Nationalist election preview 2012

Ten years ago the BNP made its first election breakthrough in East Lancashire, paving the way for the election of Nick Griffin and Andrew Brons to the European Parliament and shaking the political establishment.  A decade later the party is on the brink of collapse and the future of nationalism in our country is more uncertain than at any time since 1979.  What are the short-term prospects for the local elections on May 3rd?

Across England numerous BNP council seats are up for re-election, some of which have already been forfeited by resignations or defections.  The highest profile of these (and the only one with any realistic chance of re-election) is Sharon Wilkinson, the last remaining BNP councillor in Burnley.  Her council ward in Hapton with Park once had three BNP councillors: but it is quite likely that after polling day on 3rd May there will be fewer BNP councillors in the whole of the United Kingdom than there once were in this single ward! Little wonder that Cllr Wilkinson has already made overtures to other nationalist parties, and attended a National Front event in Bacup, Lancashire, in January this year.  A forthcoming meeting in Burnley on March 10th will build a viable post-Griffin future for nationalism in the town.

Another high profile councillor due to defend her seat is the BNP’s only Jewish elected representative, Mrs Patricia Richardson, who won 40% of the vote in Loughton Broadway, Epping Forest, in 2008 having previously represented a different Epping Forest ward, Loughton Fairmead from 2004 to 2008.  The main BNP election strategist in those years, Eddy Butler, has since defected to the English Democrats, and it is difficult to see the much depleted BNP managing to re-elect Mrs Richardson this year.

The two BNP councillors in Amber Valley, Derbyshire, have fallen out both with their party leader and with each other.  Cllr Cliff Roper in Heanor East is a supporter of the BNP rebel faction led by Andrew Brons MEP, while Cllr Lewis Allsebrook in Heanor West initially backed Nick Griffin as one of the ten signatories on the party chairman’s nomination paper last year, but quit the party at the end of February 2012 amid rumours that he was negotiating defection to the Conservative Party.  The baffled voters of Heanor are treated to a blog on which Cllr Allsebrook spends virtually all his time attacking his (now former) BNP colleague Cllr Roper.  It’s now likely that only Cllr Roper will be seeking re-election on 3rd May, when Labour will presumably take both of these Heanor wards.

Cllr Adam Grant faces re-election in what on paper is the BNP’s strongest ward in the country, Marsden ward, Pendle.  He took 39% here in 2008 but will be confronted by tough campaigns from both Labour and the Conservatives.  Fellow councillor Brian Parker attended the nationalist unity meeting in Bradford addressed by Andrew Brons and EFP representatives on 4th February, and is likely to be one of only two BNP borough councillors left in the whole country later this year, the other being arch-Griffinite Cathy Duffy in Charnwood.

Martyn Findley has been a notably active councillor for Barpool ward, Nuneaton & Bedworth, but resigned from the BNP last summer.  It’s far from clear which party he will stand for in May, or whether he will seek re-election as an independent – never an easy task, even for an energetic patriot such as Cllr Findley, who also faces a tight three-way contest where both Labour and the Conservatives will aim to unseat him.

Similarly Cllr Tom Bates in Illingworth & Mixenden ward, Calderdale – who was the last remaining BNP councillor in the former stronghold of West Yorkshire – quit the party last autumn and is now sitting as an independent.  There has been speculation that due to work and family commitments Cllr Bates might not contest the 2012 election.

In Rotherham the BNP’s only remaining South Yorkshire councillor Will Blair is also expected to stand down rather than fight for re-election in his Maltby ward.  Ex-BNP colleague John Gamble, who was elected alongside Cllr Blair in 2008, has already been forced to resign his seat due to non-attendance.

Of course the biggest political headlines this year will be in London, where there is a rematch between Mayor Boris Johnson and the man he defeated four years ago, ex-Mayor Ken Livingstone.  There is no doubt that the mayoral contest is a two horse race, but the simultaneous Greater London Assembly election includes a Proportional Representation party list section which gives smaller parties, including nationalists, a chance of winning.

Four years ago this system elected Richard Barnbrook as a BNP member of the London Assembly, after the BNP list won 5.3% of the vote.  Mr Barnbrook resigned from the BNP in August 2010 after a series of clashes with party chairman Nick Griffin.  The BNP’s difficulties had already made it virtually impossible for the party to retain Mr Barnbrook’s seat this year, but further self-inflicted disasters have taken London BNP to the brink of extinction.

The party’s mayoral candidate will be Carlos Cortiglia, born in Uruguay, who supported Argentina during the Falklands War, while the head of the GLA slate – the man seeking to replace Richard Barnbrook – is Steve Squire.

Mr Squire’s former partner Claudia Dalgleish has recently featured in the national press making scandalous allegations involving Squire and Griffin.

