Nationalist veteran Ken Kelly dies aged 90

One of the most controversial nationalist activists in North West England has died aged 90.

Ken Kelly had been involved in British Movement, the National Front, BNP, and then NF again at various times since the 1970s, living in Bamford, near Rochdale.

Almost forty years ago he was implicated by Searchlight informant Ray Hill for his illegal dealing in guns and ammunition. Now that Mr Kelly is dead, H&D can confirm that on this occasion the ‘anti-fascist’ press was not lying!

Mr Kelly and his late BM comrade Pete Brawley did indeed have access to a surprising range of weapons, including former British Army kit that had been ‘deactivated’ but then ‘reactivated’.

He also played a part in the tragic series of events that eventually led to the death of a British Army veteran, the brave and intelligent nationalist Chris Barker, whose experiences on several tours of active service in Ulster led to what was eventually diagnosed as combat stress (PTSD), with consequent alcohol and drug problems.

Chris got himself into debt with an unscrupulous Manchester gangster who (knowing that he was an ex-serviceman) said he could discharge the debt by obtaining an untraceable firearm. The gun was duly obtained – from Ken Kelly – and was used in an internal gangland feud.

A consequence of all this was that Chris Barker had to flee across the Pennines to Sheffield, where he fell into further bad company and died aged 43 in 2001.

By this time Ken Kelly was active in Rochdale BNP and remained a supporter of Nick Griffin’s leadership for several years, though hated by Chris Barker’s family and friends who were also longstanding nationalists and opposed to Griffin. The very first event that H&D editor Mark Cotterill attended (with his then wife Jenny) after returning to the UK in November 2002 was with Ken Kelly and then BNP regional organiser Chris Jackson.

Eventually Ken Kelly left the BNP to rejoin the NF alongside his closest friend in the movement (during his last twenty years), eventual NF chairman Kevin Bryan. Throughout his time in nationalism Ken was a generous donor to nationalist causes, never afraid to put his hand in his pocket (putting some younger comrades to shame) and turning out for activities even as the movement’s numbers began another temporary decline about a decade ago.

Even in his mid-80s Ken Kelly travelled down to London to march to the Cenotaph with fellow NF members. His record in the movement will always remain controversial, but he was one of the last links to an earlier era when it was seriously believed that nationalists would need to arm themselves for race war – a far cry from today’s lunatic online posturing and autistic ‘terrorists’.

Nationalist candidates swamped by Tory surge

NF candidate Steve Smith polled 2.4% in Burnley this year

UPDATE 9th May: click here for our extended analysis of the lessons to be drawn from this year’s local and regional elections

Candidates from the ‘old school’ nationalist parties were few and far between this year. Those that did stand were overtaken by a massive swing of White working class voters to Boris Johnson’s Conservatives, as the governing party was rewarded both for the apparent success of its vaccination policy and for ‘getting Brexit done’.

The National Front had three council candidates. In Cliviger with Worsthorne, Burnley, Steven Smith – one of our movement’s most committed campaigners and organisers over the past twenty years – polled 2.4%. (This was a rare example of the Conservatives losing ground, as the seat was gained by the Greens, mainly due to a local planning/housing issue.)

Former BNP regional organiser Chris Jackson, who has been in the NF for the past eleven years after belatedly losing faith in Nick Griffin, polled 2.3% in Todmorden ward, Calderdale, which he has contested (most years) under changing colours since 1994. This is his second-worst result in all that time, and amounts to half the vote he obtained at the previous election in 2019.

Chris Jackson, seen here (above centre) addressing an NF rally alongside former party chairmen Dave MacDonald and Kev Bryan, polled 2.3% this year in Todmorden, half his 2019 vote.

The biggest obstacle in terms of Tory surge was faced by Tim Knowles, NF candidate in Langley Mill & Aldercar ward, Amber Valley. He polled just 1.5% in a ward that was gained by the Tories from Labour, part of a general pattern across the East Midlands and in many other traditionally Labour working-class areas.

The handful of active nationalists who remain in the BNP under the self-serving leadership of Adam Walker and Clive Jefferson, amounted to two local candidates this year. In Boothville & Parklands ward, West Northamptonshire, Ray Beasley polled only 2.5% despite the advantage of being his party’s sole candidate in a three-vacancy election.

Lacking this head-start, but contesting a ward with enormous nationalist potential, John Clarke polled 2.2% as BNP candidate in a by-election for New Addington ward, Croydon.

A far better result than any of the BNP or NF candidates was achieved by British Democratic Party chairman Dr Jim Lewthwaite, who took 6.2% in Wyke ward, Bradford, despite facing opposition from the post-UKIP party Reform UK, whose candidate took 1.6%, as well as a resurgent Conservative Party who gained the seat.

The fringe nationalist party British Resistance, founded by prolific online activist Jack Sen, once again had just one candidate – party chairman Carl Mason, who polled 1.3% in Nunnery ward, Worcester.

Full results from a range of other parties and independents linked to our movement will be published soon on this site. To read our initial analysis of the lessons to be learned from this week’s elections, click here.

Public inquiry reveals police infiltration of 1970s National Front

Four of the young radicals who sought to take over the NF in the early 1980s: (left to right) Joe Pearce, Richard Lawson, Nick Griffin, and Steve Brady. Two of this group were involved in an earlier faction that was spied on by undercover policeman ‘Peter Collins’ who infiltrated both the NF and the Workers Revolutionary Party

Documents released this morning as part of a public inquiry into undercover policing reveal that an officer codenamed ‘Peter Collins’ infiltrated the National Front during 1975 and 1976.

