Trans row splits Green Party: ultra-woke leader quits

Sian Berry resigned today as co-leader of the Green Party a few days after the resignation of her colleague Jonathan Bartley. Ms Berry is probably the second-best known Green in England (after the party’s sole MP Caroline Lucas) and was her party’s candidate for Mayor of London in 2008, 2016 and 2021, finishing third with 7.8% this year. She has been a member of the Greater London Assembly since 2016.

Her resignation was prompted by a bitter internal row within the Green Party over “trans rights” – specifically whether a man should be allowed to define himself as a woman even if he has not had “gender reassignment” surgery.

Ms Berry (in common with most of the ultra-woke left – though why this should even be a left v right issue is a mystery to H&D) is a fanatical supporter of trans rights: so far as she is concerned, people can define themselves as male, female, or something indeterminate – regardless of biological facts.

Her problem is that the Greens (being very ‘democratic’) elect their party spokesmen, so she is unable to choose her own leadership team.

In her resignation statement, Ms Berry writes of “an inconsistency between the sincere promise to fight for trans rights and inclusion in my work and the message sent by the party’s choice of front bench representatives.

“This inconsistency has left me in a very difficult position. I can no longer claim that the party speaks unequivocally, with one voice, on this issue.

“And my conscience simply cannot agree with the argument that there is anything positive in sending these mixed messages, especially when the inclusive attitudes of our membership and wider society are clear.”

Shahrar Ali

While Ms Berry was careful not to name names, H&D understands that the split centres on Shahrar Ali, a former deputy leader of the party who stood for the leadership last September against Ms Berry and Mr Bartley.

Shahrar Ali (who has a doctorate in philosophy from London University) is now the Green Party’s spokesman on policing, and it appears that due to his taking an opposing line on ‘trans’ Ms Berry found it impossible to tolerate his presence in the leadership team.

Dr Ali issued a statement last July entitled “What is a Woman?” in which he dared to write: “A woman is commonly defined as an adult human female and, genetically, typified by two XX chromosomes. These facts are not in dispute nor should they be in any political party. We campaign for the rights of women and girls to be treated equally on the basis of the protected characteristic of biological sex, as enshrined in the Equality Act 2010.”

While he went on to defend the rights of those who had gone through “gender reassignment”, this statement was interpreted by the ultra-woke as “transphobic”, apparently because Dr Ali seemed not to recognise the “rights” of people to make up their own gender regardless of biology.

It’s not the first time that Dr Ali has been in trouble for speaking his mind. In 2018 the Campaign Against Antisemitism and the Jewish Chronicle reported a speech he had made nine years earlier, describing it as an “offensive” anti-semitic “rant”. Dr Ali eventually won a ruling in his favour from the press regulator IPSO.

Westminster Bubbles – can any politician cast the first stone?

Following the resignation of Health Secretary Matt Hancock over breaching Covid regulations in connection with an extra-marital affair, Westminster and Fleet Street rumour mills are working overtime.

The two frontbenchers most in the spotlight are Labour’s deputy leader Angela Rayner and Cabinet Office minister Michael Gove. Coincidentally Rayner has been responsible for shadowing Gove ever since Labour’s misfired reshuffle.

But the rumours have nothing to do with politics.

Rayner split up from her husband, union official Mark Rayner, last year and has for some time been very close to her former campaign manager, Ilford MP Sam Tarry – a former employee of the ‘anti-racist charity’ Hope not Hate. Both Tarry and Rayner are married with children: indeed Rayner (though only 41) is a grandmother.

Hope not Hate boss Nick Lowles sprang to Tarry’s defence before the 2019 election when his former aide was accused of having links to ‘antisemites’ in Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party.

At least Rayner and Tarry are involved in a straightforward, old-fashioned, extramarital affair.

The Tory scandals are far more exotic, involving swingers’ parties, cocaine, and perhaps their very own Philip Schofield about to ‘out’ himself.

Michael Gove reporting for the BBC on a Gay Pride march in 1993

Covid regulations make this sort of thing much more complicated: at one time a Tory MP might have thought ‘lockdown’ had something to do with Miss Whiplash in a Shepherd Market flat. But now even the highest in the land are subjected to the Daily Mail‘s middle-class morality.

Fortunately for Michael Gove (who once shared a flat with gay businessman Ivan Massow and gay Tory Nick Boles) a large part of the British media belongs to Rupert Murdoch, who has always seen Gove as his man – so you can guarantee that whatever stories break this week, they won’t be Sun exclusives!

Mr Gove has in some respects always been proud of swinging both ways. In February this year he was challenged in the House of Commons about his claims to have sung The Sash, but professed that in addition to this loyalist anthem he also sang the republican favourite Fields of Athenry and the Scottish nationalist Flower of Scotland.

‘Anti-fascist’ thug accused of ‘inciting’ attack on scientist

Lee Hurst – violent anti-fascist turned “proud Covidiot”

Comedian Lee Hurst has been reported to the police following what Prime Minister Boris Johnson described as “despicable harassment” of the government’s chief medical officer, Chris Whitty.