In London at least two parties will be competing to inherit the BNP vote.  A number of former leading figures in London BNP, including former national organiser Richard Edmonds and a former member of Richard Barnbrook’s GLA staff, Tess Culnane, will be standing as National Front candidates.  Mrs Culnane was BNP candidate for Mayor of Lewisham in 2010 and will be standing for the NF in Greenwich & Lewisham this year.

Meanwhile former BNP election guru Eddy Butler will no doubt be running the London campaign for his new party  the English Democrats, whose candidates include former BNP member Mark Twiddy in Havering & Redbridge.

Overall the key indicator will be how many candidates the BNP manages to scrape together.  Meanwhile the England First Party, the Democratic Nationalists, and a large group of BNP dissidents are engaged in negotiations to try to avoid needless splitting of the vote and to ensure that the nationalist movement is in some sort of shape to move forward from the inevitable wreck of Nick Griffin’s party.

Watch this space for more news in the coming weeks!

Crossing the Rubicon: Peter Rushton speaks to the John Tyndall Memorial Meeting 2011

On 8th October 2011 Peter Rushton, assistant editor of Heritage and Destiny, chaired the sixth John Tyndall Memorial Meeting in Preston, Lancashire, and gave the following address.

John Tyndall led the nationalist movement from obscurity to the forefront of British politics, but he knew that anyone involved in our cause must experience the depths of crisis as well as the heights of achievement.

As National Front chairman, as founder of the British National Party and as editor of Spearhead for more than forty years, he knew both triumph and disaster – and for the six years between Nick Griffin’s takeover of the BNP in 1999 and his own death in 2005, John Tyndall consistently argued that those who were increasingly sceptical of Griffin’s leadership should remain within the BNP and fight to recapture it.

The position of British nationalism today requires a reassessment of that position.

We now face the most serious crisis in the history of our movement.  On Monday night the BBC will broadcast allegations of fraud against the BNP chairman Nick Griffin and his cronies. I have no doubt that those allegations will be fully documented, with evidence provided from people who until recently were Mr Griffin’s closest associates.

But none of this changes the underlying political realities. None of this changes the more serious crisis, which is the one facing our people and our nation – in fact facing all European peoples and nations.  None of this changes the potential for a nationalist party capable of presenting a credible face to the voters of England.

For the first time since 1066 our country’s population growth is mainly due to immigration, with a disastrous impact on schools, on the chronic shortage of affordable housing, and on the National Health Service.

The political establishment has never consulted the English people about this radical transformation of our country: a transformation that has been accelerated because just as foreigners have been arriving, increasing numbers of indigenous Britons have been leaving.

Let’s dispose of the nonsense that this is all perfectly normal, that England is some sort of mongrel nation built up through immigration.  The truth is that our population grew steadily up to about 1750, and very rapidly after 1750, without any mass immigration – until after the Second World War.

Our population in 1541 was about 2.7 million, which grew during the relative peace and stability of the Elizabethan age to about 4 million by 1600.

Over the next century and a half our population grew quite slowly to about 5.7 million by 1750.  Interestingly it is assumed by demographic historians that this 1750 figure was probably lower than the total English population in 1300, when there were probably more than six million inhabitants of England.

The total British population was reduced by about 30% by the Black Death in the mid-14th century, so by the 1380s was only about 3 million.

It was the Agrarian Revolution followed by the Industrial Revolution that led to a population boom, so that by the early 1840s the English population was around 15 million: more than double its previous record and more than five times the population a century earlier!

One of the earliest official historians of postwar immigration, J.A. Tannahill, pointed out, in words that should be repeated to every lying apologist for multiracialism:

“Britain is not by tradition a country of immigration.  In fact, between 1815 and 1914, she not only quadrupled her population without resorting to large-scale foreign immigration, but also despatched over 20 million people to destinations beyond Europe, at first largely to the USA and later in ever increasing proportion to the developing countries of the Commonwealth.”

One of the few major influxes of immigrants before modern times were the so-called Huguenots,  Protestant refugess from France and Flanders arriving in two waves at the end of the 16th and 17th centuries.  But in total even these Huguenots numbered perhaps 40,000 or 50,000.  (This was far larger than for example the Jewish immigrant population, which as late as 1750 probably numbered only about 5,000.)

We hear a lot about the economic benefits of immigration, but the Huguenots were one of the very few examples where this is true, bringing with them not only capital assets but skills in weaving, hat making and watch making.  There were about another 40,000 immigrants from France as a result of the Terror in the 1780s and 1790s after the French Revolution.  Strangely enough it was this wave of immigration, causing concern that some revolutionary spies might be smuggled in among the immigrants, that led to the first ever English laws regulating immigration.  Until the 1790s this was never thought necessary, because the numbers of immigrants were so small.  Far from our country being a creation of waves of immigration, immigrants were such an insignificant factor that no one bothered to formulate regulations!