Strangely this infiltration occurred not on the orders of his police superiors, but as an indirect consequence of his deployment to infiltrate a Trotskyist organisation, the Workers Revolutionary Party.

As with many far left groups, the WRP tried to latch on to any militant street activity, ranging from anti-war protests to the campaigns of vandalism launched by friends and family of armed robber George Davis.

An undercover police unit – the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS) – was created in 1968 in response to concerns about public order threats from a new generation of far left and ‘counterculture’ groups that had little or no connection to the old-style communist parties and fronts that MI5 and Special Branch had previously monitored.

The SDS recruited young police officers to work as long-term informants but about a decade ago these plans ended in scandal after it was revealed that some officers had fathered children with young women inside the groups they were infiltrating. Hence the present inquiry.

‘Peter Collins’ was infiltrated into the WRP in 1974, and a year later (by an extraordinary Chestertonian irony) the WRP themselves asked ‘Collins’ to infiltrate the NF on their behalf!

For a year or so ‘Collins’ therefore reported to his SDS handlers both on the WRP and on the NF.

H&D has today obtained copies of SDS and Special Branch documents released by the Inquiry. Unlike the rather confused Guardian reporter who tried to make sense of the story earlier today, we have specialist knowledge of the people and factions concerned, and will in due course publish an analysis of what ‘Collins’ was reporting on during 1975-76: what he thought was happening in the NF, and what was actually happening.

By 1976 the SDS allegedly gave up on infiltrating the ‘far right’, because the longer-established security agencies – Special Branch and MI5 – already had sufficient sources of information on the racial nationalist movement.

Much of this Special Branch and MI5 information would have come from Jewish anti-fascist organisations: the Searchlight intelligence organisation run by Gerry Gable and Harry Bidney that had grown out of the violent 62 Group, and the more ‘establishment’ intelligence arm of the Board of Deputies of British Jews.

‘Peter Collins’ reported to the SDS on aspects of the 1975-6 split within the NF that spawned the National Party, and on the objectives of a small group of NF radicals who sought to use the NP split as part of a longer-term strategy for their own takeover of the movement on the back of a temporary alliance with conservative elements.

Local Elections 2021: a nationalist movement in transition

Steven Smith, National Front candidate for Cliviger with Worsthorne, Burnley

Nominations closed yesterday for local elections across England, plus elections to the Welsh Assembly, and the many different local authorities have been steadily publishing lists of candidates during the past day and a half.

For H&D readers and supporters of the British racial nationalist / patriotic movement, this is a transitional election, not merely because of the Covid pandemic that has absorbed most public attention for the past year, but also because British politics is finally moving out of the shadow of Brexit.

Over the weekend, this website will analyse what has happened to the entire political tradition that was built up by Nigel Farage for the past decade or so around UKIP, the Brexit Party and its various splinters and offshoots, several of which are contesting some of these elections but on a far smaller scale than we have become used to.

But for now we shall look closer to home at some of the ‘real’ nationalist candidates and parties.

For various reasons the National Front wasn’t expected to have very many candidates this year: so far three have been confirmed. Former Burnley BNP organiser Steven Smith will be NF candidate for his home ward, Cliviger with Worsthorne, Burnley. Chris Jackson is NF candidate for Todmorden ward, Calderdale; and Tim Knowles will contest Langley Mill & Aldercar ward, Amber Valley.

John Clarke, BNP candidate for New Addington, Croydon

Despite its head office having far more money than the NF, the BNP once again has fewer candidates – and even those that are standing are really doing so on their own (creditable) initiative rather than as part of a centrally planned campaign. John Clarke will be BNP candidate for a Croydon Council by-election in New Addington ward, once considered a major target for the party; while Ray Beasley is contesting the Boothville & Parklands ward of the newly created West Northamptonshire council.

Dr Jim Lewthwaite, British Democratic Party candidate for Wyke ward, Bradford

Dr Jim Lewthwaite is once again likely to have one of the most effective nationalist campaigns anywhere in the country: he is again contesting Wyke ward, Bradford, for the British Democratic Party

Some well-known nationalists are standing as independent candidates this year. As we have already reported, H&D editor Mark Cotterill is standing both for Preston City Council (in Ribbleton ward) and Lancashire County Council (in the Preston SE division). Similarly Chris Roberts, one of London’s most dedicated racial nationalist activists of recent decades, is contesting both an Essex County Council seat in South Benfleet, and his local district council seat in Boyce ward, Castle Point. The latter is a by-election that follows a typical Tory financial scandal.

Chris Roberts, independent candidate for South Benfleet, Essex, and Boyce ward, Castle Point

Pete Molloy – an ex-serviceman and former BNP activist who is among the very few nationalists now holding public office at any level – is standing as independent candidate for the Spennymoor division of Durham County Council, as well as for re-election to his Spennymoor Parish Council seat where he has been an effective representative for his local community.

Pete Molloy, parish councillor and independent candidate for Spennymoor, County Durham

Former BNP candidate Dr Andrew Emerson is again contesting the Chichester West division of West Sussex County Council, as well as a by-election for the Chichester West ward of the district council.

With the new party Patriotic Alternative not yet registered with the Electoral Commission, so unable to field candidates in this year’s elections, one of the largest nationalist parties standing this year is the For Britain Movement, who already have borough councillors in Hartlepool and Epping Forest. H&D subscriber and former BNP councillor and mayoral candidate Julian Leppert, already an Epping Forest councillor, is standing for the Waltham Abbey division of Essex County Council.

