MET RECRUITS ILLITERATE COPS TO BOOST “DIVERSITY”

The cartoon above first appeared in the May 1982 issue of the Police Federation magazine Police. If nationalists had published a similar cartoon themselves, they would have been prosecuted.

London’s Metropolitan Police are recruiting applicants who are “functionally illiterate in English” to meet “diversity targets”, Matt Parr, one of His Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary, has revealed.  

This is in response to trying to meet a demand from the then Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, the lesbian Cressida Dick, to make London’s police force 40% Black and other non-White by 2023. In fact they have not yet reached even 17% ethnic minority, and they are clearly getting desperate.  

The result is, as Mr Parr found, sticking people who cannot read or write in English in Police uniforms, purely on the basis of their race. This is a practice loudly decried as “racism” unless, as in this case, native White Britons are the victims.    

Cressida Dick, former Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, is seen here speaking to the private Jewish security/intelligence organisation, Community Security Trust. Before being forced to resign, Ms Dick set her police force the target of becoming 40% Black and other non-White by 2023.

Despite discovering this unfortunate issue in practice, the Inspector of Constabulary was nevertheless all in favour of this anti-White racist policy in principle: “we completely support the idea that London – which will likely be a minority White city in the next decade or so – should not be policed by an overwhelmingly White police force”, he said.  

Or apparently necessarily even an overwhelmingly law-abiding one – he went on to observe, as has long been known and just as long hushed up, that “young Black men tended to have a greater involvement with the criminal justice system in London than any other group. But,” he went on, “that does not mean they should be barred from the Police”.  

Meanwhile native British constables, clearly regarded as surplus to requirements, are being purged from the Metropolitan Police purely for expressing Politically Incorrect opinions, such as remarking in texts sent to colleagues on the total ethnic transformation of large areas of Britain’s capital city. Thus patriotic White policemen are, it seems, being cleared out to make way in the policing of London’s streets for illiterate Black criminals…  

Rishi Sunak plans new law to build £100 million ‘Holocaust Memorial’

This afternoon Prime Minister Rishi Sunak announced that his government will bring in legislation to force through the construction of an enormous ‘Holocaust Memorial’ next to the Houses of Parliament, obliterating a public park, Victoria Tower Gardens, and costing more than £100 million.

Readers might wonder why such a vast sum is to be spent at a time of economic crisis? They might also wonder why scarce public park land in London is to be given over to commemoration of alleged events that are not part of British history, and to implied apology for alleged events for which Britain bore no responsibility.

H&D has previously reported in detail about this saga, and our assistant editor Peter Rushton submitted a fully documented objection during Westminster City Council’s consideration of the earlier application, which ended in victory for those opposed to the ‘Memorial’. Eventually the High Court prevented the government’s attempts to overrule the council: Sunak’s new law is necessary to frustrate this court judgment and ensure that the ‘Memorial’ will after all be built.

Peter reports on the new Real History blog about the latest developments.

Change to German electoral system – is Sir Keir watching?

This week the German coalition government of Social Democrats, Greens and Liberals began moves to reform the Federal Parliament (Bundestag) in what would be their country’s biggest constitutional shake-up for many years.

With electoral reform likely to be on the UK’s political agenda after the Conservatives almost certainly lose the next general election (due by January 2025 at the very latest) the choices made in Berlin are worth examining. Especially because their present government is ideologically very similar to a likely Labour-led coalition in the UK.

Germany has a hybrid system, with some MPs elected on a Westminster-style first-past-the-post system, but others elected via a top-up list so as to make the entire Bundestag represent the nationwide percentage share of the vote.

This hybrid system means that the Bundestag is not simply divided proportionally to match the parties’ share of the vote. For example, to gain proportionally-based seats, a party must poll at least 5% nationwide, or qualify for proportional top-ups if it wins at least three directly-elected seats. This happened recently with the far-left party Die Linke.

Markus Söder, leader of the Bavarian conservative party CSU, which would be the biggest loser if this week’s reforms are passed.

On the other hand, a party with a very strong regional base can end up winning more directly elected seats than a proportional carve-up would have given them. This is the case with Bavaria’s conservative party CSU. Extra seats are created to balance out such anomalies and are known as ‘overhang’ seats: these have meant that the present Bundestag is the largest ever, with 736 MPs.

