ago these plans ended in scandal after it was revealed that some officers had fathered children with young women inside the groups they were infiltrating. Hence the present inquiry.

‘Peter Collins’ was infiltrated into the WRP in 1974, and a year later (by an extraordinary Chestertonian irony) the WRP themselves asked ‘Collins’ to infiltrate the NF on their behalf!

For a year or so ‘Collins’ therefore reported to his SDS handlers both on the WRP and on the NF.

H&D has today obtained copies of SDS and Special Branch documents released by the Inquiry. Unlike the rather confused Guardian reporter who tried to make sense of the story earlier today, we have specialist knowledge of the people and factions concerned, and will in due course publish an analysis of what ‘Collins’ was reporting on during 1975-76: what he thought was happening in the NF, and what was actually happening.

By 1976 the SDS allegedly gave up on infiltrating the ‘far right’, because the longer-established security agencies – Special Branch and MI5 – already had sufficient sources of information on the racial nationalist movement.

Much of this Special Branch and MI5 information would have come from Jewish anti-fascist organisations: the Searchlight intelligence organisation run by Gerry Gable and Harry Bidney that had grown out of the violent 62 Group, and the more ‘establishment’ intelligence arm of the Board of Deputies of British Jews.

‘Peter Collins’ reported to the SDS on aspects of the 1975-6 split within the NF that spawned the National Party, and on the objectives of a small group of NF radicals who sought to use the NP split as part of a longer-term strategy for their own takeover of the movement on the back of a temporary alliance with conservative elements.

Media hype assorted cranks and loons in effort to criminalise nationalism

Benjamin Hannam, the young police recruit arrested in his bedroom, whose Hollywood Nazi fantasies have been portrayed as ‘terrorism’ and led to his conviction last week.

During the last fortnight several criminal convictions in English courts have provided further ammunition for those seeking to restrict political freedoms in Britain.

The UK has not had anything approaching ‘free speech’ on racial matters since the first Race Relations Act in 1965, and as H&D has explained in several detailed articles over the years, these restrictions have been progressively tightened. This dishonest campaign by the political establishment has involved deliberately distorting the truth about serious crimes.

Of course most H&D readers would rightly regard the entire structure of race law as a sinister infringement of what were once traditional British freedoms, and as part of a concerted effort quite literally to change the face of Britain.

However this does not mean that we should regard everyone prosecuted under these laws (or the related extension of terrorism laws to encompass a range of non-violent if unwise political activities) as some sort of hero or heroine.

To do so – to campaign on behalf of everyone convicted under these laws as though they were all quite simply free speech martyrs – would be foolish and counter-productive: indeed it would be to play the enemy’s game.

For example, two of those recently convicted under the ‘terrorism’ laws were autistic children who had bought into the imagery of ‘nazism’ rather than anything substantial.

It really was pathetic to see national newspapers give front page treatment to the case of 22-year-old London police officer Benjamin Hannam, who as a confused teenager with a Jewish step-grandfather and a Muslim girlfriend had briefly been involved with the now-defunct National Action and one of its offshoots.

He had also downloaded the ‘manifesto’ of a real terrorist maniac, Anders Breivik, and in common with several of his ilk seemed to view Breivik – an ultra-Zionist whose beliefs and actions were the very antithesis of national socialism – as some kind of ‘nazi’ / ‘fascist’ comrade.

Anders Breivik, the Zionist fanatic whose ‘racist’ murder spree has led him to be regarded as some sort of ‘nazi’ / ‘fascist’ hero by fools on the fringes of our movement

There are one or two people on the fringes of our movement who indulge such dangerous nonsense, and it’s time for responsible racial nationalists, national socialists, historical revisionists – indeed all of those involved in the broad campaign for the rescue of historical truth and national, racial, and cultural integrity – to draw the line.

Racial nationalism is not the mindless promotion of hatred, and racial nationalists are the very opposite of nihilistic terrorists. National Socialism is not Hollywood nazism or psychotic satanism. Historical revisionism is not a platform for crank conspiracy theory or vacuous Jew-baiting.

There is serious work underway – led by individuals with decades of experience as well as new recruits of high calibre – to defend serious racial nationalist politics and historical revisionist work in post-pandemic and post-Brexit Britain.

We are not going to be derailed by fantasists, cranks, or enemy informants – nor by those thousands of miles away who issue grand proclamations while utterly ignorant of the personalities and realities involved.

Spanish nationalist history in the spotlight

Spanish racial nationalism – past and present – has received ‘viral’ attention online in recent weeks following a controversial speech by young Falangist activist Isabel Medina Peralta.

This speech, widely shared online and reported by the mainstream media, was part of a rally of 300 Spanish nationalists in central Madrid on February 13th, commemorating the anniversary of the Battle of Krasny Bor, near Leningrad in February 1943.

During this battle the Division Azul (Blue Division), comprising Spanish volunteers dedicated to the struggle against Bolshevism fought a heroic action against Stalin’s Red Army hordes. Though they incurred heavy casualties – more than 70% of their troops killed, wounded or captured – the Blue Division and their comrades from the 4th SS Polizei Panzergrenadier Division turned back the Soviet advance.