There are four For Britain candidates for Epping Forest District Council. Veteran NF, BNP, Freedom Party, English Democrat and now For Britain campaign strategist Eddy Butler is contesting Loughton Broadway; his wife Sue is candidate for Waltham Abbey NE; former BNP councillor Mrs Pat Richardson is standing in Waltham Abbey Honey Lane; and Jim Searle in Waltham Abbey SW.

Julian Leppert, seen here (second right) celebrating his 2019 victory in Epping Forest, is For Britain candidate for Waltham Abbey, Essex County Council, this year: also shown (from left) are Mrs Pat Richardson and Mrs Sue Butler, two of this year’s Epping Forest candidates

There are dozens of other For Britain candidates nationwide – in fact we make it a total of 58. They include former BNP councillor Graham Partner in Coalville North, Leicestershire.

However the majority of these candidates should not really be classified as racial nationalists: one or two indeed are non-White, and people like party leader Anne Marie Waters (a candidate in De Bruce ward, Hartlepool, this year) are avowedly and sincerely non-‘racist’ or anti-‘racist’.

We shall therefore be examining For Britain’s nationwide campaign over the weekend, in the context of its post-UKIP rivals including Reform UK, the Heritage Party, and what remains of UKIP itself, as well as longstanding civic nationalist parties such as the English Democrats.

Obituary: John Harwood 1956-2021

John Harwood speaking at an NF meeting in the West Midlands in 1990: also on platform (left to right) are John Hill, NF Chairman Ian Anderson, and Norman Tomkinson

Former Newcastle NF (Flag faction) branch organiser John Harwood died at his home on February 4th, surrounded by family members, aged 65. He had been in bad heath for two years but had been out of active nationalist politics for many years.

John was a well-read man, a good artist and poet. He loved a joke and was a popular man with the locals at many a Geordie pub. He enjoyed looking through antique and charity shops and would dabble in pottery himself. He also enjoyed his local history, was interested in his local community and was very proud to both a Geordie and an Englishman.

John was born in Newcastle hospital on February 10th 1956 and was raised in Elswick in the West End of Newcastle, famous for its Scotswood Road and the Blaydon Races (I’m sure you know the song) – by his parents Tom and Vivienne. He was one of a large family.

Around 1980 and upset with the way the country was going he joined the Tyneside branch of the National Front, and soon became one of their key activists. He painted the local branch banner and enjoyed all the nationalist activities both local and national, traveling many times down to London and back in a day.

John Harwood (left) with Colin Todd (right) in 1984 at the old Newcastle NF HQ on Buckingham Street, in the Leazes area of the city.

Kevin Scott first remembers meeting John in 1983 at a BNP meeting in the Turk’s Head Hotel in Newcastle opposite the Central Station at a post General Election meeting where John Tyndall was the guest speaker. He says.

“I later arranged to meet JH and attend local BNP meetings in Gateshead with other Tyneside based nationalists though he was later to join the NF as you say.

After that, I remember attending a Newcastle NF meeting in the city centre when JH was organiser during a brief alliance between the NF (Flag Group) and BNP brokered by Andrew Brons of the NF and Stanley Clayton Garnett of the BNP, if I remember correctly.

JH managed to make the NF in Newcastle a worthy political  force during his time as organiser, akin to Ken Booth’s effort with the BNP much later, attracting the ire of the local print and broadcast media, particularly the Newcastle Chronicle and Northern Echo which featured the NF’s recruitment efforts in places such as nearby Consett after the closure of the local steel works.

“I know that when the NF split JH ended up in the NF Flag Group and Colin Todd sided with the Official NF Cadres.

Later, after both factions of the NF slowly imploded, JH attended BNP meetings and activities helping local and general elections campaigns in Newcastle and further afield though he never joined the party.”

He saw the changes in the poor White working-class area where he grew up, until it became unrecognisable. This he thought was no fault of those who came from far off lands to settle there, but to the short sighted and career minded politicians who loved what President George Bush later called the “New World Order”, rather than their own country and people. John did what he thought right for all and stood by those principles until the end.

Two Newcastle branch activists, Bob Smith (left) and Brian Husband (right) selling NF News in 1985 at the Quayside Market, near the River Tyne.

During the NF split of 1985-86, the large and highly successful Newcastle branch split into two warring factions. John sided with the “NF Flag group” (led by Ian Anderson, Martin Wingfield, Joe Pearce, and Steve Brady). The former branch organiser Colin Todd (now editor of Candour), sided with the “Official NF Cadre faction” (led by Nick Griffin, Pat Harrington, Derek Holland, and Graham Williamson). Some local members did not join either “faction”, but instead defected to the rival British National Party (led by John Tyndall). 

Sadly, there was extreme violence on both sides which finished evens. The problems the two factions had politically we could have handled in Newcastle, but some on the cadre side wound them up and turned former comrades against each other.

Before Colin Todd, left Newcastle he and John had made up, and until John had a stroke a few years back he would send long letters. John missed the comradeship and having someone of a certain understanding to bounce ideas off.

His funeral service was held at the West Road as befitting his west end Newcastle origins. Due to ongoing restrictions it was attended only by his family and several close comrades including an H&D subscriber.

The likes of John Harwood will not be seen again. H&D salutes a fallen comrade.

