CoViD and race – leaked files reveal how nationalists missed the epidemic’s true story

This morning’s edition of the Daily Telegraph, continuing its publication of leaked WhatsApp messages exchanged by senior ministers and officials during the CoViD pandemic – thoroughly vindicates H&D‘s stance published as early as the summer of 2020.

It was clear to us that these early stages of the pandemic proved the failure of our multiracial, multicultural society. Certain minority groups showed no respect for our laws and no respect for the interests of Britain’s wider community. Instead they either selfishly pursued their own profit (while risking public health) or became obsessed by primitive voodoo superstitions.

As a consequence, the government was seeking to enforce lockdown within law-abiding indigenous British communities, while unable to act against blatant flouting of pandemic regulations among minority communities.

On the basis of leaked WhatsApp messages, today’s Telegraph alleges: “Ministers feared that Covid was spreading more rapidly among non-compliant communities but were worried they would be
labelled ‘racist’ if they highlighted the issue.”

One of many weekly analyses of the spread of CoViD during summer 2020, showing extreme concentration in the Asian ghetto of Alexandra Park.

H&D first exposed this issue on 20th July 2020, adding further details on 12th August and 18th August, followed by an analysis of the broader pandemic issues by one of the very few leading British nationalists with serious scientific qualifications – our correspondent Ian Freeman – on 3rd October 2020.

Meanwhile, we now know (thanks to the Telegraph‘s revelations this morning) that the Health Secretary Matt Hancock and junior health minister Nadine Dorries were privately discussing some of the very same issues.

On 20th August (two days after H&D‘s publication of its third article on this topic) Dorries wrote to her boss Hancock that the government could not credibly “put whole towns and villages with extremely low R rates in lockdown (our voters) and deprive those people of work and family, because of the behaviour of non-compliant communities.”

Hancock expressed disbelief that local council leaders had failed to act, and Dorries emphasised that this was a matter of racial politics. Andy Burnham (Labour Mayor of the Greater Manchester region that includes Oldham) “will not agree”, wrote Dorries, “nor will any of the MPs or any of Oldham leaders. They [would] be locking down their voters and setting ours free.”

In other words, exactly as H&D wrote at the time, pandemic rates were rocketing in Asian areas of Oldham (packed with Labour voters) but much lower and in some cases negligible in White areas in and around Oldham (more likely to vote Conservative in 2019-2020 but where nationalists achieved very high votes in the early 2000s).

Ministers feared a repeat of the Oldham and Burnley race riots of 2001 which helped produce electoral breakthroughs for racial nationalists.

Dorries reminded Hancock about the 2001 race riots, before her days as an MP but when she had been working as special adviser to a Tory frontbench spokesman. She warned that such towns remained a tinderbox, and gave the Pendle area of Lancashire as an example. “The town ward of Colne, 18 pubs, white working class, would be like a tinder box if its pubs closed because of non-compliance and infection rates in Nelson, 2 pubs, Pakistani community next door.”

Dorries was correctly echoing H&D‘s arguments, but while ministers understood the facts, they ignored one important aspect. Twenty years ago nationalists in Lancashire had high quality leadership, before Nick Griffin chose to wreck his own party. Yet in the 2020s nationalist leaders totally failed to observe those political aspects of the pandemic expertly laid out for them by H&D. Once again, British nationalists were lions led by donkeys. A political open goal was missed, and many nationalist activists continued to pursue ridiculous voodoo obsessions rather than serious analysis.

The May-June edition of H&D will examine these leaked WhatsApp messages: we hope it is not too late for our movement to relearn some of the basics of political and racial reality.

State of the Movement 2011

Nick Griffin struggling to think up excuses as he contemplates election disaster in May 2011.

Nick Griffin struggling to think up excuses as he contemplates election disaster in May 2011.

An extensive analysis of the state of the nationalist movement following the May 2011 elections has been published online and will be covered in a forthcoming issue of Heritage and Destiny magazine.