In recent years Hurst has been portrayed by the mainstream media as ‘right-wing’ after apparent support for EDL founder ‘Tommy Robinson’ and hostility to climate campaigner Greta Thunberg.

However H&D can reveal that Hurst was an ‘anti-fascist’ street activist involved with the ultra-violent Red Action, notorious for its brutal attacks on the BNP and other nationalist groups in the 1980s and 1990s.

On 21st April 1990 for example, Hurst took part in a Red Action attack on BNP members attending an election meeting at Weaver’s Field School, Bethnal Green – one of that era’s most notorious acts of ‘anti-fascist’ violence.

Finding himself among more ‘respectable’ left-wing protesters, Hurst climbed over a fence to join the hardcore Red Action thugs who were attacking BNP members (including pensioners) and the police.

Police on the day had foolishly or deliberately insisted on dividing the BNP members (who were on their way to a perfectly peaceful and lawful election meeting) into small groups, making them easier to attack. The party newspaper British Nationalist reported:

“The Left did exactly as anticipated: they made several attacks in sectors where they were able to pick on the BNP in tiny numbers. A number of BNP supporters suffered injuries, one of them an elderly pensioner. Another received a hairline fracture of the skull and had to be taken to hospital. And this was not all. In some cases where BNP men defended themselves vigorously against the left, despite being outnumbered, they [the BNP] were arrested for ‘breaches of the peace’.”

Two Red Action terrorists – including its London leader Patrick Hayes – were later jailed for carrying out the 1993 bombing of Harrods on behalf of the IRA.

Meanwhile Lee Hurst went on to find fame as a television comedian, and now notoriety for his Twitter campaign against Prof. Chris Whitty. After demonstrators picketed Whitty’s home and he was confronted while walking through a park, Hurst tweeted: “What has happened to Chris Whitty is not enough.”

Former England rugby international Brian Moore was among many to condemn Hurst for his ‘cowardly’ attack – pointing out that when the scientist was just 17 his father was murdered by a terrorist gunman in Athens (having apparently been mistaken for an MI6 officer from whom he bought his car).

While there is a wide range of views among H&D readers about the Covid pandemic and government policies, we can surely all agree that it would be both foolish and wicked to fall in with agents provocateurs who seek to intimidate scientists in their homes. Neither do we want anything to do with evil ‘anti-fascist’ thugs like Lee Hurst. We haven’t forgotten or forgiven.

Anne Marie Waters contests Batley & Spen by-election

Anne Marie Waters has done herself no favours in her first campaign endorsement – from the crooked chancer ‘Tommy Robinson’, former leader of the EDL

A month after her defeat in a Hartlepool council election Anne Marie Waters, leader of the For Britain Movement, is contesting a parliamentary by-election in the West Yorkshire constituency of Batley & Spen. Nominations closed earlier today and were published a few minutes ago.

Ms Waters is one of sixteen candidates at the by-election. No explicitly racial nationalist parties or individuals are standing, and though there are important policy differences between Ms Waters and most H&D readers, she is clearly the most credible candidate at this particular by-election from our movement (broadly defined). Her campaign unfortunately wasted no time making its first serious error – publicising an endorsement from the thoroughly discredited crook and Israel Firster ‘Tommy Robinson’ – but readers are likely to find that Ms Waters is still the best option on the ballot paper from a pro-White standpoint.

Batley & Spen was held by Labour’s Tracy Brabin until she was elected last month as the first Mayor of West Yorkshire, prompting this by-election. Ms Brabin’s predecessor was the murdered MP Jo Cox.

It seems likely that one campaign issue will be the controversial suspension of a Batley Grammar School teacher for showing pupils a caricature of the Prophet Muhammad.

Ms Waters is likely to be the most credible anti-Islamist candidate, while former MP George Galloway (standing for his new ‘Worker’s Party’) will seek to split the Muslim vote, hitherto mainly loyal to Labour.

George Galloway – seen (above left) celebrating victory at the Bradford West by-election in 2012 – has again thrown his hat in the ring, but is widely seen as yesterday’s man.

There is also a bewildering variety of what might be termed Brexiteer, populist, anti-lockdown, or anti-woke candidates including UKIP; the UKIP splinter Heritage Party; the SDP (once centrist but now a populist, pro-Brexit rump); the English Democrats; Yorkshire Party; and Freedom Alliance.

The money-grabbing scam run by Jim Dowson under the name ‘British Freedom Party’ is still not registered as a party, so its nominal ‘leader’ Jayda Fransen is standing as an Independent. She faces compensation for the ostentatiously pious vote from the Christian Peoples Alliance.

In addition to the pro-Brexit leftist Galloway, a leftwing ecologist party called Alliance for Green Socialism is standing, though the actual Green Party candidate withdrew after a Twitter ‘scandal’. And the list is completed by the three main parties, plus the fanatical Remainers of ‘Rejoin EU’.