This week’s proposed reform would eliminate ‘overhang’ seats, and fix the number of German MPs at 598.

At a basic level the reform is likely to be popular with voters, since it will save money and cut bureaucracy. And it’s a cunning move by the government because it will weaken the CSU. Even though CSU is the sister party of CDU, the present system of ‘overhang’ balancing takes no account of that, and gives an artificial boost to the combined CDU-CSU strength.

Reforming this would be likely to make any future conservative-led government more dependent on a deal with parties further to the right – presently AfD (Alternative für Deutschland) or whichever party succeeds AfD if it splits/declines. Unsurprisingly, the present reform is similar to a policy that the AfD itself promoted four years ago.

Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon (above right, meeting Prime Minister Sunak) and her SNP would be the big losers if the UK adopted a system similar to that now proposed in Germany.

Here in the UK the party in a similar position to CSU (though very different ideologically) is Nicola Sturgeon’s Scottish National Party. The present electoral system gives the SNP grossly inflated importance at Westminster, relative to its share of the UK-wide vote. At the last general election SNP won 3.9% of the UK-wide vote, and 48 MPs (i.e. 7.4% of the House of Commons). The system almost doubled the SNP’s importance at Westminster, and this would be far more important in the event of no major party gaining a Commons majority, thus making Sturgeon and her allies kingmakers.

By contrast a more purely proportional system would probably give a populist/nationalist party (i.e. whatever replaces Reform UK and UKIP) more Westminster seats than the SNP. The other big winners from a change to a German-style system would almost certainly be the Greens.

Most importantly for racial nationalists, it would end the ‘wasted vote’ argument that has so far prevented many of those who sympathise with our ideas from voting for a racial nationalist party.

Sunak’s Tories start 2023 in deep trouble – but Reform UK’s challenge is weaker than it looks

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak needs all the prayers he can get, whether in his own Hindu faith or any other!

Five opinion polls have been taken since Christmas, and all show Rishi Sunak’s government in deep trouble with British voters. Traditionally the Tories might expect to benefit from industrial unrest: strikes famously helped Margaret Thatcher win her first general election in 1979 and weakened Labour in the run-up to her third victory in 1987. But Sunak seems to be failing in his main (political) task of restoring the Conservative Party’s reputation for economic competence.

From H&D readers’ point of view, the big question is whether a civic nationalist party is capable of making the sort of breakthrough that Nigel Farage’s parties achieved during the 2010s: first UKIP, and then the Brexit Party – making such an impact that the Tories were forced to allow British voters a referendum on EU membership in 2016, then forced to deliver Brexit against the wishes of most Tory grandees.

For reasons we have examined repeatedly in the magazine (and which we re-examine in the January-February 2023 edition that has just gone to press) Farage’s latest (and probably last) party, Reform UK, does not seem capable of achieving similar results.

Nigel Farage and Richard Tice of Reform UK are now TV entertainers rather than serious political leaders.

Reform UK (presently led by Farage’s right-hand man Richard Tice) has failed badly at six successive parliamentary by-elections (most recently polling 2.7% in Chester and 3.5% in Stretford & Urmston). None of these lost deposits suggest that its nationwide opinion poll scores (much hyped by some academics and by the GB News channel where Farage has a regular show) are anywhere near accurate.

The most recent polls differ widely in this respect: for example the new company People Polling (commissioned by GB News) gave Reform UK 8%, and showed Sunak’s Tories falling to just 19%, 26 points behind the Labour Party; while a rival firm Redfield Wilton gave Reform UK 5%, but again showed the Tories losing heavily, this time 20 points behind Labour. Three other polls taken during the first week of 2023 show Labour leads of 21% or 22%, with Reform UK scoring anywhere between 4% and 8%.

Part of the explanation for this disparity might be straightforward, involving: (a) prompting of voters with the name of Reform UK included in the initial question, rather than held back for a supplementary question; and (b) a different method of adjusting the raw figures, taking less account of previous voting preference. Most pollsters use this method in an attempt to tease out ‘shy Tories’; if People Polling do not, or use it less radically, it could account for their lower Tory and higher Reform and Green vote shares.

