H&D’s Isabel Peralta launches TikTok account

On 11th September, H&D correspondent Isabel Peralta created her first account on TikTok.

She aims to reach new viewers via this account and to answer their questions about national socialism, politics, and culture.

The new account can be accessed at https://www.tiktok.com/@issabelperalta88

At Heritage & Destiny we shall also be preparing English translations of these videos and links will appear in due course. The first three are now available (see below).

Watch out for Isabel’s next article in Issue 122 of H&D.

A new nationalist party contests German regional election

The new, radical nationalist party III. Weg (Third Way – unrelated to the now defunct party of the same name in the UK) is contesting regional elections next month in the German state of Brandenburg.

Two activists from III. Weg attended H&D‘s meeting in Preston last September, and the party leader Matthias Fischer was interviewed in Issue 117 of our magazine.

As Mr Fischer explained, his party are “national revolutionaries … we set our idea of ‘German socialism’ against both the liberal capitalism of the Western world and communism/neo-Bolshevism. …At the European level we are striving for a confederation that will give our continent its own strength as a counterpoint to the imperialist forces of the world powers. It’s not about cosmetically interfering with the system, but rather about creating something completely new. Liberalism is currently the main enemy for us national revolutionaries. We work for the holistic revolution.”

There are significant differences between III. Weg and long-established parties of the “right-wing”. For a start, as noted above, III. Weg are revolutionaries rather than reactionaries. They are therefore the opposite to AfD and the recently launched WerteUnion (Values Union), which both grew out of the Thatcherite, ‘free market’, ultra-capitalist wing of German conservatism.

Moreover, both AfD and the now declining German nationalist party once called NPD (which has renamed itself Heimat but has fallen so far that it doesn’t even have candidates in this Brandenburg election), have grovelled to Vladimir Putin’s neo-Stalinist imperialism. Abundant evidence shows that senior figures in AfD as well as certain other so-called ‘nationalists’ have been funded by the Russian intelligence service to push Putin’s agenda.

In strong contrast, III. Weg has consistently opposed Russia’s anti-European agenda, even before the invasion of Ukraine.

The present German federal republic consists of sixteen regions, three of which are city parliaments, while the other thirteen are Länder or federal states, which each have their own parliament or Landtag.

Brandenburg is one of these, governing a state with 2.5 million residents, just outside Berlin. The state capital is the ancient city of Potsdam.

In recent years Brandenburg has become a typical example of the cynicism of European political elites, governed by a coalition of apparent political opposites: the socialist SPD, conservative CDU, and Greens.

As in the UK and many other European countries, the radical nationalist movement in Germany has had to overcome many obstacles and divisions. By contesting this regional election, III. Weg has entered a new stage of its development. The campaign will be an important experience for party activists, and advances the process of launching a genuine electoral alternative for patriots and true Europeans.

Issue 121 of H&D is out now

The new issue (#121) of Heritage and Destiny magazine was published and posted to subscribers this week. The 28-page, September – October 2024 issue, has as its lead:

After the horrific racial attack in Southport in which three young White girls were murdered, Starmer and the MSM blame the ‘far right’ for the riots that followed

Issue 121

September – October 2024

Contents include:

• Editorial – by Mark Cotterill
• A seismic shift to the populist right? Le Pen, Farage, Orbán and a summer of elections – by Peter Rushton
• Right to Reply – Nationalist Community Politics – by Mark Collett
• Book Review – Léon Degrelle in Exile – 1945-1994 – by José Luis Jerez Riesco – Part II of a review by Peter Rushton
• Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza pushes identity politics in the UK to a whole new level – by Alec Suchi
• Book Review – Stakeknife’s Dirty War: The Inside Story of Scappaticci, the IRA’s Nutting Squad and the British Spooks Who Ran the War – by Richard O’Rawe – reviewed by Joseph McCann
• From the Other Side of the Pond – by Kenneth Schmidt
• Two full pages of readers’ letters
• Movement News – Latest analysis of the nationalist movement – by Peter Rushton
• Movie Review – The Last Kingdom: Seven Kings Must Die – reviewed by Mark Cotterill

If you would like a sample copy of this issue, please send just £7.00 or $15.00 to H&D, 40 Birkett Drive, Preston, PR2 6HE, England, UK – or if you would like to subscribe, please go to – http://www.heritageanddestiny.com/publications/journal/ – for full details or email – heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com

Isabel Peralta answers X users’ questions

Two weeks after being banned from Instagram, our European correspondent Isabel Peralta answered questions submitted by Twitter users in a live podcast last night.