Adolf Hitler personally designed the Blue Division Medal following the noble sacrifice of the Spanish volunteers at Krasny Bor.

The Division Azul medal and a background portrait of martyred Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera

About 20% of the first Blue Division volunteers were students, mainly supporters of Falangism, the radical wing of Spanish nationalism associated with José Antonio Primo de Rivera until his capture and execution by communist republicans in November 1936 during the early stages of the Civil War.

Paying tribute to the Blue Division, Isabel Medina Peralta said: “It is our supreme obligation to fight for Spain, to fight for Europe, now weak and liquidated by the enemy. The enemy is always going to be the same, although with different masks.”

Isabel Medina Peralta is an organiser for the women’s section of La Falange, a party founded in 1999 whose ideological origins are in the Falange Española de las JONS, the party that upheld José Antonio’s political legacy as the voice of radical nationalism during the Franco years.

However there were very different reactionary elements in and around Franco’s government who took an implicitly pro-British stance.

Falangists were undermined by an extraordinary conspiracy masterminded by British intelligence via an international gangster of Majorcan Jewish origin – Juan March.

In Issue 58 of H&D, published in 2014, our assistant editor Peter Rushton wrote a detailed article about this operation – codenamed Goldeneye – in which the “Cavalry of St George” – massive quantities of gold – were deployed to keep Spain out of the Second World War.

Click here to read this article now published online for the first time.

Juan March, Jewish-Majorcan gangster and British agent in Franco’s Spain

The strange story of Juan March was first brought to Peter Rushton’s attention almost thirty years ago by an elderly Anglo-Spanish couple who attanded reunion dinners of the Friends of Oswald Mosley in London. He was later able to document the story in extensive research at the UK National Archives.

In the 1990s Peter Rushton was one of several H&D readers who represented John Tyndall’s British National Party at annual November 20th rallies commemorating José Antonio, both in Central Madrid and at the Valle de los Caidos mausoleum.

The Valle de los Caidos, where José Antonio is buried

As part of these events Mr Rushton visited a private Division Azul museum in central Madrid, as well as the offices of Pedro Varela’s CEDADE and the Alianza por la Unidad Nacional (AUN). Since that time, the great heritage of Spanish nationalism seemed to have been repressed by leftwing Spanish governments, including the disgraceful disinterring of Gen. Franco from his tomb at the Valle de los Caidos. However the latest Madrid demonstrations and the widely publicised speech of Isabel Medina Peralta mark the movement’s revival and the first signs of a new dawn for Spain.

Obituary: John Harwood 1956-2021

John Harwood speaking at an NF meeting in the West Midlands in 1990: also on platform (left to right) are John Hill, NF Chairman Ian Anderson, and Norman Tomkinson

Former Newcastle NF (Flag faction) branch organiser John Harwood died at his home on February 4th, surrounded by family members, aged 65. He had been in bad heath for two years but had been out of active nationalist politics for many years.

John was a well-read man, a good artist and poet. He loved a joke and was a popular man with the locals at many a Geordie pub. He enjoyed looking through antique and charity shops and would dabble in pottery himself. He also enjoyed his local history, was interested in his local community and was very proud to both a Geordie and an Englishman.

John was born in Newcastle hospital on February 10th 1956 and was raised in Elswick in the West End of Newcastle, famous for its Scotswood Road and the Blaydon Races (I’m sure you know the song) – by his parents Tom and Vivienne. He was one of a large family.

Around 1980 and upset with the way the country was going he joined the Tyneside branch of the National Front, and soon became one of their key activists. He painted the local branch banner and enjoyed all the nationalist activities both local and national, traveling many times down to London and back in a day.

John Harwood (left) with Colin Todd (right) in 1984 at the old Newcastle NF HQ on Buckingham Street, in the Leazes area of the city.

Kevin Scott first remembers meeting John in 1983 at a BNP meeting in the Turk’s Head Hotel in Newcastle opposite the Central Station at a post General Election meeting where John Tyndall was the guest speaker. He says.

“I later arranged to meet JH and attend local BNP meetings in Gateshead with other Tyneside based nationalists though he was later to join the NF as you say.

After that, I remember attending a Newcastle NF meeting in the city centre when JH was organiser during a brief alliance between the NF (Flag Group) and BNP brokered by Andrew Brons of the NF and Stanley Clayton Garnett of the BNP, if I remember correctly.

JH managed to make the NF in Newcastle a worthy political  force during his time as organiser, akin to Ken Booth’s effort with the BNP much later, attracting the ire of the local print and broadcast media, particularly the Newcastle Chronicle and Northern Echo which featured the NF’s recruitment efforts in places such as nearby Consett after the closure of the local steel works.

“I know that when the NF split JH ended up in the NF Flag Group and Colin Todd sided with the Official NF Cadres.

Later, after both factions of the NF slowly imploded, JH attended BNP meetings and activities helping local and general elections campaigns in Newcastle and further afield though he never joined the party.”