Whatever the technical reason, H&D would be very surprised to see Reform UK poll higher than 2% of the nationwide vote at a general election. For ideological and other reasons, Faragism is finished as a serious political force. If Farage himself stands, then he along with Tice and a handful of others might manage 10% or more and (most crucially) help push the Tories to defeat in a small number of marginal seats, but in most of the country Reform UK will remain an irrelevance.

Dr Jim Lewthwaite (far left), Chairman of the British Democrats, with some of his fellow speakers at the 2022 H&D meeting in Preston: Keith Axon, Peter Rushton, Isabel Peralta and Laura Towler.

Which leaves the big question – if not Farage and Reform UK, then who and what will present the badly needed challenge to the UK’s failing political mainstream.

Recent polls suggest that 20% or more of those who voted Conservative at the last general election three years ago are now answering “Don’t Know”. Even the People Polling survey that seems to exaggerate Reform UK’s strength suggests that it is taking 12% of that previous Conservative vote, and little or nothing from the other parties; while 17% of those Tory voters have switched to Labour.

Sunak might yet win back some of those ‘Don’t Knows’, but many of them ought to be persuadable by a credible racial nationalist party (if and when such a party gets off the ground).

The British Democrats presently seem to be the best organised and most realistic option for those seeking a racial nationalist challenge at the ballot box, but even they are only just getting started in most of the country. 2023 will be an important transitional year for our movement, as Faragism is finally buried and the Brit Dems gradually build up a nationwide branch structure. Meanwhile Patriotic Alternative is building a broader political challenge away from the electoral arena (PA is not yet a registered political party and shows no sign of becoming one); the British Movement continues to maintain the core ideology that exposes the roots of British and European decline since 1945; and the National Front keeps the flame alive for the first UK party to present a serious electoral challenge to multiracialism during the 1970s.

Whatever nationalist party or group you belong to, or if for the time being you are working independently for our cause, H&D wishes you an active and successful New Year!

Winter Solstice 2022

Greetings from H&D to all readers celebrating the Winter Solstice this evening.

Our ancestors across Europe marked this as the day with fewest hours of sunlight: the darkest point of the year.

And so they celebrated the fact that from now on the sun becomes stronger, with the promise of renewed life and the certainty of next year’s crops.

Recently European peoples have been reminded that food doesn’t simply come from the supermarket, and many of our fellow citizens are facing an especially hard winter.

As racial nationalists these continue to be hard times in ways that transcend such daily material questions. The recent UK census provided further evidence that our very existence is under threat from mass immigration.

Yet the message of the Solstice is that even at the darkest hour, hope remains.

Political progress from the darkness of ignorance and barbarism to the renewed light of European civilization and racial identity will be slow, but here at H&D we believe that this recovery will happen and will be relentless, whatever methods our enemies use to prevent a White British and White European renaissance.

Whether you celebrate the Solstice as a religious festival or as a political allegory, H&D wishes you all a Happy Yuletide.

Stretford & Urmston by-election: another episode in the slow death of Faragism

Reform UK leader Richard Tice (above right) with his party’s ill-fated by-election candidate Paul Swansborough, campaigning in Stretford & Urmston

The result of the Stretford & Urmston parliamentary by-election was declared a few minutes ago. Predictably it resulted in a massive majority for Labour, but for H&D readers the more interesting aspect was another shockingly poor result for Reform UK, the latest vehicle for the political ideas of Nigel Farage, who was once among Europe’s most successful populist leaders.

Farage was most famous for his decade as leader of UKIP. He had a year out of office from 2009-2010, but was otherwise leader from 2006 until the Brexit referendum victory of 2016. Having made a huge contribution to the UK voting to leave the EU, Farage returned to electoral politics from 2019-2021 as leader of the Brexit Party, so as to ensure that the political establishment was unable to frustrate the referendum result.

In 2021 the Brexit Party was rebranded as Reform UK and Farage retired in favour of his close political ally Richard Tice, but he has remained a powerful voice in support of the party and has hinted that he might return to the arena at the next general election.

The problem is that Reform UK (despite being hyped recently by academics and journalists) seems to have very little public support and little ideological coherence.