We have now produced an English-subtitled video version of this podcast.

Among other issues, Isabel focuses on the need for European unity to combat the present racial crisis. This is a theme that will be addressed further in the November edition of H&D as we continue our discussion of nationalist strategy.

Patriots rally to demand freedom for political prisoner Sam Melia

On Saturday patriots and defenders of traditional British values gathered outside a jail in Hull to demand freedom for political prisoner Sam Melia.

On March 1st this year, Sam was given a two year jail sentence for the ‘crime’ of distributing political stickers, which prosecutors deemed “distributing material intending to stir up racial hatred”.

For some reason police and prosecutors chose to highlight that Sam and his wife Laura had a book by Oswald Mosley and a poster of Adolf Hitler at their home. Neither of these are illegal under English law.

The authorities have deemed Sam to be a particularly dangerous political prisoner, so they have not allowed him to be released on the usual ‘electronic tag’ bail system, as would normally have been expected next month. Sam’s release on bail now seems likely in mid-December.

Yesterday’s rally was addressed by Sam’s wife Laura, his father Phil, and their comrades Mark Collett, Ian Holloway, and Matt Darrington.

Sam and Laura’s second child was born during his imprisonment. We are sure this will be a very special Christmas for the Melia family and that they will continue their political struggle, undaunted by the British state’s repressive measures.

Secret police files reveal truth about ‘far right violence’

Even the so-called ‘conservative’ press has joined ‘anti-fascists’ in a festival of propaganda during the past week, alternately warning of ‘far-right violence’ and celebrating its apparent defeat.

But by a strange coincidence, an official inquiry into the operations of undercover police officers has simultaneously revealed some of the truth behind this hype. H&D has spent some time examining the records of this inquiry, including testimony given at a hearing in London on 24th July this year.

During 1990 and 1991, an undercover police officer codenamed HN 56 was deployed to infiltrate the British National Party (BNP). It would be a criminal offence to reveal the true name of HN 56, but while inside the BNP he used the pseudonym Alan Nicholson and was known as ‘Nick’.

This officer worked in coordination with the Security Service (MI5) as part of a top secret police unit known as the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS). The names and birth certificates of dead children were used to create fake identities for SDS officers, who were then infiltrated into ‘extremist’ organisations. This strategy was first adopted after riots outside the US Embassy in 1968, during the Vietnam War. MI5 and the police became aware that they lacked intelligence on new and violent far-left groups, so this infiltration strategy was developed.

According to journalistic and anti-fascist hype, the early 1990s was a time when ‘far-right’ violence against non-Whites was increasing, especially in London. Had ‘nazis’ been behind this ‘racist violence’, the obvious place to find evidence would have been inside the BNP.

HN 56 – given the fake identity of Alan ‘Nick’ Nicholson – was sent to join the Loughton branch of the BNP. A decision to point him in this direction was taken by his superiors in August 1989. After several months of training he began his mission in April 1990, hanging around for about six weeks at a pub in Loughton, regularly frequented by BNP members and sympathisers, before filling in an application form for BNP membership. Perhaps surprisingly, he was not given a fake passport in his cover name, though he was given a bank account in this name, a driving licence, and other fake documents.

The most telling section of his testimony to the inquiry was that he thought he had been chosen to infiltrate the ‘far right’ because he was physically tough and had a black belt in karate:
“I think there was a perception that if you are going to get a smack on the head, it was probably if you were on the right-wing rather than the left.”

Sir John Mitting, chairman of the inquiry, asked HN 56:
“So a perception that you were more likely, yourself, to become a victim of violence, if I can put it that way?”

“Yes.”

“If deployed into a right-wing group.”

“Yes, I think so.”

Later in his testimony, HN 56 adds: “Well, the thing about the British National Party was if they ever showed up anywhere there was always opposition, generally. It often would result in violence. …Disorder in the sense of – they would not be instigators. It would be on them, generally.”

He is then asked by the inquiry chairman:
“So you thought that you were going to find disorder in which members of the BNP would be set upon?”

And HN 56 replies: “Yes, for example when they held an annual meeting, you know, the venue would have been a closely guarded secret, only revealed maybe a couple of hours before to forestall any invasion by people who wanted to disrupt it.”