The Batley & Spen by-election is on July 1st: results will appear on this website, and the July-August edition of H&D will include analysis of how the result affects the development of a post-Brexit, post-Covid, pro-White movement in the UK.

Max Mosley, 1940-2021

Max Mosley (above left) with his parents

Max Mosley, son of the former government minister and British Union of Fascists leader Sir Oswald Mosley, died last night at his Chelsea home, aged 81. He had been ill with cancer for some time.

During the early 1960s Max was an active member of his father’s Union Movement and was election agent for UM candidate Walter Hesketh at the Manchester Moss Side by-election in November 1961. In later years he was best known for his role in the organisation of motor racing, where he pioneered important improvements in driver safety, and for his campaigns against tabloid newspaper intrusion into private lives.

Max was himself targeted in March 2008 by Rupert Murdoch’s News of the World, which reported his encounter with five prostitutes, one of whom turned out to be married to an MI5 employee.

H&D Assistant Editor Peter Rushton first met Max Mosley during an Oxford Union Society tribunal in 1986. In tribute to Max Mosley’s memory, we today republish online Peter Rushton’s review of Max Mosley’s autobiography. (The review first appeared in H&D Issue 73.)

Ave atque vale.

‘Racism’ at the ballot box?

Despite general politically correct acquiescence to every feature of the multiracial, multicultural society, voters sometimes rebel in the privacy of the ballot box.

Whenever a non-White candidate receives a lower than expected vote, the liberal media shames the area concerned for ‘racism’. A notable example was the Cheltenham constituency in 1992, where the Conservative Party selected a black barrister (John Taylor) to contest an almost entirely White, safe Tory seat. Against the national swing, Mr Taylor contrived to lose Cheltenham to a (White) Liberal Democrat – and the Cheltenham result is still quoted today as an example of genteel ‘racism’.

A smaller-scale example in the opposite direction was in the Audley ward of Blackburn at the 2004 council elections, where all three seats in the ward were up for election due to boundary changes.

Long-serving Labour leader of Blackburn Council, Sir Bill Taylor was one of the three Labour candidates. The other two were Asian.

When the ballots were counted, Sir Bill (who was also agent for Blackburn’s Labour MP Jack Straw) found that Audley ward’s majority Asian population had voted for his two Asian Labour colleagues and for an Asian Liberal Democrat, but not for him.

To be fair to Audley’s Asians, Sir Bill was only 73 votes short of election.

Sir Bill Taylor – Labour leader rejected by Blackburn Asians

A far more blatant example of voters exercising an ethnic preference at the ballot box occurred last week in the Kersal & Broughton Park ward, Salford. This is (according to the 2011 Census) the most Jewish ward in Britain. Moreover the Jewish population here is more religiously observant, and more conservative (socially and politically) than in most of England’s more cosmopolitan Jewish areas.

Last week’s council elections in Salford – like Blackburn in 2004 – were all-out contests with all three ward council seats up for election. In the above-mentioned ward, the Conservative candidates were two Jews and an Asian. Readers will not be astounded to learn that the two Jewish Tory candidates were easily elected, with 1,797 and 1,679 votes respectively, while the Asian Tory candidate finished well down the field with 711 votes, defeated by a Jewish Liberal Democrat for the ward’s third council seat.

Had this been a non-Jewish White area showing such ‘discrimination’ against a non-White candidate, there would have been a media outcry, but we can safely assume that H&D is the only magazine to have reported this result.

In principle of course we cannot object to Salford’s Jews or Blackburn’s Muslims exercising an ethnic preference for ‘one of their own’. We do regret however that indigenous Britons have been conditioned to regard such behaviour as ‘racist’ and to adopt instead (for their own communities) the lemming politics of multiculturalism.

Nationalist candidates swamped by Tory surge

NF candidate Steve Smith polled 2.4% in Burnley this year

UPDATE 9th May: click here for our extended analysis of the lessons to be drawn from this year’s local and regional elections

Candidates from the ‘old school’ nationalist parties were few and far between this year. Those that did stand were overtaken by a massive swing of White working class voters to Boris Johnson’s Conservatives, as the governing party was rewarded both for the apparent success of its vaccination policy and for ‘getting Brexit done’.

The National Front had three council candidates. In Cliviger with Worsthorne, Burnley, Steven Smith – one of our movement’s most committed campaigners and organisers over the past twenty years – polled 2.4%. (This was a rare example of the Conservatives losing ground, as the seat was gained by the Greens, mainly due to a local planning/housing issue.)

Former BNP regional organiser Chris Jackson, who has been in the NF for the past eleven years after belatedly losing faith in Nick Griffin, polled 2.3% in Todmorden ward, Calderdale, which he has contested (most years) under changing colours since 1994. This is his second-worst result in all that time, and amounts to half the vote he obtained at the previous election in 2019.