Until the late 1940s the overwhelming majority of immigrants in England were Irish immigrants.  A few thousand black immigrants arrived as a result of the slave trade, but hardly any interbred with the indigenous English population.

If you read the Sherlock Holmes stories you will occasionally find reference to another type of immigrant who could be found in Victorian England – the so-called “Lascars” who usually lived in dockland areas such as Limehouse, having arrived as crew members of British ships trading with the Far East.  A few female Asian immigrants were known as “ayahs”, nannies for East India company officials, or later officers of the British Raj.

Yet as Dr Roger Bullard of Manchester University has estimated:

“Until the beginning of the 20th century the South Asian presence in Britain remained minute.  At any given time it would have included no more than a few hundred Ayahs and Lascars, [and] a rather smaller number of students seeking professional qualifications, whilst the number of princes and other aristocrats – most of whom only made the briefest of visits – could probably have been counted on the fingers of one hand.”

You can imagine why ­– given this historical context of very low immigration – Englishmen were very concerned by the tidal wave of Jewish immigration at the end of the 19th century.  About 150,000 Jews from Russia and Eastern Europe settled in Britain between 1880 and 1914, the majority in a fifteen year period between 1891 and 1906.

Just as the French Revolutionary immigration in the 1790s had led to a brief period of immigration control, it was this Jewish immigration that led to the basis for modern immigration laws, the Aliens Act of 1905.  It wasn’t a matter of “anti-semitism”, more a question of the scale of this Jewish immigration being way beyond anything our country had previously experienced.  We were not a nation of immigrants.

Even in the period between the two world wars, and even accounting for the number of colonial troops who stayed in England after 1918, immigration was a very minor factor in English life.  Only about 6,000 to 7,000 immigrants from the Indian sub-continent settled in Britain during the whole period from 1918 to 1939.

(About another 60,000 Jews arrived as refugees from national socialism during the 1930s, plus another 10,000 during the War.)

As is obvious, the scale of immigration post-war dwarfs anything previously seen in our history – which is not surprising because the British Nationality Act in 1948 explicitly granted the right of entry to 800 million subjects of the British Empire worldwide.  Madness, you might think – or was it wickedness?

Even in those days it was known perfectly well that a sane immigration policy would have to be a racially conscious policy.

In 1949 the Royal Commission on Population determined:

“Immigrants on a large scale into a fully established society like ours could only be welcomed without reserve if the immigrants were of good human stock and were not prevented by their religion or race from intermarrying with the local population and becoming merged with it.”

Four years earlier, immediately after the end of the war in 1945, the Fabian Society, closely linked to the Labour Party, had issued a pamphlet Population and the People, which said that:
“From the population point of view we need to encourage potential parents of healthy stock to settle in the British Isles, and to discourage those whom we already have from leaving.  …Men and women of European stock, between the ages of 20 and 30, are the immigrants best suited to assist population policy.”

The Fabian pamphlet added that immigrants should be chosen carefully to “ensure they were assimilable and could adapt to the British way of life.  …The utmost care should, of course, be taken to admit only those physically and mentally sound, and free from criminal records, who will introduce a sound stock into the country.  The eugenics of immigration cannot be overstressed.”

In 1948 – two days after the arrival of the infamous immigrant ship Empire Windrush, eleven Labour MPs wrote to their leader, Prime Minister Clement Attlee, warning:

“An influx of coloured people domiciled here is likely to impair the harmony, strength and cohesion of our public and social life and to cause discord and unhappiness among all concerned.”

As we have a former Bradford city councillor with us today, I should mention that two of those Labour MPs who spoke out against immigration in those early days were from his city: Frank McLeavy, later Lord McLeavy, MP for Bradford East, 1945-66; and Meredith Titterington, Bradford South, 1945-49, former Lord Mayor of Bradford.

[This website will later have a special section to honour those Labour MPs of yesteryear who spoke for England in opposing mass immigration.]

Since those days, the element within the Labour Party that truly aimed to fight for the white working class has steadily diminished, even as the truth of their warning that immigration would lead to “discord and unhappiness among all concerned” has been demonstrated time and again (most recently with the riots a few weeks ago).  Nationalist parties have become the true representatives of white workers.  While in many ways very different men with different outlooks, Oswald Mosley, Enoch Powell and John Tyndall spoke for Englishmen and English interests that the Labour Party (and of course the Conservatives and Liberals) have abandoned.