One regular concern when infiltrating the ‘far-right’ was that an agent might be uncovered by the anti-fascist organisation Searchlight, who might believe he was a ‘genuine’ BNP activist.

HN 56 testified to the inquiry: “Occasionally the [SDS] managers would quiz me on aspects of my proposed cover identity. The anti-fascist Searchlight organisation would investigate people who associated with extreme right-wing groups and while they were unlikely to warn any of the groups, there was always the possibility that an undercover officer or the unit could be unmasked by them. There were no organised civilian groups looking at the extreme left-wing in quite the same way.”

He added that at the time of his deployment he was expecting to spend four years as an undercover officer: “this made sense because of the preparation time required and the need to develop a credible legend.”

Rather naively, HN 56 told the enquiry that the rationale for his mission was that “the aim of the BNP was a reduction in immigration, being a voice for white people which they deemed had no voice, and ultimately white supremacy. I did not think these aims were subversive but they were criminal and likely to lead to public disorder. I obtained information about their aims from the BNP newspaper and within John Tyndall’s book [The Eleventh Hour].”

Throughout his entire infiltration mission, HN 56 only witnessed one violent incident, when a member of his BNP branch punched an ‘anti-fascist’ during a ‘Rights for Whites’ march in November 1990. This march was part of a campaign supporting the family of John Stoner, a local schoolboy who was stabbed and almost killed by a Bangladeshi gang in Bethnal Green, East London.

One of his problems was that whereas the type of left-wing parties and groups that SDS infiltrated “tended to have frequent and regular meetings and a well-defined group of members, the extreme right-wing was much less strictly organised and tended not to have regular meetings or a fixed membership beyond one or two active organisers.”

This observation probably reflects the state of East London BNP at that time, where a number of activists and organisers had only just been recruited to the BNP from the declining NF, and there was also a looser group of nationalists, some linked to football gangs and others to what later became Combat 18.

Perhaps due to a lack of intelligence among police and MI5 officers, HN 56 had been deployed to a branch that was declining – partly because the Epping Forest organiser had stepped down for family reasons – even while other branches nearby in East London were expanding. Among the few Epping Forest BNP activists who seems to have been befriended by HN 56 during his deployment was Rod Law, who was the subject of a detailed report submitted to Special Branch. Mr Law (who was of course entirely unaware of the fact that this apparent new recruit Nicholson was an undercover police officer) remained a dedicated nationalist and was elected as a BNP councillor for Loughton Alderton ward, Epping Forest, in 2006.

Despite the large amount of public money invested in his training and infiltration mission, it seems that HN 56 lost his nerve, leading to the premature end of his mission in early 1991.

He believed that he had been followed, once on foot and once in a vehicle, in late 1990 and thought that Dave Bruce, a senior BNP official, suspected him of being an infiltrator. There are some hints in HN 56’s testimony that he believed a BNP sympathiser within the police had given him away.

During his testimony to the enquiry last month, HN 56 was asked:
“Were you apprehensive about what the British National Party might do if they thought you were a police officer?”

He replied: “Very much so, yes.”

“What did you think they might do?”

“Beat the shit out of me.”

Even more absurdly, in his witness statement to the inquiry HN 56 said that he was concerned about his superiors having asked him to attend a BNP meeting in another area, because he thought this would seem suspicious for someone so new to the party and “I was concerned I could have been killed.”

Despite the failure of his undercover mission, HN 56 remained within London’s political police, then known as Special Branch, until his retirement in the late 2000s.

None of the Special Branch or MI5 documents released to the inquiry in association with HN 56’s testimony give any indication that the BNP was involved in organised violence. The documents identify a number of individuals well known to older H&D readers, including former Glasgow BNP organiser Eric Brand, who stepped down from this post for family reasons in 1990 during HN 56’s deployment. There is also a document recording BNP members’ visit to Belfast for the 12th July celebrations in 1990.

HN 56’s report from inside the BNP’s 1990 annual rally (held on 13th October 1990) refers to speeches by old comrades of ours including Steve Cartwright, Tony Lecomber (referred to in the report under his pseudonym Tony Wells), Steve Smith (now a senior activist with the British Democrats), and our late comrades Dave Bruce, John Peacock, Richard Edmonds, and John Tyndall.