Chris Jackson, seen here (above centre) addressing an NF rally alongside former party chairmen Dave MacDonald and Kev Bryan, polled 2.3% this year in Todmorden, half his 2019 vote.

The biggest obstacle in terms of Tory surge was faced by Tim Knowles, NF candidate in Langley Mill & Aldercar ward, Amber Valley. He polled just 1.5% in a ward that was gained by the Tories from Labour, part of a general pattern across the East Midlands and in many other traditionally Labour working-class areas.

The handful of active nationalists who remain in the BNP under the self-serving leadership of Adam Walker and Clive Jefferson, amounted to two local candidates this year. In Boothville & Parklands ward, West Northamptonshire, Ray Beasley polled only 2.5% despite the advantage of being his party’s sole candidate in a three-vacancy election.

Lacking this head-start, but contesting a ward with enormous nationalist potential, John Clarke polled 2.2% as BNP candidate in a by-election for New Addington ward, Croydon.

A far better result than any of the BNP or NF candidates was achieved by British Democratic Party chairman Dr Jim Lewthwaite, who took 6.2% in Wyke ward, Bradford, despite facing opposition from the post-UKIP party Reform UK, whose candidate took 1.6%, as well as a resurgent Conservative Party who gained the seat.

The fringe nationalist party British Resistance, founded by prolific online activist Jack Sen, once again had just one candidate – party chairman Carl Mason, who polled 1.3% in Nunnery ward, Worcester.

Full results from a range of other parties and independents linked to our movement will be published soon on this site. To read our initial analysis of the lessons to be learned from this week’s elections, click here.

Reading the electoral runes in a tough week for the movement

Laurence Fox tried to combine civic nationalism with anti-lockdown politics but was badly beaten in the London Mayoral election, polling 1.9% and losing his £10,000 deposit.

As the final results were declared today in local and regional elections across most of the UK (with the exception of Northern Ireland) we can begin to draw the lessons – some very predictable, others not.

The real losers of these elections (so far as ‘our’ side of politics is concerned) are very clear. The principal outcome was the demise of UKIP and its various offshoots, remnants of Nigel Farage’s movement that changed British history by forcing David Cameron to hold the Brexit referendum in 2016, then forcing successive Tory leaders to follow through with Brexit in 2019/2020.

UKIP’s largest faction followed Farage into his Brexit Party in 2019, and with Farage’s retirement from electoral politics this has been rebranded into Reform UK under the leadership of property tycoon Richard Tice.

These elections were an absolute catastrophe for Tice and Reform UK.

He decided to focus mainly on seeking election to the Greater London Assembly via the proportional list system, which benefits smaller parties and helped the BNP’s Richard Barnbrook to get elected to the GLA in 2008 as well as electing two UKIP members to the GLA in 2016.

Tice needed to poll somewhere around 6% to get elected: he managed a fraction under 1%, less than one-sixth of the vote that UKIP had achieved in 2016.

Reform UK leader Richard Tice (above right) with his political mentor Nigel Farage

Even the rump of UKIP scraped together a slate that defeated Reform UK on the GLA list by polling a fraction over 1%. Humiliatingly both Reform UK and UKIP were beaten by a gaggle of fringe parties including the Christian People’s Alliance; the Animal Welfare Party; Rejoin EU; and the Women’s Equality Party!

One of UKIP’s GLA members elected in 2016 was David Kurten, a half-Jamaican who broke away to form the Heritage Party during UKIP’s many internal wrangles. Kurten’s slate polled a mere 0.5%, and he took 0.4% in the London mayoral election (where Tice didn’t stand).

Reform UK and UKIP were also hammered in the Welsh Parliament (Senedd) elections, where UKIP had won seven seats in 2016, again thanks to a proportional list system.

This week neither Reform UK nor UKIP came close to winning a single Welsh seat. In each region UKIP polled slightly higher than Reform UK, but even UKIP’s highest vote was 2% in the South Wales East region (where party leader Neil Hamilton headed the slate). In this region five years ago UKIP were runners-up with 17.8% and won two seats!

Heritage Party leader David Kurten was one of many civic nationalists whose political careers have surely been ended by this week’s defeats

The picture was almost uniformly grim for the spectrum of Brexiteer parties across the English council elections, where they saw most of their votes devoured by Boris Johnson’s Conservatives.

Only in Derby did Reform UK win two council seats. One of these was a former UKIP councillor re-elected under his new colours, the other was a local businessman who was given a free run by the Derby Conservatives choosing not to put up a candidate in his ward.

So across the whole of England only two Reform UK councillors were elected. Elsewhere most Reform UK votes were so poor that they will struggle to discern any evidence of even a modest electoral base on which to build.

It will suffice to mention a handful of examples typical of the nationwide picture. In Queensbury ward, Bradford, once held by BNP husband-and-wife team Paul and Lynda Cromie, Reform UK polled only 2.6% and the Tories easily won the seat.

In Wakefield a Reform UK candidate managed just 5.2% in a ward where UKIP had taken 36.6% in 2014.