———————————————————————————————————– 

Dr Peter Marshall (1939-2021)

Heritage & Destiny editor Mark Cotterill writes:

I was very sorry to learn of the death of one of H&D‘s Patrons – Dr. Peter Marshall, who died at his home near Redruth in Cornwall, earlier this month.

Peter had been an H&D subscriber for almost sixteen years, coming over to us after Spearhead ceased publication (in 2005), and a patron for the past five years.

He had joined the NF in the early 1970s, just before the party’s heyday, and stayed with them until the party split four or five ways during 1979-80. He originally went off with the NF Constitutional Movement (lead by Andrew Fountaine) but later defected to John Tyndall’s newly formed BNP (Mark IV) in 1983.

Peter stayed with the BNP – mainly as an inactive member, due to his job at the Polytechnic of North London, and later at the London School of Economics (teaching Economic History) throughout the Tyndall years. However, he soon became disillusioned with the party under Nick Griffin and let his membership lapse around 2003-4.

He lived in the very enriched London borough of Newham, which was not to his liking, so after taking early retirement he moved to Cornwall with his wife Anne, which was much more to his liking!

Born in 1939, in Enfield in north London, just as the Second World War was starting. Peter was raised mainly by his grandparents, as his mother died while he was still a baby and his father was stationed abroad with the Army for most of the war.

Peter joined the British Army himself at eighteen and served in Kenya, towards the end Mau Mau uprising, where he reached the rank of Lance Corporal.

Back in civvy street, Peter went back into full time education, attending the University of East Anglia, and qualified as a teacher, later gaining a PHD in Economics. He went on to teach at North London Poly (and was there in 1984 during the infamous Pat Harrington period!) and later at LSE.

Peter was a true patriot and gentlemen. He told me once that he could never make his mind up as to whether he was an English nationalist, or British nationalist first! However, he said he was always a race realist – but not ever a racist. We salute you Peter Marshall.

The oppo just can’t stop lying…

Richard Edmonds, NF Directorate member and campaigner for historical truth and justice, whose death on December 23rd has sent our enemies into paroxysms of malice.

Within a day of the death of our great comrade Richard Edmonds (see online obituary here) our traditional enemies were unable to stop themselves descending into an online campaign of the grossest lies.

There’s usually no point engaging in ‘debate’ with such malicious creatures, but one such lie is so obscene, and so revealing of our enemies’ hate-filled agenda, that we must briefly deal with the matter here.

The professional liars and their echo chamber – which in this instance includes BBC Radio London historian Dr Louise Raw – are trying to smear Richard Edmonds even after his death!

Their utterly baseless claim is that Richard lay dead for two days before being found, a lie which they use to paint a picture of our movement as being so divided and selfish that its leading figure could be ignored in this fashion by his own comrades.

Richard devoted a large part of his life to exposing our opponents’ lies about major events (or non-events) in European history, so he would be amused to see that the lie machine is wheeled out so quickly in relation to his own death!

Richard Edmonds addressing a demonstration in Bielefeld in support of the jailed Ursula Haverbeck, November 2019 – his final visit to Germany.

For the truth is that Richard was found dead on the morning of December 23rd. The previous afternoon (December 22nd) he had been taken ill at his home. His comrade Paul Ballard visited him and they discussed whether Richard should go to hospital, but Richard refused, preferring to stay at home.

Soon after Paul went home, Richard was (characteristically) back at work! The last email we received from him was at 6.25 pm on December 22nd. Appropriately enough it concerned his translation of a poem by German attorney and nationalist Wolfram Nahrath, which Richard had completed the previous day and to which he was making a small amendment/correction.

Paul Ballard then returned and spent further time with Richard about 9 pm that evening: while it’s not possible to say for certain until the post mortem, it seems likely that Richard died from a heart attack late that night.

Far from lying dead, ignored for two days, Richard had been with a comrade until hours before his death; then had continued with correspondence including that last email to us; then was with a comrade again until probably an hour or two before his death; then was found that same morning.

Richard Edmonds speaking at a memorial event in Bad Kreuznach, November 2017

We should not be surprised at the deceitful malice of our enemies – including Dr Raw who seems to have a track record of expressing glee at the illness and death of “rich, white middle-aged men”.

Fortunately Richard was able to spend his final hours on a higher plane. Summoning his last reserves of strength, he focused on Wolfram Nahrath’s seasonal poem about our common destiny.

Wolfram replied that Richard’s translation was “an honour for me” – unaware of course that it was to be Richard’s last work, after so much dedication he had contributed over the years building Anglo-German solidarity and combatting the edifice of lies that have defaced our continent for 75 years.

The honour of Richard Edmonds is summed up in his valour when confronting death with such dignity and determination. While our enemies’ dishonour is reflected in their endless lies, Richard’s honour remained to the end rooted in truth and loyalty.

Click above to watch the video interview with Ursula Haverbeck conducted by Richard Edmonds and Lady Michèle Renouf.

Richard Edmonds: Racial Nationalist and Great Briton (1943-2020)

Richard Edmonds with the framed photograph of the 1977 Lewisham NF rally, presented by H&D in 2017 to mark his 45 years in nationalism

Heritage and Destiny is very sad to announce the death of our loyal friend, steadfast racial nationalist and campaigner for historical truth Richard Edmonds, who died this morning at his home in Sutton, South London, aged 77. He had been seriously ill with heart problems in recent weeks.

Richard was the backbone of British racial nationalism. A true Englishman but no Little Englander, much of Richard’s political energy was directed by his insight that historical truth was a prerequisite for political progress, and that the traducing of Germany for the past 75 years meant the shackling of the White Race worldwide. Indeed he came to believe that unless the edifice of lies about the Second World War is consistently and courageously challenged, as he put it to Prof. Robert Faurisson’s translator and assistant Guillaume Nichols a few years ago: “Everything else is a waste of time.”