So it is with a heavy heart that nationalists must face the fact that we ourselves have been betrayed by the leadership of our largest nationalist party.  In Ancient Rome provincial governors had to disarm themselves before crossing the River Rubicon and re-entering Roman territory.  To march across the Rubicon with your army was to challenge the leadership of the Roman Republic and was treason, punishable by death.

In 49 BC Julius Caesar deliberately defied his leaders by taking his army across that river, and still today we speak of “crossing the Rubicon” as an irreversible step when we boldly choose to confront destiny.

On Monday night we will cross the Rubicon.  Whether we like it or not, events will carry all serious nationalist activists across the Rubicon and force us to face facts too long ignored.

The leadership of the British National Party will be exposed for criminal fraud, which tragically cannot avoid staining every member of that party, regardless of their personal honesty and decency in the vast majority of cases – everyone who represents that party at any level will be tainted.

Many people have had to wrestle with a conflict of loyalty, and most especially with the knowledge that breaking away from the BNP, exposing the division of our movement to public view, trying to build a new movement out of the wreckage of the old, would be a titanic endeavour.

After Monday all such conflicts, all such strategic calculations will be settled.  It will simply no longer be possible to argue that somehow the BNP leadership can be persuaded to see sense, somehow our difficulties can be patched up.

All personal and factional divisions pale into insignficance next to the overriding division of our movement:
on one side a tiny gang of crooks and embezzlers;
on the other the vast majority of decent and committed patriots.

In St Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians he writes:
“When I was a child, I spake as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child: but when I became a man, I put away childish things.”

Let us as nationalists find the courage to put away childish things and confront reality.

We will not succeed in building a new post-Griffin movement by pursuing narrow factional agendas.  It seems to me unquestionable that none of the alternative parties currently operating will be big enough to take on this task alone.

I therefore call on the leading activists in British nationalism to make a complete and irrevocable break from Nick Griffin and his party.  To make the tough choice to cut loose from the BNP before its corrupt leadership drags down even more good nationalists.

Precisely because our national crisis and our racial crisis has moved on to an even more acute stage, the challenge is in some ways even greater than that faced by John Tyndall during the creation of the National Front and the British National Party.  But the potential prize is greater too, as so many of our people are permanently disillusioned with Lib, Lab and Con.

We have absolutely no chance of capturing the loyalty of those disillusioned voters while our own movement is mired in corruption.

Yet if we can find the courage to cut out that cancer, our recovery can be rapid and our future can be bright.

John Tyndall Memorial Meeting report

Seventy Nationalists from a variety of political formations and tendencies gathered in the old English city of Preston, Lancashire, on 8^th October for the Sixth Annual John Tyndall Memorial Meeting. The commemoration was hosted by Heritage & Destiny magazine.

‘JT’, as he was affectionately known by his many followers and admirers, was a former chairman of the National Front, the founder of the British National Party, and the foremost racial nationalist leader of the modern era.

Among the organizations represented at the memorial were (in alphabetical order):  British National Party, British Movement, Democratic Nationalists, England First Party, National Front, National Socialist Movement-Britannia, North West Nationalists and the AK Chesterton Trust (sorry if I’ve missed any out).

The meeting was chaired by long-time movement activist and assistant editor of Heritage and Destiny magazine Peter Rushton. Mr. Rushton was a good friend and comrade of John Tyndall, and he spoke movingly of JT’s dedication to the cause and of his soul-stirring abilities as an orator.

The meeting started with a minutes silence in memory of JT, his wife Valerie, Ian Hague, Les Andrews and Dave Hannam (and all other nationalist comrades who had passed away since last year’s meeting).

Peter Rushton then read out a letter from Andrew Brons MEP, who unfortunately was unable to attend the meeting.  Click here to read the letter from Mr Brons in full.

The first speaker was Dr. James Lewthwaite, an Orangeman and former archaeology lecturer, who was an elected BNP councillor from Bradford City Council (2004-2007) and was a co-founder of the Democratic Nationalists (2008).  Dr. Lewthwaite spoke on the continuing potential for nationalist politics from voters who have lost faith with mainstream politics, but who have not been reached by nationalist electoral strategies so far.  He argued that it would be no bad thing for post-Griffin nationalism to move away from the cult of the leader.  So long as different nationalist parties do not stand against each other, it will even be possible in the short term for different parties to be standing in local elections in different regions, provided their approach is tuned to the political wavelength of those areas.

Second up was Dave Jones, the Campaigns Officer and Nominating Officer of the British People’s Party (BPP). Dave has been BPP local election candidate for Todmorden ward on Calderdale Borough Council for the last two years. Dave Jones spoke about his success in promoting an honest appeal to local voters in his town, on the Lancashire-Yorkshire border.  “Anti-fascists” who sought to mobilise against him had been swiftly sent packing, since they were seen by locals as outsiders trying to impose an alien political agenda.  Dave was pleased to announce that he was now co-operating with Chris Jackson, former BNP regional organiser and now an official of the National Front, in producing propaganda for Todmorden voters.  This example of cross-party nationalist cooperation was warmly applauded by the meeting audience.