UKIP couldn’t take any factional schadenfreude from their rivals’ defeats: in another Wakefield ward that had been won by UKIP in 2014, this year’s candidate managed only 3.1%.

A curiosity particular to Wakefield is that the best of the old UKIP candidates had chosen to join the smallest of its factional breakaways. Cliff Parsons, who had polled 40.5% in the Normanton ward as recently as 2019, defected to the Alliance for Democracy & Freedom, founded by former UKIP MEP Mike Hookem, and was the best of the Brexiteer candidates in the borough this year, but even he only polled 7.1% this time.

Today’s Tories are ordered to shun the ‘racist’ legacy of Enoch Powell, but the Tory surge in many White working class areas this year was in some respects Powellite

The West Midlands mayoral election might have seemed tailor-made for Reform UK. There were only five candidates, and Reform UK’s Pete Durnell was the only one that might be considered to the right of the Tories. Incumbent mayor Andy Street is on the far left of the Conservative Party and (for the minority of voters who care about such things in 2021) is openly homosexual.

And this is a region that includes not only multiracial Birmingham but many White working-class areas such as the ‘Black Country’ boroughs of Sandwell and Dudley. In short, this is what was once considered ‘Enoch Powell country’, and includes numerous council wards once held or targeted by the BNP in the 1990s and 2000s.

Yet even here, and with an electoral system that favours smaller parties by giving voters two preferences, Reform UK only polled 2.2%.

The inescapable conclusion is that Reform UK failed to get any coherent message across to voters. And one reason for that is that the party’s ideology (even were it more clearly expressed) is unlikely to appeal to large numbers of White working-class voters.

Tice’s party is essentially neo-Thatcherite, and while Thatcherism in its heyday had some appeal to workers in the Midlands and South, times have changed. Such voters now prefer Boris Johnson’s interventionist and socially conservative brand to the small-state, tax-cutting, libertarian stance of the neo-Thatcherites.

In the North of course, even Thatcherism at its peak had limited appeal, so why would today’s voters opt for a second-rate imitation of Thatcherism, peddling a set of ideas long past their sell-by date?

Other splinters from UKIP attempted to present slightly different varieties of post-Brexit populism but had smaller resources than either Reform UK or UKIP and seem likely to fizzle out quickly. The Democrats & Veterans Party (founded by former UKIP leadership candidate John Rees-Evans) has been rebranded as the Five Star Direct Democracy Party. Their sole candidate this year – James Dalton in Holme Valley South ward, Kirklees – had polled 14.1% as D&V candidate in 2019, but this fell to just 1.0% for the rebranded party this year. Vicky Felton – elected as D&V councillor for Monk Bretton ward, Barnsley, in 2019 now sits as an independent and the rebranded party had no candidate in her ward this year.

Alongside Reform UK and UKIP, the other clear losers of this week’s elections are the anti-lockdown parties. Easily the most high-profile candidate from this camp was television actor Laurence Fox, who founded his own party ‘Reclaim’, funded by a former UKIP and Tory donor, and stood for Mayor of London.

Due to his earlier celebrity, Fox secured disproportionate media coverage but was unable to turn this into votes, despite being endorsed by Tice’s Reform UK who didn’t put up their own London Mayoral candidate.

While his initial political interventions at the start of 2020 had been anti-‘woke’ and in defence of ‘British values’, and during the past year he was a vocal opponent of ‘Black Lives Matter’ extremists, Fox increasingly drifted into being primarily an anti-lockdown and Covid-sceptic candidate.

As such he was one of several in the London race who were pushing some combination of anti-lockdown and/or anti-vaccination politics, sometimes indulging to a greater or lesser extent in what some would term ‘conspiracy theories’.

Piers Corbyn was yet another anti-lockdown candidate whose defeat illustrated the limitations of this form of politics

It’s now clear beyond doubt that (whatever the rights and wrongs of the Covid and vaccination issues) this form of politics was not a sound electoral strategy.

Fox polled only 1.9% in the London Mayoral contest, despite the system allowing voters two Mayoral preferences, beaten not only by the main four parties (Labour, Conservative, Green, and Liberal Democrat) but by a 23-year-old YouTube ‘star’ who specialises in ‘prank’ videos.

At least four other Mayoral candidates were pushing similar ideas on Covid, but they fared even worse. US-born YouTube conspiracy theorist Brian Rose polled 1.2%; Piers Corbyn, who has specialised in getting himself arrested at anti-lockdown demos but is still best known as brother of the former Labour leader, managed 0.8%; UKIP’s Peter Gammons just 0.6%; and as mentioned earlier, David Kurten of the Heritage Party, 0.4%.

Some H&D readers might argue that this was just a London phenomenon, and that surely elsewhere in the country there would be a more receptive audience for anti-lockdown politics. But the verdict of the ballot box is inescapable.