He saw the changes in the poor White working-class area where he grew up, until it became unrecognisable. This he thought was no fault of those who came from far off lands to settle there, but to the short sighted and career minded politicians who loved what President George Bush later called the “New World Order”, rather than their own country and people. John did what he thought right for all and stood by those principles until the end.

Two Newcastle branch activists, Bob Smith (left) and Brian Husband (right) selling NF News in 1985 at the Quayside Market, near the River Tyne.

During the NF split of 1985-86, the large and highly successful Newcastle branch split into two warring factions. John sided with the “NF Flag group” (led by Ian Anderson, Martin Wingfield, Joe Pearce, and Steve Brady). The former branch organiser Colin Todd (now editor of Candour), sided with the “Official NF Cadre faction” (led by Nick Griffin, Pat Harrington, Derek Holland, and Graham Williamson). Some local members did not join either “faction”, but instead defected to the rival British National Party (led by John Tyndall). 

Sadly, there was extreme violence on both sides which finished evens. The problems the two factions had politically we could have handled in Newcastle, but some on the cadre side wound them up and turned former comrades against each other.

Before Colin Todd, left Newcastle he and John had made up, and until John had a stroke a few years back he would send long letters. John missed the comradeship and having someone of a certain understanding to bounce ideas off.

His funeral service was held at the West Road as befitting his west end Newcastle origins. Due to ongoing restrictions it was attended only by his family and several close comrades including an H&D subscriber.

The likes of John Harwood will not be seen again. H&D salutes a fallen comrade.

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23 years after his death, Enoch Powell’s legacy haunts modern Britain

Enoch Powell was sacked from the Conservative shadow cabinet in 1968 for warning against Britain’s racial transformation.

23 years ago the political prophet Enoch Powell died, aged 85. Though he had been a prominent figure in British politics for decades, he remains best known for one speech, delivered on 20th April 1968 in Birmingham, and known almost immediately as the “rivers of blood” speech.

This is a slight misquotation, as Powell was quoting the Roman poet Virgil, whose Aeneid – an epic composed around 20 BC – described a prophecy delivered to Aeneas, the Trojan hero and legendary founder of Rome.

“As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding; like the Roman, I seem to see ‘the River Tiber foaming with much blood’.”

In the light of last year’s ‘Black Lives Matter’ protests, the previous sentence of Powell’s speech is especially prophetic. After giving several examples of the terrible consequences of the multiracialism that was beginning to transform our country, Powell mentioned the Race Relations Act then passing through Parliament.

“Here is the means of showing that the immigrant communities can organise to consolidate their members, to agitate and campaign against their fellow citizens, and to overawe and dominate the rest with the legal weapons which the ignorant and the ill-informed have provided.”

Whether Britons will continue to be overawed and dominated – whether we will continue to tear down statues and uproot our heritage – remains to be seen. ‘Normal politics’ is set to resume late next month as candidates are nominated for local and regional elections in most of the UK, though under circumstances that will make campaigning difficult.

These will be the first opportunity for Britons in the privacy of the ballot box to give their reaction to the anti-White agenda – the truly deadly virus of our times – that has spread across the world since the death of career criminal George Floyd.

Do the British retain the spirit of resistance to national suicide that animated Enoch Powell?

Dr Peter Marshall (1939-2021)

Heritage & Destiny editor Mark Cotterill writes:

I was very sorry to learn of the death of one of H&D‘s Patrons – Dr. Peter Marshall, who died at his home near Redruth in Cornwall, earlier this month.

Peter had been an H&D subscriber for almost sixteen years, coming over to us after Spearhead ceased publication (in 2005), and a patron for the past five years.

He had joined the NF in the early 1970s, just before the party’s heyday, and stayed with them until the party split four or five ways during 1979-80. He originally went off with the NF Constitutional Movement (lead by Andrew Fountaine) but later defected to John Tyndall’s newly formed BNP (Mark IV) in 1983.

Peter stayed with the BNP – mainly as an inactive member, due to his job at the Polytechnic of North London, and later at the London School of Economics (teaching Economic History) throughout the Tyndall years. However, he soon became disillusioned with the party under Nick Griffin and let his membership lapse around 2003-4.

He lived in the very enriched London borough of Newham, which was not to his liking, so after taking early retirement he moved to Cornwall with his wife Anne, which was much more to his liking!

Born in 1939, in Enfield in north London, just as the Second World War was starting. Peter was raised mainly by his grandparents, as his mother died while he was still a baby and his father was stationed abroad with the Army for most of the war.

Peter joined the British Army himself at eighteen and served in Kenya, towards the end Mau Mau uprising, where he reached the rank of Lance Corporal.

Back in civvy street, Peter went back into full time education, attending the University of East Anglia, and qualified as a teacher, later gaining a PHD in Economics. He went on to teach at North London Poly (and was there in 1984 during the infamous Pat Harrington period!) and later at LSE.

Peter was a true patriot and gentlemen. He told me once that he could never make his mind up as to whether he was an English nationalist, or British nationalist first! However, he said he was always a race realist – but not ever a racist. We salute you Peter Marshall.

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