The third speaker was Paul Ballard, former organizer for the Croydon NF and BNP, former publisher of The Rune magazine and co-defendant in the infamous Harrow Race Trial, in the 1990s. Mr. Ballard is a leading campaigner for jailed ‘thought criminals’ across the UK and Europe. He spoke on the continuing persecution of Bishop Richard Willamson, who was thrown out of Argentina and is still being prosecuted in the German courts after being set up by Swedish television journalists at the end of 2008.  Bishop Williamson has promoted traditional Catholic teaching, following the example of the founder of the Society of St Pius X, Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre, but has found that modern Europe seeks to demonise, marginalise and criminalise those traditional values and ideas which were central to European civilisation for almost two millennia.

Next up was Tony Justice a last minute replacement speaker for Andrew Brons MEP.  Tony – a former squaddie who served in the King’s Own Royal Border Regiment and the Ulster Defence Regiment – spoke on his experiences in Ulster and of his support for the Loyalist cause. He explained about being fooled by the English Democrats – whom he had joined three years ago – and whom he thought were genuine nationalists. He quit the EDs earlier this year after discovering their links and support for the Republican movement in general and IRA/Sinn Fein in particular. Tony spoke from the heart and without notes and was very well received by the audience.

After Tony Justice’s talk, Chairman Peter Rushton announced a break, during which the audience enjoyed a generous buffet (provided courtesy of the H&D editor’s girlfriend) and browsed the many nationalist literature and merchandise stalls including Candour / AK Chesterton Trust; British People’s Party; British Movement; Bradford Nationalists; Historical Review Press and Heritage and Destiny.

Peter Barker was the first speaker up after the break. An ex-soldier with the Royal Engineers, Peter served in Ulster and Germany. He was the former BNP regional press officer for the North West and was an NF and BNP organizer for Rochdale. He is also the founder of the North West Nationalists website and later blog (http://northwestnationalists.blogspot.com/). Like others at the meeting, he has been expelled from the BNP for opposing the policies of Nick Griffin.  He began by speaking of his memories of dealing with Gerry Adams at the Maze Prison in the mid-1970s.  It was after Mr Barker’s experiences in Ulster that he had become an active nationalist, and he reminded the meeting of the great work of Ken Henderson in building up the BNP in the North West region – at great cost to his health, in those days of militant “anti-fascist” opposition.  Mr Barker believed that the attendance at today’s meeting of so many representatives from different tendencies in the nationalist movement was a very positive indication of the progress that is possible for post-Griffin nationalism.

The next speaker was meeting chairman Peter Rushton, who in 2002 became one of the first BNP members purged by Griffin. Mr. Rushton is an assistant editor of Heritage and Destiny, a co-founder of the England First Party, and founder and editor of www.jailingopinions.com. Mr. Rushton began with a tribute to John Tyndall, who had faced both triumph and disaster during his decades of nationalist leadership.  The present crisis of the movement is worse than anything that has gone before, since the BNP leadership is about to be exposed for gross dishonesty – not political “thought crimes” but fraud and financial malpractice on a huge scale.  Mr Rushton insisted however that none of this changed the fundamental political realities, especially the betrayal of our race and nation by the unscrupulous establishment parties.  A large section of his speech was devoted to exposing the traditional lie that our nation had always been a “mongrel nation” built on immigration.  The full text will be available on this site later today.  He ended with an appeal for all leading nationalists to commit themselves to the reunification of the post-Griffin movement, since the real divide in nationalism is not between different ideological positions or personal rivals, but between a tiny gang of crooks in the leadership of the BNP and the vast majority of decent and committed nationalists in the ranks of the BNP and many other parties and groups.

The keynote speaker of the day was former BNP national organiser Richard Edmonds. Richard was one of John Tyndall’s most loyal friends and supporters over 30 years. He was proprietor of the famous BNP bookshop in Welling from 1989 to 1999 and served on the national advisory council of the BNP from 2008 to 2010.  Mr Edmonds remains a member of the BNP, but has also recently joined the National Front, where he will work towards nationalist unity following the self-destruction of the BNP leadership clique.  He told the meeting of the appalling decline of our nation, reminding the audience that as early as 1959 the Conservative Party had pledged to halt immigration, but had treacherously presided over half a century of racial transformation that has left our towns and cities unrecognisable.  Five teenagers each day are now stabbed or shot on the streets of London.  The answer was to stop immigration and start repatriation.  Mr Edmonds concluded that today’s meeting had produced a determined spirit of unity, in contrast to the poison that has dominated the higher echelons of the BNP for the last decade.