Dozens of candidates stood in local or regional elections for the Freedom Alliance, a single-issue anti-lockdown party. Without exception they polled microscopically tiny votes. Their highest Welsh regional vote was 0.7%, despite the list system favouring small parties.

Even where there was no competition for the ‘protest vote’, Freedom Alliance candidates polled poorly, for example 2% in Tong ward, Bradford; 1.3% in Coalville South, Leicestershire; and 1% in Tottington ward, Bury.

In an old BNP target area – Balderstone & Kirkholt ward, Rochdale – the Freedom Alliance approached credibility with 3.6%, but the fact that this was one of their best votes indicates the scale of electoral defeat that the anti-lockdown movement has suffered.

Freedom Alliance put together an impressive-looking slate of twenty county council candidates in Devon, but their results ranged from 0.7% to 3.7%.

From an electoral point of view, the anti-lockdown movement is dead and buried.

Anne-Marie Waters (above left) and her brand of Islam-obsessed politics is damaged by association with the crooked yob ‘Tommy Robinson’ (above right), founder of the EDL.

We now turn to the third and less obvious set of losers from this year’s elections: the Islam-obsessed wing of nationalism.

Here the evidence is more mixed, and right up to polling day H&D expected that the For Britain Movement, founded by former UKIP leadership candidate Anne-Marie Waters, would win several seats and would emerge from this year’s elections as the strongest force in the broadly-defined nationalist movement.

While For Britain is not a racial nationalist party, and Ms Waters herself is explicitly ‘anti-racist’ with political roots on the left, there are several longstanding racial nationalists in the party, including Epping Forest Councillor Julian Leppert and the party’s chief electoral strategist Eddy Butler, both of whom were senior BNP activists for many years. Former BNP councillor Graham Partner was For Britain candidate for Coalville North, Leicestershire this week, polling 4%; while another well-known BNP figure standing for For Britain was Lawrence Rustem in Shepway South, Maidstone, who polled 2.6%.

Cllr Leppert was not up for re-election this year, but contested the Waltham Abbey division of Essex County Council, finishing fourth with 6.8% in a race where he had been thought to have a chance of winning. The party’s lead candidate in Epping Forest this year, former BNP councillor Mrs Pat Richardson, had at the start of the campaign been expected to win the Waltham Abbey Honey Lane ward, but finished third with 18.2%; while the other three For Britain candidates in Epping Forest polled between 3.2% and 5.8%.

Cllr Julian Leppert (above right with controversial columnist Katie Hopkins) was hoping to become For Britain’s first county councillor this year

The party’s other elected councillor Karen King – in De Bruce ward, Hartlepool – is from its ‘anti-racist’ wing and is a close ally of Ms Waters, who moved to Hartlepool to stand as a second For Britain candidate for the three vacancies in this year’s all-out council elections in the town.

Far from gaining seats, For Britain lost the one they were defending: Ms King polled 23.4% (the party’s highest vote) but lost her seat despite the Conservatives only having a single candidate for the three De Bruce ward seats. Ms Waters finished more than 150 votes further down the field.

And these (together with Mrs Richardson’s Epping Forest result) were the best For Britain performances!

The rest of their results ranged from modest to disastrous, as our published list confirms.

One result in particular illustrates For Britain’s big problem. In Keighley West ward, Bradford, there was a crowded field of nine candidates, and the resurgent Tories gained the seat from Labour. This was the original ‘grooming scandal’ town, and if there were to be anywhere in the country where For Britain’s special emphasis on anti-Islam politics was to gain traction it should have been here.

Yet For Britain’s Keighley candidate polled only 1.4%, beaten not only by the major parties but even by the candidate of the dying UKIP, who polled 2.7%.

During the last 24 hours senior figures within For Britain have begun blaming each other for the scale of their defeat, but we suspect that individuals within the leadership are not personally at fault.

The evidence suggests two conclusions:

(1) Whatever the variety of nationalism on offer, most of our target voters this year chose to ‘reward’ Boris Johnson’s Conservative Party for the government’s handling of both the pandemic and Brexit – and it seems likely that there was nothing we could have done in the short term to hold back that tide. The medium-long term situation could of course be very different, and there is every reason to think that some form of nationalist politics has the potential to rebuild within a year or two.

(2) As H&D has long argued, obsessive anti-Islam politics has limited appeal to White British voters, who unlike their counterparts in the USA and some European countries, are no longer accustomed to thinking of politics in theological terms. By all means criticise individual or collective Muslim behaviour when appropriate, but it is toxic in British politics to be seen as some sort of obsessive ‘nutter’ on religious topics, which are seen by most White Britons as part of the private sphere not the party political.

What’s far worse is that within the last few years anti-Islam politics has been tainted both by yobbery and by the personal dishonesty of several leading anti-Islam campaigners – notably the EDL founder ‘Tommy Robinson’, who is both a yob and a money-grabbing crook.