This entailed travelling to address rallies in Germany and France as well as tireless activism in the UK. Richard joined the National Front soon after the Uxbridge by-election of 1972, which confirmed that the NF was a serious organisation worth the dedication and sacrifice that meaningful activism would require.

He soon became party organiser in the racial battleground of Lewisham and a member of the NF Directorate. In the complicated internal politics of British nationalism, Richard was a consistent and loyal supporter of John Tyndall, NF chairman during the party’s best years. He became a founder member of the New National Front and its successor the British National Party under JT’s leadership from 1982 to 1999, for most of those years as National Organiser – effectively the party’s deputy leader.

After his place of work was exposed by Sunday Times journalists in 1988, Richard lost his job with Cable & Wireless but the company was forced to pay him a financial settlement as he had done nothing to warrant dismissal. With this money Richard purchased a bookshop in Welling, SE London, which became the famous BNP bookshop/headquarters.

Richard Edmonds campaigning for the National Front in Eltham, SE London

Richard lived above the shop at Upper Wickham Lane. Those were times when physical attacks by violent anti-fascists were an expected part of life for active nationalists, and Richard was one of the prime targets. A letter bomb exploded at the premises in 1994, and the ongoing enquiry into Metropolitan Police undercover operations is expected to reveal further details of how state operatives targeted both the BNP HQ and its opponents.

It was a tribute to Richard Edmonds that the state and ‘antifascists’ combined to set him up for several months imprisonment at a crucial moment in late 1993 and early 1994. Three days after the election of Derek Beackon – the first BNP councillor – in September 1993, Richard was falsely identified and arrested at a BNP event in Brick Lane, East London. During his months on remand, state operatives advanced their plan to disrupt and divide the party.

During the 1980s and 1990s Richard was the main distributor of Holocaust News, a tabloid-style popular introduction to historical revisionism that reached a worldwide audience. He was always ready to travel across Europe to campaign for truth and justice, including the trial of David Irving in Vienna, the release of Ernst Zündel in Mannheim, and demonstrations in support of Ursula Haverbeck, Horst Mahler and Sylvia Stolz.

Richard Edmonds with fellow speakers at the 2014 John Tyndall Memorial Meeting (back left to right) Jez Turner, H&D editor Mark Cotterill, Simon Sheppard and Ken Shapcott; (front left to right) former MEP Andrew Brons, Richard Edmonds, Keith Axon, Jim Lewthwaite, H&D assistant editor Peter Rushton and Alex Davies.

Richard was unusual in combining active historical revisionism with tireless electoral activism: first with the NF, then with the BNP, then back with the NF during the past decade, when he again served on the Directorate. Despite the ever-changing fortunes of nationalist parties, Richard was always prepared to travel to support branch activists, whether their meeting numbered a dozen or several hundred.

At the 1992 General Election, Richard achieved the BNP’s best result that year – 1,310 votes (3.6%) in Bethnal Green & Stepney; while in October 1974 he polled 1,731 votes (4.5%) in Deptford. It was in Clifton Rise, Deptford, that NF marchers assembled for what became known as the Battle of Lewisham on 13th August 1977.

As the NF’s Lewisham organiser, Richard knew the stakes, telling the press that the party did not recognise any “no go areas”:

“Clifton Rise is part of Britain, and we will march anywhere in Britain. This march is deliberately provocative. We are standing up for White people.”

Richard and the NF publicised an official police survey of street crime in South London which showed that 80% of the attackers were Black, and 85% of the victims were White.

Had he lived, Richard would again have been a National Front candidate at the Greater London Assembly elections, postponed from May this year to May 2021.

Richard Edmonds addresses the NF’s anti-immigration demo in Dover, 2015

In 2018 – alongside Lady Michèle Renouf and H&D assistant editor Peter Rushton – Richard organised and spoke at a revisionist conference in Shepperton, West London, which turned out to be the final speech by the great revisionist scholar Prof. Robert Faurisson. Earlier that year he had been a scheduled guest speaker at the February 2018 Dresden commemoration where Lady Renouf was arrested. The text of the speech he would have given that day was published by H&D here.

Richard paid tribute to Lady Renouf’s courage in Dresden that day. Following her victory over the German prosecutors a few weeks ago, Richard wrote: “Brilliant. You faced the music, Michèle and you won. Wonderful.”

At the 2019 NF Remembrance Day march to the Cenotaph, Richard completed a remarkable trek across Europe. Having spoken at a rally in Germany on the Saturday, supporting the jailed revisionist Ursula Haverbeck, he made it back to London in time to address the NF’s post-Cenotaph rally just off Whitehall the next day!

Richard Edmonds with megaphone addressing a demonstration outside the German Embassy in London, calling for the release of jailed revisionist publisher Ernst Zündel

Very rarely for an Englishman, Richard was able to address a French audience in French and a German audience in German! In January 2020 he spoke in Vichy at the conference marking what would have been Prof. Robert Faurisson’s 91st birthday, delivering the Robert Faurisson International Prize to exiled French scholar Vincent Reynouard, and he was planning to record an update to his highly informative video made at the spot in Westminster where Zionist lobbyists plan to build a gigantic ‘Holocaust memorial’. Our commentary on this memorial (still being opposed at a planning enquiry) will continue Richard’s work for posterity.