After Mr. Edmonds’ impressive speech, there was a “booze and book” Raffle. Twenty items had been donated to the meeting by various comrades and were raffled off.  The lucky winners received both a bottle and a book. Finally, a football scratch card was won by Liverpool Nationalist activist Peter Tierney, who kindly donated his winnings back to help defray the costs of the event!

At the conclusion, meeting steward Ken Shapcott of Burnley spoke from the audience, thanking the speakers and the meeting chairman for making this year’s memorial a success. H&D editor and EFP leader Mark Cotterill spoke last, and thanked everyone for their participation and attendance – including two serving members of the British Armed Forces just back from Afghanistan –  and said that he hoped to see them again at future gatherings.

Heritage and Destiny produced a special Souvenir Programme for the occasion, expertly printed on quality paper, which is still available post-paid for £5.00 or $10.00 from Heritage and Destiny, 40 Birkett Drive, Preston, PR2 6HE. Or by PayPal from –heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com to place your order).

John Tyndall Memorial Meeting 2011

1 pm, Saturday 8th October 2011
Lancashire

This year’s John Tyndall Memorial meeting is being organised by Heritage and Destiny magazine and will be held in Lancashire on Saturday October 8th. At this meeting we will also remember John Tyndall’s widow Valerie and our comrades Les Andrews and Ian Hague, who sadly passed away earlier this year but whose memory inspires our continuing campaign for the England that will live again.  All racial nationalists of whatever political party are most welcome to attend.

Speakers confirmed so far include:
Andrew Brons, MEP for Yorkshire & Humber since 2009;
Richard Edmonds, founding member and former National Organiser of the BNP;
Dr Jim Lewthwaite, former leader of the BNP group on Bradford City Council, now an activist with the Democratic Nationalists;
Pete Barker, former organiser of Rochdale BNP and founder of North-West Nationalists;
Paul Ballard, free speech activist and commentator, himself targetted in the infamous Harrow Crown Court Rune trial in 1998;
Dave Jones, campaigns and nominating officer for the British People’s Party.

Meeting Chairman: Peter Rushton, Assistant Editor of H&D; founder and editor www.jailingopinions.com

Simon Sheppard, jailed in Britain’s most recent thought-crime trial, had been confirmed as a speaker, but has been told by his probation officer that he is banned from attending political meetings!

If you would like to attend please call 07833 677484 or email heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com for more details.

The End of the BNP

Just two years ago the British National Party celebrated the election of two Members of the European Parliament. In September 2011 the party collapsed and headed for “administration”, the fate of many a failed company and bankrupt football club. Present and former BNP members will gather in Lancashire on 8th October to commemorate the party’s founder John Tyndall. Speakers including Andrew Brons, BNP MEP for Yorkshire & Humber, will assess the BNP’s rise and fall, and look towards the future renaissance of our movement. Click here for details.

The blame for the BNP’s failure lies squarely with the party chairman Nick Griffin, who took over the party just before a series of events created unparalleled opportunities for nationalists. He has wasted these opportunities through his own greed and megalomania.

As a consequence the BNP has suffered frequent splits and purges, one of which has led to the financial and legal cataclysm that has now destroyed the party. In December 2007 a group of senior party officials rebelled against Griffin and his then right-hand man Mark Collett (who ironically was to be purged himself in a later schism at the end of March 2010). Leading dissidents were then dismissed from their positions in the party, including former webmaster Steve Blake, former head of admin Kenny Smith, and his wife Nicholla Smith who then ran the BNP merchandising arm Excalibur.

Griffinite security goons raided the rebels’ homes, and the party leadership, in the persons of Griffin and his deputy Simon Darby, began a complicated legal action against their former comrades in March 2008. After the first hearing of this action in Manchester, Simon Darby issued a statement which will no doubt feature in future histories of political hubris:
“We have got everything we asked for….  I believe such moves will be seen as having been crucial for the continuing growth, discipline and structure of our movement.”

Almost three years later the case ended in catastrophic defeat for Darby and his master.  At the end of 2010 they dropped their action, but typically sought to wriggle out of paying the costs.  On 21st December 2010 they lost this argument as well: Griffin and Darby were ordered to pay all of their opponents’ costs.  An initial £45,000 was ordered to be paid by 18th January 2011.

There then began a long drawn out appeal process.  Not that Nick Griffin expected to win any appeal, merely that he hoped to drag out the process long enough for something to turn up, such as a legacy from some deluded millionaire supporter, or a devastating terrorist attack.