It’s interesting to note that in this secret police report, most audience members at the BNP rally were described as “smartly dressed, apparently intelligent and relatively affluent. The notorious ‘skinhead’ element made up no more than 5% of those assembled.”

At this 1990 rally the advertised guest speaker Manfred Roeder had been banned from the UK by the Home Secretary (see our recent report on the tenth anniversary of Manfred’s death).

For some reason the name of the replacement guest speaker has been redacted from the report, although older H&D readers will remember that this was Karl Philipp, a German NPD activist and close associate of the historian David Irving. Mr Philipp’s speech focused on ‘Holocaust’ revisionism, and HN 56 summarises his argument as follows (note that these are the words of a secret police report, and that in this context they use normal and reasonable language to summarise revisionist arguments, whereas today in public documents the police would always adopt hysterical anti-fascist language about ‘Holocaust deniers’ and ‘hatred’):
“…The ‘bogey’ always thrown at nationalism and at nationalists, in attempts to stifle not only its growth but its acceptance as well, was the spectre of the Holocaust. Until this ‘bogey’ was laid to rest or put into its proper context (by accepting recent research by noted historians, such as David Irving and others, into the actual numbers and nationalities of those killed in the death camps, in particular Auschwitz), then this ‘bogey’ will always be used by those who see nationalism as a threat, to scare off people who would otherwise embrace the nationalist ideals.”

HN 56 said that the mood of the BNP was very optimistic, and that Richard Edmonds in particular had highlighted the excellent trend of local election results in East London.

Perhaps surprisingly, HN 56 gives a positive account of John Tyndall’s speech to the rally. He writes in his secret report that John Tyndall’s “speech, delivered professionally and in complete tune with those assembled, dealt firstly with the betrayal of this country, by successive governments, since the war. Indeed, he stated, the die was cast in 1939 when ‘cousin’ was set to fight ‘cousin’, instead of a mutual peace being agreed. …He further stated that the so-called ‘vanquished’ of the war, Germany and Japan, were now victorious because of their love of their countries and their adherence to the tenets of nationalism, while the so-called ‘victors’ were now enfeebled by the betrayal of their subsequent governments. …How is it, he went on, that the governments at the time of the Second World War allowed young men to die defending their country from foreign invasion only for successive governments since then to let the creeping invasion of ‘aliens’ take place and to nearly lose our country to them. He, too, closed his speech on the subject of the police. He said that Sir Peter Imbert [Metropolitan Police Commissioner] was no more than a ‘puppet’ dancing to the tune of the British Board of Deputies [the UK’s main Jewish organisation]. He said that Imbert, having recently been summoned to appear before the Board, later stated that he would ‘wipe racism off the streets’. By racism, Tyndall said, he means us – the BNP.”

HN 56 concluded that “the BNP must view this rally as a great success. The whole feeling of it was that of a celebration of recent successes of the party in book publicity and electoral support. Without doubt the two election results in Tower Hamlets have shown Party members that people are prepared to vote for them if they work hard to get the message across. The results have given them a sense of purpose in belonging to a Party which can attract the support of the public and consequently more members to its ranks.”

Later that year a separate source with access to higher level BNP discussions (well above anything HN 56 could have learned) reported that party strategists Dave Bruce, Richard Edmonds and John Morse had decided that the BNP would focus on the 1991 council elections in East London rather than wasting resources on any General Election that might be called by the new Prime Minister John Major, who had replaced Margaret Thatcher in November 1990. A similar high-level source reported to Special Branch on the BNP’s purchase of computer equipment to assist production of the newspaper British Nationalist.

HN 56 was clearly paranoid about the likelihood of his fellow officers having ‘blown his cover’ to the BNP, and about the likelihood of BNP activists inflicting violence on a police infiltrator even if we discovered one. East London was a very different place to East Belfast!

But he was correct to discern that the party was (justifiably) feeling optimistic about its electoral progress during the early 1990s.

After being on the political margins for most of the 1980s, in May 1990 the BNP polled 8.7% in Holy Trinity ward, Tower Hamlets, where its candidate was Steve Smith.

Steve then polled 8.4% in a Park ward by-election in July 1990, followed by his colleague Ken Walsh polling 12.1% in St Peter’s ward in September 1990.

The progress was obvious, and continued in the two years following the failure of HN 56’s infiltration mission.