The day before his death, Richard completed translation of a Yuletide poem by the German patriot and attorney Wolfram Nahrath, renowned for his defence of political clients including Monika Schaefer, Ursula Haverbeck, Horst Mahler, Bishop Richard Williamson and Lady Michèle Renouf.

Here at H&D we knew Richard Edmonds as a loyal friend – but he was more than just a friend to us, he was a loyal friend of the British people and of the broader White cause.

We had a comrade, you will find no better.

H&D‘s Issue 100 to be published in a fortnight’s time will include a full obituary for our friend and comrade Richard Edmonds.

Richard Edmonds presents the 2020 Robert Faurisson International Prize to exiled French revisionist Vincent Reynouard

An archive of interviews with Richard Edmonds is at Sven Longshanks’ Radio Albion site.

German patriot and attorney Wolfram Nahrath writes:

I‘m terribly sad.

It was a great experience to meet him, listen to him, talk to him, standing with him in front of a German prison, where he gave his legendary speech for the rights of freedom and free opinion.

In the name of my people, I have to thank him for his courage to raise his voice for us beaten and suppressed Germans.

I‘m glad having had him in my house as a very special guest. A clear mind in a gloomy and dangerous time for all the European People. His constant demands to be awake, to look behind the ugly mask of the destroyers of the variety of cultures and people (the Bishop blamed them as “the enemies of God”), to learn about history in order to avoid any further wars in Europe and to stand together for a living future, now became an order of conscience for us all.

Wherever a place for the braves might be: You‘ll meet him there.

We’ll march on, although your flag in life has to be pulled down now. Rest In Peace, Richard. With deference, Wolfram Nahrath, Germany

Nationalism in New Zealand 2020

After the Christchurch Mosque attacks of 15 March 2019, the political Right in New Zealand disappeared within hours. Any websites were either taken offline by the operators or shut down by their hosting services. The NZ National Front which had been in slow decline finally breathed its last as its web site was arbitrarily deleted by the hosting service. Since then the Liberals, the hard Left and committed Marxists have been completely unopposed politically.

For many years the political landscape in NZ had been wall to wall liberals regardless which side of the political duopoly was in power. Now, with the complete demise of the Right in 2019, no one can so much as whisper a word against the Muslim community, and should anyone have the temerity to question large scale immigration, they will surely face arbitrary public crucifixion as a ‘Racist’!

To the extent that there can be a bright side after such a disastrous year, the forced purge cleared the way for a much-needed re-boot of Nationalism in New Zealand. Prior to the March 15 shooting, the most promising development had been the Dominion Movement, an identitarian movement specifically for young men of European descent, they were an effective group for building European group identity, with solid nationalist ideology combined with a positive public image. They engaged in team-building exercises and community projects like cleaning graffiti, hiking and fitness training, combined with self-promotion and pro-white messages, but these seemingly harmless acts of public good and team building attracted the ire of those in power. Unfortunately, young white men building self-respect was something the establishment would simply not tolerate, the danger that white people would be able to recognise and vote against policies and parties that were not in their interests could not be tolerated. Consequently, they were being pursued by the SIS (our version of the Stasi) even before the Christchurch debacle.

So the day that 50 Muslims got senselessly murdered in Christchurch was also the day that genuine political opposition died in New Zealand. The DM disappeared as did the already diminished National Front.

Out of the ruins of March 15 came a new more serious approach, ideologically driven with deep academic roots. Gone are the leather jackets and shaved heads of earlier National Front and Right-Wing Resistance groups, launched in July 2019 a new movement called Action Zealandia features penetrating analysis and real-world long term objectives. The AZ group follows in the footsteps of the Dominion Movement with the aim of fostering the development of fit young intelligent European men with an ideological foundation that will only see the movement grow with time. This development should not be underestimated, along with other developments mentioned here this is a major change in the meta-political landscape of New Zealand.

New Zealand White workers demonstrate against wage reductions in 1925

In May 2020 I launched the new online magazine site The European New Zealander (TENZ) to provide a counter-narrative to the all-pervasive anti-white narrative that currently permeates every aspect of New Zealand life, from the clear agenda to normalise race mixing in advertising to the outright demonisation of whites in the education system. The European New Zealander intends to operate on the cultural or ‘meta-political’ level, to highlight the contributions made by our English and European forebears, in contrast to the unhealthy fad of excessively promoting the limited contributions made by temporary immigrants from other parts of the world. Over the coming months, TENZ will strive to highlight the traditions that the early settlers brought with them that we still practice today, everything from cuisine, to clothing to games and local festivals and customs that reflect our roots in our English homeland. It is important that we understand that much of what we take for granted is unique and valuable to our people here and reflects a connection to our wider kin in our homelands and other parts of the European world.

For the purpose of indoctrination and to demolish resistance to the new religion of multiculturalism, race mixing and economic globalism, what has happened to European New Zealanders is a deliberate attempt to undermine our unity and identity, it has taken many decades and has worked at all levels of our culture. Attempts to put things right may also take many years. However, since starting the site two months ago we have seen the international situation deteriorate dramatically, whites and European culture is under attack like never before. I believe these events can only accelerate the process of European awakening. What this means for TENZ is the inclusion of more directly relevant political content as people seek answers to serious political questions. To that end, I have been fortunate to have the invaluable help of NZ’s leading conservative intellectual, Dr Kerry Bolton in providing scholarly analysis of current events.