We have no doubt that Ms Waters and her colleagues are – unlike ‘Tommy Robinson’ – honest, sincere and decent individuals. But if For Britain is to be part of a realignment of nationalist politics its approach will have to be more nuanced and less obsessed with Islam.

Ex-serviceman Pete Molloy, a former BNP activist, achieved this year’s only nationalist election victory, winning a Durham County Council seat as an independent

So where do we find positive lessons from this grim set of results?

The good news is that (as ever) hard work and sensible campaign literature can make a positive difference. Independent nationalist candidate Pete Molloy won an impressive victory in Spennymoor ward, Durham as well as re-election to Spennymoor Town Council; fellow independent Mark Cotterill (H&D‘s editor) polled 15.7% in Ribbleton ward, Preston, despite another of this year’s typical Tory surges in such depressed White areas; former BNP official Chris Roberts achieved far better results than other anti-lockdown candidates, polling 9.3% in Boyce ward, Castle Point; and Eddy Butler’s well-organised team in Epping Forest (despite falling well short of the expected victories) polled far better than most of the other For Britain candidates nationwide.

Other signs that there remains (even in this week of excellent Conservative votes) a public appetite for politics to the right of the Tories, included the 9.8% vote for English Democrats leader Robin Tilbrook in the contest for Essex Police Commissioner; the 26.3% vote in Bablake ward, Coventry, for defending councillor Glenn Williams, who came close to retaining his seat despite having been thrown out of the Conservative Party for ‘racism’ (his particular crime having been to praise Enoch Powell); and the victory of Andrew Walker who was elected in Darwen South, Blackburn with Darwen, as a Conservative despite the party having disowned him (again for ‘racism’) a few days before polling day.

It will be interesting to see whether Cllr Walker chooses to sit as an independent or seeks to join another party.

There are still a handful of election results to come. H&D will continue to digest the results and will reflect further on their lessons, both here on this website and in the May-June edition of the magazine which will go to press within the next 48 hours.

Detailed results from 2021 Elections

further details will appear on this page as they are processed

Nationalist independents and small parties

Pete Molloy, Spennymoor, Durham
20.4% [ELECTED]

Mark Cotterill, Independent, Ribbleton, Preston
15.7%

Chris Roberts, Independent, Boyce, Castle Point
9.3%

Mark Cotterill, Independent, Preston SE, Lancashire
8.8%

Chris Roberts, Independent, South Benfleet, Essex
8.3%

Gary Butler, Independent, Shepway North, Maidstone
5.5%

Gary Butler, Independent, Maidstone South, Kent
2.5%

Andrew Emerson, Patria, Chichester West, Chichester
2.2%

Teresa Skelton, Justice & Anti-Corruption, St Bartholomew, Winchester
2.0%

Teresa Skelton, Justice & Anti-Corruption, Winchester Eastgate, Hampshire
1.1%

Andrew Emerson, Patria, Chichester West, West Sussex
0.8%

———

For Britain Movement

Of the For Britain Movement’s 59 candidates, only eight (including their two contenders in De Bruce ward, Hartlepool) polled over 5%.

Twenty-five of the For Britain candidates polled below 2%.

De Bruce, Hartlepool: 23.4%
Waltham Abbey Honey Lane, Epping Forest: 18.2%
Trimdon & Thornley, Durham: 16.3%
Grange, Halton: 7.2%
Waltham Abbey, Essex: 6.8%
Waltham Abbey SW, Epping Forest: 5.8%
Exwick & St Thomas, Devon: 5.5%
Waltham Abbey NE, Epping Forest: 4.5%
Darfield, Barnsley: 4.2%
Coalville N, Leicestershire: 4.0%
Northfield Brook, Oxford: 4.0%
Thorpe, Southend: 4.0%
Walker, Newcastle-on-Tyne: 3.5%
Whitefield, Knowsley: 3.4%
Churchill, Westminster: 3.4%
Leys, Oxfordshire: 3.3%
East Preston & Ferring, West Sussex: 3.3%
Loughton Broadway, Epping Forest: 3.2%
Town Centre, St Helens: 3.1%
Wakefield West, Wakefield: 3.0%
Pulborough, West Sussex: 3.0%
Westbury N, Wiltshire: 3.0%
St Thomas, Exeter: 2.9%
Newington & Gipsyville, Hull: 2.7%
Shepway South, Maidstone: 2.6%
Fontwell, West Sussex: 2.5%
Shoeburyness, Southend: 2.3%
Welham Green and Hatfield South, Welwyn Hatfield: 2.3%
Foggy Furze, Hartlepool: 2.1%
Charlemont with Grove Vale, Sandwell: 2.1%
West Shoebury, Southend: 2.1%
Laindon Park, Basildon: 2.0%
St Andrews & Docklands, Hull: 2.0%
Haydock, St Helens: 1.9%
Compton & N Lancing, West Sussex: 1.9%
Claughton, Wirral: 1.9%
Mannington & Western, Swindon: 1.8%
Moss Side & Farington, Lancashire: 1.7%
Walkergate, Newcastle-on-Tyne: 1.7%
Derringham, Hull: 1.5%
Speke-Garston, Liverpool: 1.5%
Keighley West, Bradford: 1.4%
Middleton, West Sussex: 1.4%
The Witterings, West Sussex: 1.4%
Tendring Rural East, Essex: 1.3%
St Loye’s, Exeter: 1.2%
Sileby & The Wolds, Leicestershire: 1.2%
Bretton, Peterborough: 1.1%
Cissbury, West Sussex: 1.1%
Red Hall & Lingfield, Darlington: 1.0%
Heavitree & Whipton Barton, Devon: 1.0%
North Evington, Leicester: 1.0%
East Barnet, Barnet: 0.8%
Hummersknott, Darlington: 0.7%
Imberdown, West Sussex: 0.7%
Guiseley & Rawdon, Leeds: 0.5%
Little Lever & Darcy Lever, Bolton: 0.4%
Clacton West, Essex: 0.3%