This article by Heritage and Destiny assistant editor Peter Rushton uncovers the extent of the crisis that has now derailed the British National Party as a serious electoral force.  BNP councillors and candidates across the country have now paid the price for years of incompetence, corruption and authoritarian factionalism by their party chairman Nick Griffin.

Click here to read the full article.

Mr Rushton concludes:

A new nationalist coalition will need to adopt the following as absolute essentials, the sine qua non for nationalist success and the very opposite of the Griffin approach.

  • Nationalist parties must prioritise training and support for councillors.
  • Nationalist parties must demand the highest standards of behaviour from party officials and candidates for public office.
  • Nationalist parties must harness the talents of the best available individuals in our ranks.  The cult of the leader is far less important than the need to build a successful leadership team.

Richard Edmonds has pointed the way forward.  It is for other leading nationalists inside and outside the ranks of the BNP to decide how they can best contribute towards the rescue of the movement.  I strongly suspect that the BNP is holed below the waterline, and that either constitutional finagling or financial collapse will intervene to prevent Richard Edmonds and his team from completing their rescue operation.

If I am right, then senior figures in the BNP should right now be preparing clear statements that they are prepared to stand alongside Richard Edmonds and his team, either in a rescued and rebuilt BNP (which I regard as an almost impossible proposition) or in a new post-Griffin coalition.  The need for such a clear statement is urgent.  If nationalism continues to drift through the summer, there might be little left to rescue of the party that elected two Euro MPs in 2009.

State of the Movement 2011 is online here.

Oldham election disaster

oldham-MapleMill
 
The numbers tell their own unspinnable story. On January 13th 2011 the British National Party candidate Derek Adams lost his deposit at the Oldham East & Saddleworth parliamentary by-election, the first such contest since last May’s general election. The BNP polled just 1,560 votes (4.5%), despite stories about Asian paedophile rape gangs making local and national newspaper headlines during the week of the by-election. Ten years ago in the same constituency (then with slightly less favourable boundaries) the party’s then Oldham organiser Mick Treacy polled 5,091 votes (11.2%). In just two of the constituency’s nine wards (St James’s and Alexandra) the BNP in 2002 amassed 1,717 votes – more than they managed in the entire constituency this year.
 
click here for the full story

By-election test in Oldham

oldham1On January 13th 2011 the ruling Conservative – Liberal Democrat coalition will face its first serious electoral test in the Oldham East & Saddleworth by-election.

While Prime Minister David Cameron, his Deputy Nick Clegg, and newly elected Ed Miliband, leader of the opposition Labour Party, are seen by the mainstream media as locked in a three-way gladiatorial contest, Oldham East & Saddleworth may be even more interesting as the final chapter in the history of the BNP, and a turning point in nationalist politics.

The circumstances of the by-election indicate the special status of Oldham as the frontline of England’s racial divisions. At the General Election on May 5th last year most political pundits expected Labour’s Phil Woolas to lose to the Liberal Democrats. Woolas was the hapless immigration minister in Gordon Brown’s government, and had repeatedly faced public humiliation, first over his government’s failure to control illegal immigration and abuse of the asylum process, and latterly after the much hyped dispute over the immigration status of Gurkha veterans.

Ever since Tony Blair’s illegal war of aggression against Iraq in 2003, Labour had lost significant numbers of Muslim votes to the Liberal Democrats. This contributed to a sensational defeat at the Brent East by-election in September 2003 and heavy losses at local council elections. At the 2005 general election Muslim groups explicitly targetted certain pro-war and pro-Israel Labour MPs, notably Lorna Fitzsimons in Rochdale, who lost her seat to Liberal Democrat Paul Rowen on a 7.7% swing.

Rochdale councillor Elwyn Watkins was then selected to take on Woolas in the neighbouring Oldham East & Saddleworth constituency, and the Muslim Public Affairs Committee saw Woolas as the next pro-war, pro-Israel target. Woolas responded vigorously with a highly personalised anti-Watkins campaign, labelling the Liberal Democrats as the allies of Islamist extremists.