Would you-buy a second-hand ideology from these men? Former UKIP and Brexit Party leader Nigel Farage (above left) with his Reform UK successor Richard Tice.

At yesterday’s by-election in Stretford & Urmston (a socially and racially divided constituency west of Manchester), Reform UK’s candidate Paul Swansborough polled only 3.5% (650 votes), an equivalent percentage but far lower numerical vote than the Brexit Party achieved in the same constituency in 2019: 3.5% (1,768 votes).

At its peak in 2015, UKIP polled 5,068 votes (10.9%) here.

This is the sixth successive parliamentary by-election at which Reform UK have lost their deposit, despite in this instance spending lavishly on their campaign and busing in activists from elsewhere in the region.

What makes it far worse is that the Tory vote predictably collapsed at this by-election, but disillusioned Tories stayed at home, unpersuaded by Reform UK even as a protest vote option.

One insuperable problem is that UKIP and the Brexit Party had a clear message that attracted large numbers of otherwise politically diverse voters: i.e. leaving the European Union.

That battle has been won – not even the most diehard pro-European nor the most paranoid Brexiteer believes that the UK will re-enter the EU in the foreseeable future. The issue is now settled, and the issues on which Reform UK is choosing to fight are mostly ones that cannot possibly enthuse the White working class who delivered the Brexit victory.

Reform UK have failed to capitalise on the unpopularity of Rishi Sunak, seen here hosting a Diwali reception at Downing Street soon after his accession as Tory Party leader and Prime Minister.

Reform UK are essentially a post-Thatcherite, right-wing version of the Tories – tax cuts, shrink the state, free market capitalism, ‘Singapore on Thames’.

They talk a good fight about immigration, but their devotion to international capitalism means that at root their ideological commitment is to the very force that drives migration and ‘One Worldism’.

In short, they have nothing to offer to White working-class voters, and unlike the Brexit Party are unable to disguise that fact. Moreover many voters are waking up to the reality that Brexit is failing to deliver the changes that were once expected, especially regarding immigration.

Civic nationalism, Brexitism, Faragism – all these populist forces are now dead or dying. It remains to be seen whether racial nationalism, which unlike Faragism is a coherent programme for national renewal, can revive and unite behind a serious political party. The British Democrats are on the way to achieving that, just as Patriotic Alternative are on the way to creating a broader challenge outside electoral politics, but there is a very long way to go before we can say that racial nationalism in the UK is back on its feet.

Putinist oligarch arrested in London

NCA officers raiding oligarch Fridman’s London home two days ago.

Mikhail Fridman – one of London’s leading Russian oligarchs – was arrested at one of his two London homes on Thursday by officers from the National Crime Agency’s Combatting Kleptocracy Cell. British press reports have avoided naming Fridman.

According to an NCA statement, Fridman – a close ally of Kremlin dictator Vladimir Putin – was arrested “on suspicion of offences including money laundering, conspiracy to defraud the Home Office and conspiracy to commit perjury”. A 35-year-old man was arrested in the vicinity after being observed leaving Fridman’s home with a bag containing a large amount of cash.

Later on Thursday, the former boyfriend of Fridman’s current partner was arrested at his home in Pimlico, “for offences including money laundering and conspiracy to defraud”.

(above left to right) Sir Len Blavatnik, Tony Blair’s favourite oligarch; Mikhail Fridman, arrested two days ago in London by the NCA’s Combatting Kleptocracy Cell; Lord Browne, then chairman of BP; and Viktor Vekselberg, Blavatnik’s business partner, whose yacht was seized in April this year by Spain’s Guardia Civil and US federal agents.

The NCA’s Director-General Graeme Biggar said: “The NCA’s Combatting Kleptocracy Cell, only established this year, is having significant success investigating potential criminal activity by oligarchs, the professional service providers that support and enable them and those linked to the Russian regime.
“We will continue to use all the powers and tactics available to us to disrupt this threat.”

Mikhail Fridman was born in Lviv but now holds joint Russian and Israeli citizenship. He began to build his Alfa business empire in his early 20s, in partnership with two fellow Jews – German Khan and Petr Aven – and is best known for his co-ownership of the controversial Alfa Bank and associated companies.