By now the courts were beginning to realise that Nick Griffin MEP was a man of straw, so Darby was required to make a deposit of £20,000 with his solicitors so that (if/when the appeal process was exhausted) the courts could be confident that at least some of the bill would be paid.

In August one of England’s most senior judges, the Master of the Rolls, Lord Neuberger, ruled that Griffin and Darby had no reasonable grounds to pursue a further appeal.  By now the stay of execution delaying demand for payment of the £45,000 had expired, so on the morning of 2nd September 2011 High Court Enforcement Officers turned up at Griffin’s home to seize any possessions of value, including his Skoda car, which they planned to sell at auction.

The desperate Welshpool cabal sought yet another stay of execution to delay their inevitable doom.  Yet again it was granted, this time by Lord Justice Rix, but this time on the strict condition that:
(a) Darby’s £20,000 was handed over within three days; and
(b) the remaining £25,000 was produced within a fortnight.

Needless to say, even this £45,000 was only the first instalment of this particular legal bill, set to total more than £150,000, and the party’s total debts add up to well over £500,000.

But even this first hurdle proved too high for the crippled BNP.  Simon Darby and his solicitors failed to hand over the £20,000 and on the expiry of this deadline, on Wednesday afternoon, 14th September, the BNP lost any right to further appeals in this case.  Having realised that the trigger was about to be pulled, Griffin and Darby rustled up £20,000 and paid it into the Court account two days late.

The stay of execution will still be lifted if they fail to meet the 28th September deadline for payment of a further £25,000, in which case the party’s creditors will begin the process of putting the BNP into administration.

Future control of the party would pass into the hands of the Administrator appointed by the court, so Nick Griffin’s much touted election victory and his new constitution, giving him unchallenged dictatorial power for the next four years, would become worthless.  The final step will be to determine whether Nick Griffin should face not merely bankruptcy (in his case for the second time) but a more serious bankruptcy restrictions order, which would result in his removal from the European Parliament.

In that case his replacement would be decided by the Administrator in charge of the wreck of the BNP.  Meanwhile a full scale salvage operation to rescue nationalism in our country is now under way.  As a first stage of that rescue, many old nationalist comrades from across party divides will meet in Lancashire on 8th October.  Click here to join them!

“Anti-fascist” gangster and the 2011 riots

Ten days on from the riots that hit British cities in mid-August 2011 it has become clear that Mark Duggan – the gunman and drug dealer whose death at the hands of police marksmen triggered the initial riots in Tottenham – was more than the standard issue black gangster.

Duggan was the nephew of Manchester’s leading godfathers, the Noonan brothers, whose connection to anti-fascist politics was detailed in Heritage and Destiny Issue 15 (April 2004).  Duggan’s aunt Julie Easton – mother of fellow gangster Kelvin Easton whose murder Duggan was planning to revenge when the Metropolitan Police ended his life of crime – is the former wife of Dessie Noonan, a gangland assassin responsible for more than two dozen murders.

Dessie Noonan also acted as an enforcer for Manchester’s anti-fascist movement, which has been bankrolled for decades by the city’s influential and militant Jewish community.  Their campaigns included employing Dessie Noonan to threaten Manchester nationalists at gunpoint.  A year after Noonan’s exposure in H&D he was stabbed to death on 19th March 2005.  His brother Dominic (also an active anti-fascist as well as openly homosexual) continued the family business and has been jailed several times for armed robberies and firearms offences.

As Mark Duggan advanced his own career in North London organised crime he frequently travelled to Salford to meet his Noonan relatives.  So it was no surprise that within days of his death Dominic Noonan mobilised his Salford gang to instigate further rioting.  Taking advantage of the transfer of many Greater Manchester policemen to reinforce embattled colleagues in the capital, Noonan led his own troops into Manchester city centre, where they torched and looted for hours.

For further updates on the riots and the Noonan connection, see the forthcoming H&D Issue 46 (available at the end of September).

In a further blow to the liberal orthodoxy – that the riots were a reaction to black poverty and “racist” oppression, a 20-year-old semi-professional footballer has been arrested for stoning police and looting clothes from an exclusive Sloane Square store.

Mario Quiassaca, who when not playing football for Staines Town had been a student at Kingston College until he was expelled in January this year, kicked in windows at the Hugo Boss shop and stole items worth £1,133, including a puffa jacket that he foolish enough to wear on his way home!

On August 12th he admitted theft and violent disorder, and was remanded in custody at Westminster Magistrates Court.

State of the Movement 2011

An extensive analysis of the state of the nationalist movement following the May 2011 elections has been published online and will be covered in a forthcoming issue of Heritage and Destiny magazine.