Labour's anti-Islamist leaflets were ruled illegal by an election court in 2010

Labour's anti-Islamist leaflets were ruled illegal by an election court in 2010

The result was a narrow and unexpected Labour victory by 103 votes. Paradoxically Woolas had benefited both from his anti-Islamist leaflets rallying White Oldhamers, and from a nationwide swing back to Labour among some Muslim voters, who did not hold Gordon Brown and his ministers personally to blame for the disgraceful Iraq policy to anything like the extent they had blamed Blair.

Elwyn Watkins wasn’t prepared to accept this defeat and petitioned an election court, claiming that Woolas had lied about him in Labour’s leaflets and breached the Representation of the People Act. The election court agreed, ousting Woolas in the first judgment of its kind since the election of Irish Home Rule MP Richard Hazelton was overturned in 1911.

So Oldham was faced by a multiple paradox: a Labour MP was ousted for fighting a deceptive and quasi-“racist” campaign and the Liberal Democrats forced a re-run of the poll in circumstances which had been transformed since last May. Having fought the general election with a radical appeal to protest voters, and pitching particularly for the support of Muslims (with the most anti-Zionist stance of any mainstream party) and students (with a solemn pledge to abolish university tuition fees), the Liberal Democrat candidate Elwyn Watkins is now the standard bearer for a party which is in government as part of a coalition with the Conservatives – Europe’s most pro-Zionist government – and proposing not to abolish but to treble tuition fees!

And what of the nationalist challenge in Oldham, which had once grabbed the attention of the world’s press? Check back later for Part Two of this article…

July 1916 remembered

England First Party branches across Lancashire are remembering the anniversary of the horrific slaughter on the Somme in 1916. Among the most tragic aspects of this holocaust were the heavy casualties suffered by the so-called “pals” battalions of volunteers, groups of friends, neighbours and work mates who were recruited to serve together, resulting in the decimation of towns and workplaces in a single day.

Some of the 'Accrington Pals' on the rifle range at Ripon, Yorkshire, before embarking for Egypt. They fought in early 1916 in defence of the Suez Canal before heading for France, and their decimation on the first day of the Battle of the Somme.

Some of the 'Accrington Pals' on the rifle range at Ripon, Yorkshire, before embarking for Egypt. They fought in early 1916 in defence of the Suez Canal before heading for France, and their decimation on the first day of the Battle of the Somme.

Probably the most famous were the ‘Accrington Pals’ who formed the 11th Battalion of the East Lancashire Regiment, recruited in September 1914. The battalion consisted of four companies, each of 250 men: W Company from Accrington itself, X Company from the surrounding district (including some from Blackburn and nearby villages), Y Company from Chorley, and Z Company from Burnley.

Within about half an hour on the first day of the Battle of the Somme – 1st July 1916 – 700 of the Accrington Pals went into action, suffering 585 casualties.

A landmine explodes at Hawthorn Ridge on the first day of the Battle of the Somme, 1st July 1916

A landmine explodes at Hawthorn Ridge on the first day of the Battle of the Somme, 1st July 1916

In Preston 250 of the first volunteers in September 1914 became the ‘Preston Pals’ – D Company of the 7th Battalion, Loyal North Lancashire Regiment. Two hundred of these fell during the second phase of the Battle of the Somme which began on 14th July at Bazentin-le-Petit.

Seven battalions of ‘Manchester Pals’ were recruited – overall almost 10,000 men of whom 4,776 were killed during the course of the 1914-18 war.

It was entirely a matter of luck whether a particular battalion was decimated or not, depending on where they happened to be sent. The battalion raised in Oldham were known as the ‘Oldham Comrades’ and suffered relatively light casualties. By contrast the 22nd Battalion of the Manchester Regiment, raised in the city centre mostly from cotton workers, suffered 472 casualties of the 796 men who saw action on the first day of the Somme.

20,000 British soldiers were killed on that first day, with a further 35,000 wounded. A month later their commanders accepted there was going to be no breakthrough, and dug in for a campaign of attrition, with further offensives in September and November.

A bleak war of attrition followed the failure of the initial British offensives at the Somme.