Since 2017 Fridman and his partners have been involved in several legal actions against the former MI6 officer Chris Steele, whose dossier alleged that they had corrupt dealings with Putin and Donald Trump.

Mikhail Fridman (third from right) standing between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israeli politician Natan Sharansky at a presentation of the Genesis Prize, which Fridman sponsors. Also in photo (second left) is Fridman’s business partner Petr Aven.

Fridman co-founded the Russian Jewish Congress and has been a major donor to Zionist causes including the European Jewish Fund and ‘Holocaust’ education projects. His Genesis Philanthropy Group sponsors an annual prize for “Jewish contributions to humanity”.

Fridman’s two London homes are 25 Cavendish Close, St John’s Wood (close to Lord’s cricket ground), and Athlone House, a mansion in Highgate, North London, that was used as an RAF Intelligence base during the Second World War. For many years pre-war it was owned by Sir Robert Waley Cohen, one of the leaders of the Anglo-Jewish community.

In 2018 Fridman addressed a Chabad “Living Torah” event in London’s exclusive Belgravia district, where he described the Torah as the “backbone” of key concepts pioneered by Judaism, including “the precedence of good over evil and the power to choose between them using free will’. No doubt following his arrest he will be given plenty of time to explain these concepts to the Combatting Kleptocracy Cell of London’s National Crime Agency.

Mikhail Fridman (above centre) addressing a Chabad event in Belgravia, London, alongside American Jewish tycoon Matthew Bronfman

Race and the UK Census: facing the facts

Mainstream journalists as well as H&D readers have this week been confronted by sobering news from the UK Census. This is a snapshot of the UK population taken in March 2021 (and a year later in Scotland), but whose results regarding racial demographics (excluding Scotland) were released a few days ago.

Some observers have clouded the picture by making inaccurate claims, notably Nigel Farage due to his longstanding ideological confusion of the concepts of race and nationality.

And some racial nationalists have seized on the Census to make pessimistic statements that the “Great Replacement” has already occurred.

So what is the true picture and how should racial nationalists respond? Click here for H&D‘s Census report.

UK census and racial replacement: H&D analysis

A march to the Home Office in 1972 by Smithfield meat porters protesting at the admission of more than 27,000 Asian immigrants from Uganda. Half a century later, the UK Census reveals the long-term consequences of mass immigration.

Demographic details were released this week from the Census taken in March 2021 in England and Wales – some of the figures for Northern Ireland had already been released a few weeks earlier, while in Scotland the Census was delayed by 12 months due to the pandemic, so Scottish results are not yet available. The Census findings should come as no surprise to H&D readers, though they seem to have shocked some civic nationalists and might yet convert some of the latter to racial realism.

Yet we should be careful not to react with excessive pessimism. The Census reveals a changing UK, but not one that has changed beyond rescue. White Britons are still a majority in most of our country and will remain so for years to come. The UK can be rescued, if racial nationalists have sufficient political will, discipline and competence.

The main headlines reflected census findings concerning both religion and the racial transformation of British cities.

For the first time the majority of the population in England and Wales no longer define themselves as Christian. This is only the third Census which has asked about religion, so no pre-2001 comparisons can be made, but it can safely be assumed from other data that the vast majority of Britons would have defined themselves as some sort of Christian until the 1960s when the younger generation began to abandon their parents’ faith and non-Christian immigrants began to arrive in significant numbers.

It is the abandonment of faith by White Britons that has contributed most to this aspect of the transformation of England and Wales: no doubt we shall find similar patterns in Scotland when the figures are eventually published. (The religious Census question is voluntary, and 6% of respondents in England and Wales chose not to answer it.)

37.2% of respondents answered ‘no religion’ (up from 25.2% a decade ago); 6.5% answered Muslim (up from 4.9%); and 46.2% answered Christian (down from 59.3%).

The other minority faiths remained at almost the same level as in 2021, including Hindu (1.7%), Sikh (0.9%), Buddhist (0.5%) and Jewish (0.5%). It should be noted that many Jews define themselves in racial/cultural terms and are not religiously ‘observant’, so would probably have replied to this Census question by ticking ‘no religion’ or refusing to answer, but even so it’s doubtful whether Jews of any description amount to more than 1% of the UK population.