Other than the clearly ethnocultural focus of AZ and TENZ there are few other outlets for right-wing or counter-narrative viewpoints in New Zealand. TheBFD.co.nz and RightMinds.nz go as far as they can whilst remaining safely within the limits of acceptable discourse, bounded by the tacit confession that racism is bad and we must always be at pains to prove our innocence. On the other hand, the driving motivation for TENZ is very simple; Genocide is wrong, period. To that extent, the Civic Nationalist position taken by these other outlets is tolerated by the establishment precisely because it does nothing to prevent the eventual breakdown of homogenous societies.

The South Island Independence Movement is another organisation that offers concerned normies and Civic Nationalists a proposition we can all agree on for now, that the South Island really is the Main Land and should have its own government. And it has until only very recently been something like 98% European. A ‘problem’ the government is moving rapidly to solve.

What is forgotten or at best demonised is the great fact that English people came to New Zealand and built a great country, carved from the forest and the plains, and produced a society with the highest standard of living in the world. Our people did that and to say otherwise is to defraud our children of a proud heritage, cultural identity and something worth fighting for. And that, I guess is the point, the globalist agenda cannot have a homogenous national group, educated in its history and willing to fight to defend it’s legitimate claim to identity and territory.

A mindless act of terrorism has been ruthlessly exploited by the political establishment

New Zealand is at a turning point. We have a general election in September, the political/cultural/media establishment does not allow for the expression of any degree of Ethno Nationalist sentiment, and across the board, all political parties buy into the leftist proscribed evil of ‘Racism’. The current crop of political parties even seem to compete with each other for boasting rights to the most pro-immigration credentials, many using the fallacious argument that ‘we are a nation of immigrants’ to justify large scale immigration from India. For the sake of context, we are talking about average net immigration of around 15,000 pa booming to 70,000 after National prime minister John Key opened the borders in 2013.

Statements on Immigration from some of the parties

· Act; ‘New Zealand is a nation of immigrants.’ ‘Continue to be a pro-immigration party, honouring our heritage as a nation of immigrants’

· New Conservatives; ‘Immigration is central to many parts of New Zealand’s culture, economy, and future prospects.

· Labour; ‘New Zealand is a country built on immigration.

· National; No comment

· TOP; ‘We need to focus on skilled people that are looking for a more liberal and tolerant society in the wake of Brexit, Trump and the march of ugly nationalism engulfing Europe.’

· Greens; No comment, just equality for all.

· NZF; only a population policy survey.

Most of these parties issue fluffy sounding economics-based immigration policies and then declare that they will not allow separate parallel societies to develop with their own culture and legal systems. Sounds like another fluffy sounding declaration of a century ago, ‘oh yes, we will allow millions of Jewish people to come in here and nothing will be done to prejudice the civil rights of the existing population, – and everything will be just fine.’ oops! And that was the start of the trouble in the middle east, in the same way that the same spurious lies about immigration have been the start of the trouble in the west.

From a rightist perspective, it has long been recognised that a natural symbiosis exists between ethno-nationalist objectives and Maori activist parties. Outside of the opportunistic treaty claims industry, both sides realise that we have a shared vested interest in preserving the cultural status quo. Yet the thought of Pakeha and Maori working together to save our country from socialism must have been a truly terrifying experience for the globalist establishment. Not to worry, they had just the right person to head off the imminent outbreak of cordiality. At the last National Front Flag Day in 2017, the liberals, in the person of the Green Party member of parliament Golriz Ghahraman, went out of their way to creat reasons for grievance and agitation. Whether she is a true believer or a useful idiot, the left created for the occasion a Land War memorial day to coincide with the annual NF Flag Day. Several hundred agitated Maori turn up, the Iranian refugee winds them up and hey presto, the common purpose shared by Maori and Pakeha in preserving our country from socialism is scuttled yet again.

So in summary, genuine Racial Nationalism in NZ is, surprisingly, in better shape now than it was before the collapse, young people, good optics, no skinheads, deep roots. Were OK. Which is good, because we are going to need to be in pretty good shape if Comrade Cindy gets another shot at the tiller, which is entirely possible considering the compliant and gullible obedience the general public have displayed of late throughout this Covid19 thing,- but that’s another story! We could be facing a ruined economy, rampant inflation, a surveillance state and draconian hate speech laws. If that happens it may not be long before we are dreaming wistfully of the good old days of 2020!

Chris McCabe, Christchurch, New Zealand

Website – https://TheEuropeanNewZealander.net/

Email address – contact@TheEuropeanNewZealander.net

Many happy returns – John Bean

Bill Baillie on the left (his position in the photo not his politics!); the late Paul Barnes (centre), who shared John’s views on racial-nationalism and John Bean (definitely on the right!). When John informed H&D editor Mark Cotterill that he and Bill only shared around 50% of the views expressed in the magazine, Mark replied that was very good, and slightly more than he did! Mark explained that unlike a party-political magazine, H&D is here to represent a very broad cross section of nationalist opinion, not all of which everybody will agree with.

The editor, assistant editor and all the staff at H&D Towers, would like to wish our oldest subscriber (by two months) – John Bean – a very happy 93rd birthday.

John was born on June 27th, 1927 in Carshalton, Surrey. The family moved to Blackfen, near Sidcup in Kent, where at the age of 13 he suffered the trauma of being bombed out of the family home in February 1941.

Aged 18, John began his National Service in 1945. He was largely apolitical, although he had briefly flirted with communism whilst at school, calling for support for the Soviet Union. Initially he was a trainee navigator in the RAF Volunteer Reserve.