A bleak war of attrition followed the failure of the initial British offensives at the Somme.

Though by the final end of the Battle of the Somme on 21st November 1916 the British Army had gained only two miles of territory after four and a half months of fighting and 420,000 casualties – two men for every centimetre of ground gained – historians are divided over whether the battle should be termed a military disaster.

One recent analyst, Prof. Gary Sheffield has concluded:
“The battle of the Somme was not a victory in itself, but without it the entente would not have emerged victorious in 1918.”

Yet as with the second European civil war of 1939-45, one thing can be said for certain. For the men and families of the Accrington Pals, the Preston Pals and their equivalents across the country, there was to be no victory.

A Vickers machine gun crew wearing gas masks near the Ovillers section of the Somme battlefield, where the 600 men of the 'Grimsby Chums' - 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment - suffered 500 casualties

A Vickers machine gun crew wearing gas masks near the Ovillers section of the Somme battlefield, where the 600 men of the 'Grimsby Chums' - 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment - suffered 500 casualties

Let’s put Oldham back on the map!

Oldham EFP activists lead by Andy Clayton delivered almost 1,000 “Its Our England” leaflets door to door, in Oldham’s Hollinwood ward – an area that has been neglected by Nationalists for many years now. The response from local English people was again very good with many “well-done lads” and “it’s about time someone did something for English people”.

Oldham - Greater ManchesterAndy stood for the EFP in the nearby St. James ward last year – polling almost 20% – and hopes that a local candidate will come through so the EFP can stand in Hollinwood next year.

Oldham was once a stronghold for nationalism, but since the total collapse of the local BNP branch under the able leadership of Roy Goodwin (who lives in Blackpool!) nothing much was happening until the EFP came on the scene. The EFP plan to put Oldham well and truly back on the nationalist map!

The EFP intend to target Oldham again – and other neglected areas of Greater Manchester – in the run up to this years European Elections.England First Party activists - Oldham March 2009 If you live in the Greater Manchester area and would like to help, please do get in touch, you will be made most welcome.

England First Party election results 2008

England First Party - local elections 2008In an election dominated by massive nationwide swings to the Conservatives, the England First Party made significant progress into several new areas of rapidly expanding support for nationalism.

The political situation – especially in North West England – is changing day by day, with a collapse of once-solid Labour support, while the Tories, Lib Dems and BNP struggle to live up to the expectations of their own activists, let alone the wider electorate.

The EFP welcomes the excellent results for its 2008 candidates, and looks forward to many challenges in the year ahead.

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Blackburn with Darwen

North Turton and Tockholes ward:

Conservatives, 854

Green Party, 346

Labour, 220

EFP – Nick Holt, 173 10.4%

For Darwen, 74

Earcroft ward:

For Darwen, 493

Labour, 390

Conservative, 233

EFP – Mark Waring, 130 9.9%

Liberal Democrat, 65

.

Oldham

Chadderton South ward:

Labour, 959

Conservative, 735

EFP – Martin Brierley, 425 18.0%

Liberal Democrat, 236

St. James ward:

Liberal Democrat, 968

Labour, 476

Conservative, 392

EFP – Andrew Clayton, 327 15.1%

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Burnley

Cliviger with Worsthorne ward:

Conservative, 923

Liberal Democat, 486

EFP – Steven Smith, 254 12.5%

Labour, 214

BNP, 149

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Milton Keynes

Eaton Manor ward:

Labour, 776

Conservative, 523

EFP – Barry Taylor, 309 16.4%

UKIP, 138

Liberal Democrat, 143

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Preston

Riversway ward:

Labour, 569

Liberal Democrat, 318

Conservative, 187

EFP – Mark Cotterill, 109 8.0%

Left List, 99

Green, 75

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Isle of Wight

St. Johns West ward – Ryde Parish Council:

Independent, 262

Independent, 259

Independent, 181

EFP – Craig Coombs, 108 23.8%

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White Dragon Flag of EnglandWell done to all England First Party candidates who stood and a big thank you to everybody who helped with their campaigns.

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