In Northern Ireland far fewer answered ‘no religion’: 17.4%, a substantial increase from 10.1% in 2011 but less than half the figure for England and Wales. It seems likely that people from a Catholic background in Northern Ireland are especially likely to answer ‘Catholic’ for political/cultural reasons, even if they are no longer religious believers.

In reality, the surprise is that 27.5 million people in England and Wales still define themselves as ‘Christian’: anecdotal evidence suggests that these are heavily concentrated among older White Britons, Eastern European immigrants; and blacks. The churches can partly blame themselves for this decline. There has been no robust equivalent to the ‘Counter-Reformation’ of past centuries, little defence of traditional values, merely a meek surrender to political correctness and a wish to be ‘nice’ to those who promote an alien culture.

In short, while H&D readers will themselves be divided on religious questions, we can probably all agree that the religious transformation of our nation is not necessarily equivalent to racial and cultural replacement: it’s a different and only partly connected issue.

Turning to the question of race, the main headlines concerned British cities, where in some cases White Britons are now a minority and where Whites overall only remain a majority due to Eastern European immigration.

London is only 37% White British, though non-British Whites (in London’s case including many affluent Western Europeans as well as the stereotypical Poles, Romanians, etc.) help boost the overall White total to 54%. Similarly Manchester is 57% White but only 49% White British.

There are some cities where – even including non-Britons – Whites have now become a minority. Birmingham is now only 49% White, and Leicester only 41% White.

Leicester Police separating Hindu and Muslim mobs after inter-communal riots earlier this year

However these Midlands hotbeds of “diversity” also illustrate the political complications caused by immigration. The non-White populations are divided between several different cultures, some of which are far more hostile to each other than they are to Whites, as seen in recent riots between Indians and Pakistanis in Leicester.

Leicester is 34% Indian and only 3% Pakistani – but many of the former are Muslims who identify with the Pakistan cricket team rather than India (the immediate trigger for the riots). Leicester is 23.5% Muslim, 18% Hindu, and 4.5% Sikh.

Birmingham is even more complex, and as in Leicester this has already begun to cause problems for the Labour Party, not only because many ethnic minorities are socially conservative and detest Labour’s surrender to trendy ideas on ‘trans’ rights etc., but also because each community increasingly believes it has the right to control the selection of councillors and MPs.

The racial kaleidoscope of Birmingham is 17% Pakistani; 6% Indian; 4% Bangladeshi; 6% African; 4% Caribbean; with a further 10% being some other variety of black or mixed race. Only 43% of Birmingham is White British.

Most of the headlines focused on English cities, but there are perceptible though less dramatic changes elsewhere in the United Kingdom. Cardiff is now less than 74% White British: of course the city has long had its ‘Tiger Bay’ population of blacks and half-castes around the old Cardiff Docks, descended from migrants from dozens of different countries. But Wales as a whole remains 93.8% White, compared to 81% of England. Northern Ireland remains 96.6% White, though 6.5% of its population was born outside either the UK or Ireland (this mainly reflects Eastern European immigration, heavily concentrated in Belfast where almost 10% were born outside the British Isles, and in one or two other Ulster cities).

Turning from these large cities to areas of northern England which saw an explosion of support for racial nationalism more than twenty years ago, but where the nationalist surge lasted for about a decade at most, the Census suggests that we should not be too pessimistic.

Or put another way, the ‘Great Replacement’ is not yet an excuse for political cowardice, apathy or fatalism.

The political reality is that the vast expansion of the UK’s non-White population is concentrated in council wards and constituencies that we already knew – ten or twenty years ago – would not vote for racial nationalists. By contrast most of the areas that were winnable then, remain winnable now.

Lutfur Rahman returned to office as Mayor of Tower Hamlets several years after being disgraced and expelled from the Labour Party. Asian ghetto politics are becoming as much of a problem for Labour’s liberal multiracialists as they are for us!