Later as a sailor in the Royal Navy. John became a radar mechanic and was placed on HMS Bulawayo, a fleet supply ship which made several visits to Trinidad until the end of his naval service in June 1948.

He briefly lived in India during 1950, working as a chemist in a paint factory, although he failed to settle and returned to Britain six months later.

Upon his return, John began to attend meetings of the Union Movement, being attracted by the ‘Europe a Nation’ policy and by the time Oswald Mosley had spent in prison for his beliefs. John initially served as a member of the Special Propaganda Service, the main duty of which was to sell copies of the party’s newspaper Union.

Soon however he became a leading figure active on behalf of the UM in the East End of London, before being appointed to head a branch in Putney in 1952. Despite these advancements, John grew disillusioned of the UM’s chances of making any real headway and he left them altogether in February 1953. A brief stopover in the local Conservative Party in Barnes followed but lasted only two months.

After a spell on the side-lines he then linked up with Andrew Fountaine, who had been attempting to form his own party, the National Front, and began to produce a journal, National Unity.

His work attracted the attention of A.K. Chesterton and, with the National Front idea failing to get off the ground, he decided to join the League of Empire Loyalists, serving as its Northern Organiser and then in the HQ in London. Continuing to produce his paper, now called The Loyalist, John soon became frustrated at both the lack of political activity and the links to the Conservative Party that were the hallmarks of the LEL.

He left in 1957 to set up the National Labour Party with Fountaine. Fountaine, a Norfolk landowner from a rural landowning family, was officially President of the new group, but was largely a figurehead: control actually lay with John.

The NLP gained a few minor results in elections but was always destined to be a small fringe movement, and as a result John decided to merge his party with another LEL splinter group, the White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party.

John Bean was made leader of the party upon its foundation. Early in the group’s life, both John and former White Defence League leader Colin Jordan were approached by Oswald Mosley, who offered them roles in his Union Movement if they agreed to its subsuming the BNP, but both men rejected the offer.

Initially gaining some support in London, the party soon ran into trouble when it became clear that Colin Jordan was emerging as its spokesman. A journalist commented in 1962 that Jordan was becoming the British Adolf Hitler. John jokingly responded to the Daily Mail reporter that that made him “the British Joseph Goebbels”. Despite this, John soon clashed with Jordan over his extremism and before long Jordan had left to form the National Socialist Movement, taking emerging figures John Tyndall and Denis Pirie with him. Matters had come to a head at the party’s national council meeting in 1962 when John proposed a motion to condemn Jordan’s open support for National Socialism. It was passed 7 to 5, but the party immediately split as a result, albeit with around 80% of the membership remaining within the BNP. John had blamed the associations with National Socialism that Jordan and Tyndall brought for the party’s marginal position in British politics.

At the 1964 general election John Bean stood as BNP candidate in Southall and obtained 3,410 votes (9.3%), the highest post-war vote for a minority party at that time. Another BNP candidate picked up nearly 2,000 votes in Deptford. In 1966 he again stood in Southall, but his vote fell to 2,600. With BNP membership only marginally increasing, John felt the need to try to create a nationalist front with like groups and arranged, with the help of Ted Budden, a private meeting with his old mentor A.K. Chesterton and a spokesman of the Racial Preservation Society. The result of the meeting was the founding of the National Front in 1967.

John became something of a peripheral figure in the NF, as the BNP element was somewhat side-lined. He held the post of Deputy Chairman of the Executive Directorate, a body which was largely subordinate to the Policy Directorate and stood as second candidate for the Ealing constituency in the 1967 Greater London Council elections until resigning in 1968. Still an NF member, he was recalled to positions of minor influence from time to time until 1972 when he largely ceased active involvement. Retreating into political retirement, his membership lapsed in 1977

He emerged only briefly to lend some support to his old friend Andrew Fountaine’s NF Constitutional Movement and to take part in the Countryside Alliance March of 1st March 1998 – which was also attended by supporters of Nick Griffin, by then inside the BNP.

John eventually ended his retirement after the political fall of John Tyndall and joined the British National Party under the leadership of Nick Griffin. He became an active official of the BNP (mostly in administration) and was a candidate for the party in the 2004 European elections, where he was seventh on a list of seven candidates for the Scotland constituency.

He formerly ran his own website, but then wrote a regular column for the main BNP website, and served as editor of BNP magazine Identity until March 2010.

Due to dissatisfaction with his leadership, John demanded that Nick Griffin resign as National Chairman and focus more on representing the North West region as an MEP.

In May 2011, John endorsed Andrew Brons (the BNP MEP for Yorkshire and the Humber) in his challenge for the BNP leadership. He made significant contributions to the Brons team web site, including articles on ‘Genetics and Inheritance’ and ‘Nationalism and a European Confederation’. He subsequently became involved in Brons’s party the British Democratic Party, established in February 2013.

John lived in London, and later Suffolk, before retiring to Yorkshire to live nearer his expanding family – three grandchildren, and five great grandchildren (so far!).

During periods away from politics John wrote four books.

Ten Miles from Anywhere (Hedgerow Publishing 1995), looked at the changes in a Suffolk village from the beginning of the 20th century.

Many Shades of Black, (New Millennium 1999), was Bean’s political memoirs up to that date.

His first novel Blood in the Square, which fictionalized some of his political experiences in the 1960s.

And in August 2016 his historical novel Trail of the Viking Finger (Troubador Publications).

Next Page »

  • Find By Category

  • Latest News

  • Follow us on Twitter