Barry Osborne polled 20% in Millwall ward in October 1992, and a year later Derek Beackon won the same ward to become the BNP’s first elected councillor, a result which shocked the political establishment and the liberal media.

These years of progress are a sad contrast to the present-day marginalisation of racial nationalism.

Yet we should look back on those times not with sadness or resignation, but with optimism.

The rapid progress of racial nationalism in those years can be achieved again, provided that our movement can regain the will, determination, and intelligence to mobilise the undoubted potential for our cause that exists throughout our Disunited Kingdom.

We can learn many things from the belated testimony of HN 56 to last month’s inquiry. H&D will continue to scrutinise and report on official documents relating to our cause, as and when such documents become available to us.

Remembering Manfred Roeder (1929-2014)

The great German patriot Manfred Roeder died ten years ago today, on 30th July 2014.

Our assistant editor Peter Rushton, who knew Manfred well, wrote this obituary in Issue 62 of H&D. Manfred was also featured on the front cover of Issue 30 after he was denied entry to the UK on the orders of the Home Secretary.

Here is the text of the obituary which we published almost a decade ago:

Manfred Roeder, one of Europe’s most courageous postwar nationalists, died on 30th July 2014 aged 85. Born in Berlin and educated at one of the elite Napola schools created under national socialism, Roeder fought as a 16-year-old in defence of his home city against Stalin’s invading Red Army. He devoted the rest of his life to the defence of divided Germany’s honour and territorial integrity.

After qualifying as a lawyer Roeder set up practice in Bensheim, in the central German state of Hesse, and worked alongside conservative and church groups in anti-communist campaigns during the 1960s. At the start of the 1970s he organised very successful nationwide campaigns against the tide of pornography promoted by the anti-German ‘1968 generation’. These campaigns became the basis for a network of German patriots – the German Citizens’ Initiative.

In 1973 Roeder’s political activity took a radical turn when he wrote a preface to one of the first historical revisionist texts, The Auschwitz Lie, by Wehrmacht veteran Thies Christophersen who had been based near the alleged death camp. Many of Roeder’s anti-communist and Christian allies were too frightened to join Roeder in campaigning for historical truth and justice, but he explained that after 1945, “German jurisdiction and search for truth was made impossible. Only the victors were to sit in judgment and to write history.”

As part of the fightback against this injustice Roeder was appointed by the last leader of the Third Reich – Admiral Karl Doenitz – as legal adviser to the continuing, suppressed Reich. After Doenitz died in 1980, Manfred Roeder became ‘Regent’ or Reichsverweser pending the restoration of Germany’s legitimate constitution. He had purchased a Kaiserreich era hotel in the Hessen countryside, which was used as a centre for nationalist and cultural events. (I first visited Manfred at this house in 1993.)

After a demonstration at Flensburg on the north German coast, Roeder was given a six-month prison sentence and barred from practising law, but was supported by a network of nationalist comrades in the USA and worldwide. He toured the USA inspiring ethnic Germans and other European-Americans to build activist networks, but the most controversial period of his career began on his return to Germany in 1980.

A small offshoot from Roeder’s Citizens’ Initiative – calling themselves the ‘German Action Groups’ – began a bombing campaign against political targets linked to the continuing oppression of the German people.

After the bombing of an asylum centre in Hamburg caused the deaths of two Vietnamese refugees, the culprits telephoned Roeder asking for legal advice while on the run. Thus the authorities were able to build a credible ‘conspiracy’ case against him, and in 1982 he was sentenced to thirteen years in prison. Released in 1990 he resumed his political career and was invited to address the BNP’s annual rally in October that year, but was banned from the UK at the instigation of leading Zionist and Labour MP Greville Janner.

Roeder was again refused entry to the UK in 2007 and faced continuing legal persecution until well into his ninth decade.

In 1998 Manfred Roeder was a parliamentary candidate for the NPD and featured in a BBC documentary film.

During the 1990s one of his main activities was to promote the return of ethnic Germans to areas of East Prussia taken over by Stalin after 1945, including the Baltic city of Königsberg (presently under Russian occupation, and which the present author visited as part of this initiative). This campaign caused a political scandal in Germany a few years later, when it was admitted that Roeder had lectured at an official military academy in 1995 at the Bundeswehr‘s invitation.