Admittedly a big exception to this is East London, where council seats were winnable (and in one case won) by the BNP in the 1990s but have now been conquered, again with mixed benefits for Labour. The Borough of Tower Hamlets is now only 23% White British, and even the old Millwall council ward won by the BNP’s Derek Beackon in 1992 is now only about one-third White British (due to boundary changes a precise figure cannot be obtained).

The transformation is nowhere near so dramatic in those areas of northern England where nationalists polled well post-millennium.

Take for example three cities/towns that H&D knows well: Oldham, Blackburn and Preston. All three of these remain racially divided along stark geographical/political borders, which means that numerous council wards remain winnable for a racial nationalist party that got its act together.

In Oldham the two areas that make up St James’s ward (which the BNP almost won in 2002 when H&D‘s assistant editor Peter Rushton was a leading activist in Oldham BNP) remain majority White British: Moorside & Sholver (89.1%) and Derker (80.5%). A short distance away (on the other side of the former Oldham railway station) begins one of several Asian ghetto areas where the Pakistani population approaches 80%. In other parts of Oldham, Bangladeshis similarly predominate.

But in electoral terms this is only a small problem. There are council wards such as the old Alexandra (since broken up by boundary changes), where a White ghetto was outpolled by an Asian ghetto, but most wards are either no-go areas for White nationalists, or else remain overwhelmingly White and winnable. Overall, Oldham remains 65% White British, and its Asians are divided (often bitterly) between 13.5% Pakistanis and 9% Bangladeshis, with another 5% being some form of African, Caribbean or other blacks / half-castes.

Racial nationalist parties have not been defeated by demographics, but by our own failures.

Turning to Blackburn, where H&D editor Mark Cotterill won a council seat in 2006, there is a similar picture of stark racial-political division. Mark’s old ward Meadowhead remains 91% White British, and most of the old Mill Hill ward won by the BNP in 2002 is similarly 85%-90% White British, though with some Asian encroachment across the ward boundary. Looking at the entire borough, Blackburn with Darwen overall is only 57% White British, but this reflects the increasing Asian domination of their ghetto areas. As in Oldham this represents no practical political change in terms of winnable seats for racial nationalists.

The Oldham riots of 2001 were the most dramatic symbol of racial conflict in the UK, and helped expose great political potential for racial nationalism – sadly wasted due to the BNP’s charlatan leader Nick Griffin

And finally looking at Preston, where the H&D office is based, we can see the practical political options that still exist for our movement. These options can be complicated by racial realities but are not fatally compromised by them.

Preston’s Census figures overall are quite similar to Oldham’s: 66% White British – though Preston’s Asians define themselves as 13% Indian, 5% Pakistani, and only 0.5% Bangladeshi.

The Ribbleton ward of Preston City Council, which our editor has contested several times, is still 74.5% White British. Things got complicated (as explained at the time in H&D) during the 2021 Lancashire County Council elections, where the relevant county council division combined Ribbleton with Frenchwood & Fishwick, which is only 37% White British, and about half of which is an Asian ghetto.

So Mark achieved one of the best nationalist results in England at city council level, but the simultaneous county council result was never going to be as strong.

In these boroughs – Oldham, Blackburn with Darwen, and Preston – electoral campaigning requires local knowledge. Often leafletting literally stops at a certain point where the ethnic make-up of a street visibly changes.

But the 2021 Census doesn’t really change any of this electoral reality.

As Cassius tells Brutus in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar: The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, But in ourselves, that we are underlings.

The fault in ourselves as nationalists twenty years ago was that most of the movement placed its faith in a charlatan, Nick Griffin, who destroyed any hope that the BNP had of building effective branches in the racial battlegrounds of northern England.

In the 2020s nationalists ought to be recovering from the self-inflicted damage of the Griffin era, but instead much of the movement has succumbed to a cult mentality that induces pessimism, and divides us from the vast majority of potential sympathisers.

A fatal attraction to crank conspiracy theories – and latterly adherence to the Moscow despot Putin and the Asiatic mysticism of Aleksandr Dugin – risks discrediting UK nationalism for a generation.

The UK Census results ought to sober up our deluded movement. It’s not too late, but within the next decade or two we must build a credible resistance and a White political renaissance. Scrap the cultism, build a serious movement, and start to win.