This article by Heritage and Destiny assistant editor Peter Rushton uncovers the extent of the crisis that has now derailed the British National Party as a serious electoral force.  BNP councillors and candidates across the country have now paid the price for years of incompetence, corruption and authoritarian factionalism by their party chairman Nick Griffin.

Click here to read the full article.

Mr Rushton concludes:

A new nationalist coalition will need to adopt the following as absolute essentials, the sine qua non for nationalist success and the very opposite of the Griffin approach.

• Nationalist parties must prioritise training and support for councillors.
• Nationalist parties must demand the highest standards of behaviour from party officials and candidates for public office.
• Nationalist parties must harness the talents of the best available individuals in our ranks.  The cult of the leader is far less important than the need to build a successful leadership team.

Richard Edmonds has pointed the way forward.  It is for other leading nationalists inside and outside the ranks of the BNP to decide how they can best contribute towards the rescue of the movement.  I strongly suspect that the BNP is holed below the waterline, and that either constitutional finagling or financial collapse will intervene to prevent Richard Edmonds and his team from completing their rescue operation.

If I am right, then senior figures in the BNP should right now be preparing clear statements that they are prepared to stand alongside Richard Edmonds and his team, either in a rescued and rebuilt BNP (which I regard as an almost impossible proposition) or in a new post-Griffin coalition.  The need for such a clear statement is urgent.  If nationalism continues to drift through the summer, there might be little left to rescue of the party that elected two Euro MPs in 2009.

State of the Movement 2011 is online here.

St George’s Day – Family Day in Lancashire

St George’s Day – Saturday 23rd April

Oldham election disaster

By-election test in Oldham

On January 13th 2011 the ruling Conservative – Liberal Democrat coalition will face its first serious electoral test in the Oldham East & Saddleworth by-election.

While Prime Minister David Cameron, his Deputy Nick Clegg, and newly elected Ed Miliband, leader of the opposition Labour Party, are seen by the mainstream media as locked in a three-way gladiatorial contest, Oldham East & Saddleworth may be even more interesting as the final chapter in the history of the BNP, and a turning point in nationalist politics.

The circumstances of the by-election indicate the special status of Oldham as the frontline of England’s racial divisions. At the General Election on May 5th last year most political pundits expected Labour’s Phil Woolas to lose to the Liberal Democrats. Woolas was the hapless immigration minister in Gordon Brown’s government, and had repeatedly faced public humiliation, first over his government’s failure to control illegal immigration and abuse of the asylum process, and latterly after the much hyped dispute over the immigration status of Gurkha veterans.

Ever since Tony Blair’s illegal war of aggression against Iraq in 2003, Labour had lost significant numbers of Muslim votes to the Liberal Democrats. This contributed to a sensational defeat at the Brent East by-election in September 2003 and heavy losses at local council elections. At the 2005 general election Muslim groups explicitly targetted certain pro-war and pro-Israel Labour MPs, notably Lorna Fitzsimons in Rochdale, who lost her seat to Liberal Democrat Paul Rowen on a 7.7% swing.

Rochdale councillor Elwyn Watkins was then selected to take on Woolas in the neighbouring Oldham East & Saddleworth constituency, and the Muslim Public Affairs Committee saw Woolas as the next pro-war, pro-Israel target. Woolas responded vigorously with a highly personalised anti-Watkins campaign, labelling the Liberal Democrats as the allies of Islamist extremists.

The result was a narrow and unexpected Labour victory by 103 votes. Paradoxically Woolas had benefited both from his anti-Islamist leaflets rallying White Oldhamers, and from a nationwide swing back to Labour among some Muslim voters, who did not hold Gordon Brown and his ministers personally to blame for the disgraceful Iraq policy to anything like the extent they had blamed Blair.

Elwyn Watkins wasn’t prepared to accept this defeat and petitioned an election court, claiming that Woolas had lied about him in Labour’s leaflets and breached the Representation of the People Act. The election court agreed, ousting Woolas in the first judgment of its kind since the election of Irish Home Rule MP Richard Hazelton was overturned in 1911.

So Oldham was faced by a multiple paradox: a Labour MP was ousted for fighting a deceptive and quasi-“racist” campaign and the Liberal Democrats forced a re-run of the poll in circumstances which had been transformed since last May. Having fought the general election with a radical appeal to protest voters, and pitching particularly for the support of Muslims (with the most anti-Zionist stance of any mainstream party) and students (with a solemn pledge to abolish university tuition fees), the Liberal Democrat candidate Elwyn Watkins is now the standard bearer for a party which is in government as part of a coalition with the Conservatives – Europe’s most pro-Zionist government – and proposing not to abolish but to treble tuition fees!

And what of the nationalist challenge in Oldham, which had once grabbed the attention of the world’s press? Check back later for Part Two of this article…

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