In 2006 Manfred Roeder visited Tokyo and published a joint manifesto with Japanese nationalist leader Ryu Ohta, but soon afterwards his health began to decline (exacerbated by a severe blow to the head inflicted by ‘anti-fascists’ armed with clubs who attacked a demonstration in Marburg), and in recent years he had retired from active politics.

Manfred Roeder deserves to be remembered as a giant of European nationalism.

H&D Video Podcast #1

H&D has posted our first video podcast, recorded on 13th July.

Assistant editor Peter Rushton reflects on the extraordinary elections in the UK and France. Were these turning points for ‘nationalism’? In what ways can Farage’s and Le Pen’s parties be termed ‘nationalist’?

And where does our movement go from here?

H&D is of course primarily a print magazine and will remain so: we don’t intend to become frequent video streamers.

But we shall occasionally post video podcasts, in addition to articles on our website and social media posts – as part of our contribution to the essential reassessment and rebuilding of racial nationalist politics.

The new video podcast is also now available with Spanish subtitles.

1964–2019: And then there were none. H&D editor Mark Cotterill examines the end of a nationalist era

While out in downtown Preston earlier this week for lunch with a couple of H&D subscribers – one of whom had travelled up from Leicester on a family matter – the main matter of conversation was (of course) the General Election and whom we would – or should – be voting for. As none of us happen to live in a constituency with British Democrat or English Democrat candidates, our group was mixed with one going for ADF, another for UKIP, two for independents and three for Reform UK. The conversation got round to the fact that the once mighty British National Party (BNP) and National Front (NF) were not standing any candidates in this year’s General Election.

My colleague from Leicester – knowing I’m an “anorak” on such matters – asked: “Mark, how far back do you have to go to find a GE where neither the BNP nor NF (in any of its forms) had even a single candidate”?

Now even though I class myself as a “smarty pants” on movement history, I was not sure, but guessed at 1966. However, after “Googling” it, I found that I was wrong (shock, horror!). The start of the era of BNP and NF candidates turned out to be the election before in 1964 – where former H&D subscriber John Bean (now sadly deceased) contested Southall for the BNP (mark II), polling 3,410 votes – 9.1%.

At the 2019 GE, David Furness contested Hornchurch and Upminster for the BNP (mark IV), polling 510 votes – 0.9%, which will in all probability be the last time the BNP ever contests a GE.

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Fun Facts For Anoraks – from previous General Elections

In 1966, the BNP fielded three candidates: John Bean again in Southall, 2,768 – 7.4%; Gerald Rowe in Deptford 1,906 – 7%; and Robert Stanley in Smethwick 508 – 1.5%.

In 1970, when the NF contested ten seats, this was the last General Election when candidates appeared on the ballot paper without a party name. The best result being the Rev. Brian Green in Islington, who polled 1,232 – 5.6%.

In February 1974 the NF fielded over 50 candidates and so qualified for the first time for a 5-minute TV and radio broadcast. The best result was Gordon Bowen in West Bromwich West who polled 3,107 – 7.8%.

In October 1974, the NF increased their number of candidates to 90. The best result was Robin May in Hackney South & Shoreditch with 2,544 – 9.4%.

In 1979 even though the NF fielded over 300 candidates, they were still only given one five-minute TV and radio broadcast. The best result was John Tyndall in Hackney South & Shoreditch, who polled 1,958 – 7.6%.

In 1983 both the NF and BNP contested over 50 seats, so were given one TV and radio broadcast each. The NF fielded 60 candidates. Their best result was Ian Anderson, in Newham South, who polled 993 – 3.7%. The BNP fielded 54 candidates, their best result was Charles Parker (Tyndall’s father-in-law) in Walsall South, who polled 632 – 1.3%.

In 1987, both the NF and BNP decided not to contest the GE due to a shortage of both manpower (due to the recent splits) and funds (the cost of a deposit had recently gone up from £150 to £500). However, Mike Kingston still contested Bristol East for the NF Flag Group, and two BNP candidates – Mike Easter in Tonbridge and Malling, and Alfie Waite in Ravensbourne – stood, against the strict orders of John Tyndall, who expelled them both shortly after the election. (Though both Mike and Alfie were later readmitted, the latter working at the BNP’s bookshop/headquarters during the 1990s.)