———

English Democrats

Police, Fire & Crime Commissioner, Essex: 9.8%
Dearne North, Barnsley: 9.4%
High Ongar, Willingale and the Rodings, Epping Forest: 6.5%
Besses, Bury, 5.1%
Ongar & Rural, Essex: 4.8%
Wombwell, Barnsley: 4.2%
Dearne South, Barnsley: 3.4%
Police & Crime Commissioner, Bedfordshire: 2.8%
Mayor of West Yorkshire: 1.5%
Mayor of Greater Manchester: 1.4%

———

Alliance for Democracy & Freedom

The Alliance for Democracy & Freedom is one of several parties that resulted from factional splits in UKIP: in this case it’s the faction that supported Mike Hookem, a former MEP and UKIP leadership candidate.

Normanton, Wakefield, 7.1%
Dibden & Hythe, Hampshire, 4.8%
Ware South, Hertfordshire, 3.6%
Mansfield North, Nottinghamshire, 0.8%


For Britain defeated in Hartlepool council election

Anne Marie Waters (centre right) with For Britain colleagues including former BNP activists Eddy and Sue Butler, Jeff Marshall, and Julian Leppert

Just a few weeks ago it seemed very likely that the For Britain Movement – an anti-Islamist party founded by former UKIP leadership candidate Anne-Marie Waters – would win two or three council seats in Hartlepool and at least one more in Epping Forest, with further successes elsewhere not considered impossible.

The party already had two elected councillors – former BNP councillor Julian Leppert in Epping Forest and Karen King in Hartlepool. Party leader Anne-Marie Waters even moved to Hartlepool so that she could stand for the council there.

However today Ms Waters and her party have proved the highest profile victims of a remarkable Tory surge in White working class, pro-Brexit areas.

Within the last hour it was confirmed that For Britain have lost their Hartlepool seat and that all of the party’s candidates (including Ms Waters herself) have been defeated.

Hartlepool Council had boundary changes this year so the entire council was up for election, with three vacancies in each ward. In theory this ought to have been helpful in For Britain’s main target ward De Bruce, where the Conservatives only had one candidate and For Britain two, for three vacancies. In the event For Britain’s councillor Karen King was defeated by fifteen votes.

The sole Conservative candidate topped the poll in De Bruce ward, with the other two seats falling to Labour. Ms King finished fourth and Ms Waters a further 154 votes behind in sixth place. For Britain’s vote in the ward amounted to 23.4%.

Defeated For Britain candidates Anne Marie Waters (above left) and ex-councillor Karen King

For Britain’s third Hartlepool candidate was in Foggy Furze ward, where they polled only 2.1%. In this ward a defending councillor from the Veterans & People’s Party lost his seat. The VPP also lost their other seat in Rossmere ward.

Julian Leppert is now For Britain’s only surviving councillor after a very bad night for his party. Cllr Leppert’s Epping Forest seat was not up for re-election: he finished fourth with 6.8% in the Waltham Abbey division of Essex County Council. Meanwhile his fellow ex-BNP councillor Mrs Pat Richardson finished third with 18.2% in For Britain’s main Epping Forest target ward this year, Waltham Abbey Honey Lane.

The three other Epping Forest candidates from For Britain polled between 3.2% and 5.8%.

Most other For Britain results nationwide were poor. An exception was in Durham‘s Trimdon & Thornley ward, where Dave Smith polled 16.3% – greatly assisted by the Conservatives only having two candidates for three vacancies.

Another significant casualty of the Conservative surge was Dr Jim Lewthwaite, British Democratic Party candidate for Wyke ward, Bradford, who finished third of six candidates with 6.2%.

One consolation for Dr Lewthwaite (and for some of the For Britain candidates) was that they fared better than the rebranded Brexit Party, now known as Reform UK, which fell at its first electoral hurdle.

The future of Reform UK and its leader Richard Tice must now be in doubt.

H&D will have a comprehensive results service and analysis at this website and in the forthcoming edition of the magazine.

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