Civic nationalism fails again in Chester by-election

Last night’s by-election result in the City of Chester constituency gave further proof that the Farage era is over – a fact that will not surprise regular H&D readers but might be news to others.

During recent weeks there had yet again been media hype (encouraged by some academic observers) suggesting that civic nationalism of the Nigel Farage variety might again be on the rise in the UK.

Farage is no longer a party leader, but is closely associated with Reform UK, led by his close associate Richard Tice and backed by some of the same donors who financed Farage’s previous ventures, the Brexit Party and UKIP.

Nigel Farage has been hinting at a return to frontline politics with his old party Reform UK, led by his close ally Richard Tice: but Farage’s ideology now has nothing to offer.

Pollsters and academics have recently argued that Reform UK might be the beneficiary of public disgust with the Conservative governments of Liz Truss and Rishi Sunak, and Farage has hinted he might make a comeback to assist Tice.

Yet as regular H&D readers will know from our detailed analyses of local elections across the UK, the truth is that Reform UK barely exists at grassroots level. It hardly ever contests local elections, and when it does the results have been dismal.

Parliamentary by-elections are a different matter, because Reform UK is lavishly funded by Eurosceptic tycoons, so its lack of activists can be masked by throwing money at glossy leaflet and poster campaigns.

Even so, the ballot box is pitiless in revealing the truth about a dying party. Reform UK’s candidate Jeanie Barton polled only 773 votes (2.7%), losing her deposit and finishing a distant fifth.

Richard Tice, leader of Reform UK, has access to lavish funds from Eurosceptic tycoons but cannot buy electoral success for his dying party.

In Chester yesterday the circumstances should have been ideal for a ‘right-wing’ protest party. Everyone knew the Tories couldn’t win this by-election, so the ‘wasted vote’ argument that often damages smaller parties did not apply. Moreover, Sunak’s Conservative Party is unpopular in any case. We are facing an economic crisis with many households struggling to make ends meet. And in the very week of the by-election, UK census figures were released that should have alarmed every racially-conscious voter. Nigel Farage did his best to make immigration an election issue, but voters simply aren’t interested in Reform UK.

And there’s a good reason for that lack of interest. You can’t fool the voters for ever, and it’s now obvious to even the uneducated that Farageism is simply a form of ultra-Toryism. Reform UK is dedicated to the values of global capitalism: the very values that have driven mass immigration for decades. Its ‘free market’ ideology would (as Liz Truss showed when she attempted a milder version) be disastrous for most Britons.

Since last December when Tice himself spent a fortune in the Old Bexley & Sidcup by-election and polled 6.6%, his party has contested a further five parliamentary by-elections and lost its deposit each time, with its highest vote being 3.8% in North Shropshire almost a year ago.

Reform UK’s latest lost deposit reflected its utter irrelevance in the eyes of almost all Chester’s electorate, and similarly dire results can be expected at the next parliamentary by-elections, again in North-West constituencies, at Stretford & Urmston on December 15th, and West Lancashire on a date yet to be fixed in January or February.

Farage’s former party UKIP now barely exists and its candidates are often well-meaning but lightweight student politicians.

The only good news for Tice and Farage is that their party finished well ahead of its two populist rivals (which is scarcely surprising since they are equally irrelevant to the concerns of most voters, and have far less money than Reform UK to spend on their campaigns).

UKIP – the party Farage led in its heyday – now barely exists. Its candidate Cain Griffiths finished seventh with 179 votes (0.6%).

And the anti-lockdown, anti-vaccination party Freedom Alliance finished bottom of the poll with only 91 votes (0.3%) for its candidate Chris Quartermaine. There are many H&D readers who sympathise with Mr Quartermaine’s interest in what might politely be termed fringe science and contrarian attitudes to the CoVID pandemic. These things are of course open to debate, but frankly only a fool would now believe there is any electoral potential in CoVID conspiracy theories.

It’s time for nationalists to cut the crankism and return to the basics of racial nationalist politics. While there is a long hard road ahead to achieve either an ideologically credible movement or an electorally credible party (or ideally both), the recent Census results have emphasised that only racial nationalists – not civic nationalists or conspiracist cranks – have answers to the UK’s long-term crisis.

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