In 1992, all fourteen NF candidates were from the NF “Flag Group”. The “official” NF faction had ceased to exist, and its few remaining members had joined the Third Way or the Third Position. The best NF result was George Cartwright in Dudley East who polled 675 – 1.2%. The BNP fielded thirteen candidates (just one fewer than the NF). The best result was Richard Edmonds in Bethnal Green & Stepney with 1,310 votes – 3.6%.

In 1997, nationalist votes started to increase for the first time in over twenty years. The BNP fielded 56 candidates. The best result being in Bethnal Green & Bow where BNP candidate, Dave King polled 3,350 – 7.5%. The NF fielded six candidates. Their best result was George Cartwright in Dudley North, who polled 559 – 1.2%.

In 2001, the BNP fielded 33 candidates. Their vote went up further with six candidates saving their deposits. The best result being Nick Griffin in Oldham West & Royton who polled 6,552 – 16.4%. The NF fielded five candidates. Their best result was Mick Shore in Birmingham Erdington, who polled 681 – 2.2%.

In 2005, the BNP fielded a record 119 candidates, 34 of them of saving their deposits, the best result being in Barking, where Richard Barnbrook polled 4,916 – 17%. The NF fielded thirteen candidates. The best result was Graham Kemp in Feltham & Heston, who polled 975 – 2.6%.

In 2010, the BNP fielded an incredible 338 candidates – the highest number ever – beating the NF’s 301/303 in 1979. 74 of them saved their deposits, the best result being again in Barking, where Nick Griffin polled 6,620 – 14.6%. This was the last election where the BNP beat UKIP, even though their average vote went down to 1.9%. The NF fielded seventeen candidates. The best result being Chris Jackson in Rochdale who polled 2,236 – 4.9% (failing to save his deposit by just twelve votes).

In 2015, the BNP only managed to field eight candidates (330 down from the previous election). The best result being in Charnwood where Cathy Duffy polled 489 – 0.9%. The NF fielded seven candidates. The best result being Kevin Bryan in Rochdale with 433 – 1%. This was the last GE the NF contested.

In 2017, the BNP fielded ten candidates. The best result being in Bishop Auckland, where BNP chairman Adam Walker polled 991 – 2.3%.

Quiz Time

Finally, a quiz for those of you who think you are as smart as me on movement history!

In 1979 the NF officially contested 301 seats; however, a lot of the Mainstream Media always state it was 303.

The discrepancy of two seats is because the NF directorate (i.e. Martin Webster) disowned two of their candidates that year.

If you can (a) name those two candidates and the constituencies they were standing in; and b) tell me why they were disowned, you will win a free year’s subscription to Heritage and Destiny magazine – or if you are already a subscriber we will extend your current subscription for a further 12 months or 6 issues.
Please email your answers to – heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com

Please note that former members of the 1979 NF Directorate cannot take part as they will probably already know the answer – that is if any of them are still compos mentis! 🧐

Mark Cotterill – Editor/Publisher – Heritage and Destiny

A real alternative for Lancashire voters

H&D‘s assistant editor Peter Rushton was out on the campaign trail yesterday in the Lancashire town of Leigh, working with Craig Buckley (English Democrat candidate for the Leigh & Atherton constituency) and his team.

As regular readers will know, Craig and two other Lancashire ED candidates (Thomas Bryer in Makerfield and Paddy McGrath in Bolton West) are activists with Patriotic Alternative who have reached an electoral pact with the English Democrats. PA itself is not yet registered with the Electoral Commission. A further ED candidate in Lancashire, Steve Morris in Bury South, is a longstanding English Democrat who has fought many elections.

Contrary to ‘anti-fascist’ hype, there has never been any secret about this electoral pact, there are no ‘false flags’, and indeed Craig was proudly wearing a ‘Free Sam Melia’ badge (produced by H&D editor Mark Cotterill) during our campaign work!

We began the day in Leigh town centre, handing out leaflets and speaking to local voters. It was very encouraging to find that so many voters were enthusiastic about Craig’s campaign and about the central issues raised in his leaflets.

After a quick break for lunch, we moved on to canvass an estate just south of the town centre, where again local residents were keen to show their support. There is clearly a powerful reaction building in towns like Leigh against the years of betrayal by the major parties, especially on the central campaign issue of immigration.

We don’t yet know how this reaction will be expressed at the ballot box, in the short term. But as H&D readers will realise, this isn’t about short term results: it’s about building the campaigning infrastructure required for a new era in British politics.

The old gang parties are dying: the future belongs to racial nationalism.

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