70 nationalists attend Preston meeting

More than seventy nationalists attended the John Tyndall Memorial Meeting held at a venue just outside Preston city centre yesterday afternoon.

Following ‘anti-fascist’ attempts to disrupt the 2015 event, and complications with the original venue, this year’s JTMM was unusually held on a Friday rather than a Saturday, which helped avoid a clash with the National Front’s event in Birmingham the following day.

Speakers at the 2017 John Tyndall Memorial Meeting

Thanks to an excellent security team there was no trouble of any kind, and we had a very good event, chaired by John Tyndall’s old comrade Keith Axon, former West Midlands BNP organiser.

Speakers included Benny Bullman, lead singer of Blood & Honour band Whitelaw and longstanding British Movement activist; Julie Lake, South West Forum organiser and SW NF organiser; Richard Edmonds, NF Directorate member and right-hand man of John Tyndall in both NF and BNP; Mark Collett, author of the new book The Fall of Western Man (reviewed in the current issue of H&D); Dr Jim Lewthwaite, former Bradford City Councillor and Chairman of the British Democratic Party; Mike Whitby of British Voice; Stephen Frost, British Movement National Secretary and author of the recent biography of Colin Jordan, ‘Twas a good fight; and H&D‘s assistant editor Peter Rushton.

Benny Bullman addressing the 2017 John Tyndall Memorial Meeting

Mark Collett speaking at the 2017 John Tyndall Memorial Meeting

South West Forum and National Front regional organiser Julie Lake

NF Directorate member Richard Edmonds, formerly National Organiser of the BNP

Richard Edmonds with the framed photograph of the 1977 Lewisham NF rally, presented to mark his 45 years in nationalism

The event brought together nationalists with extensive political experience, including at least six former councillors from Blackburn, Darwen, Bradford, Burnley and Coedpoeth (Wrexham), and several longstanding branch, regional and national organisers. Groups represented (some with merchandise stalls) included British Movement, British Voice, Western Spring, the Creativity Movement, British Democratic Party, National Front, English Democrats and Candour.

Meeting organiser Mark Cotterill thanked all involved, including audience members who had travelled from every part of the British Isles – including both Northern Ireland and the Republic – as well as Wales, Scotland and the farthest corner of England, the channel port of Dover. We even had one H&D subscriber all the way from Poland.

Video will be available soon.

Former city councillor Dr Jim Lewthwaite

Richard Edmonds (right) with former Burnley councillor Derek Dawson

BM National Secretary Stephen Frost

H&D editor and meeting organiser Mark Cotterill

H&D Assistant Editor Peter Rushton

Some of the many literature stalls at the 2017 JTMM, run by Paul Ballard (above and below)

 

A limited number of copies of the souvenir programme from this event are available for £5 from Heritage & Destiny, 40 Birkett Drive, Preston, PR2 6HE.

 

2017 John Tyndall Memorial Meeting, Friday 6th October, Preston

The 2017 Annual John Tyndall Memorial Meeting
 
Friday 6th October, 2017
 
Preston – Lancashire1pm – 6pm
 
Keith Axon: Meeting Chairman: – Longstanding friend of JT, former NF and BNP organiser
 
Speakers include (in alphabetical order):
 
Benny Bullman: – lead singer of the Blood & honour band Whitelaw, and longstanding British Movement activist
 
Mark Collett: – former Young BNP organizer, twice acquitted on ‘race-hate’ charges and author of Decline of Western Man
 
Richard Edmonds: – Longstanding friend of JT, National Front directorate member activist – former BNP national organiser
 
Stephen Frost: – National secretary of the British Movement and author of the Colin Jordan biography ‘TWAS A GOOD FIGHT’!
 
Julie Lake: – former BNP organiser, now National Front & South West Forum organiser
 
Dr. James Lewthwaite: – former Bradford City Councillor, archaeology lecturer, organiser for the British Democrats and Orangeman
 
Eddy Morrison: – Longstanding White nationalist, former NF, BNP and WNP organiser – now editor of the online newsletter  White Voice
 
Peter Rushton: – Assistant editor of Heritage and Destiny magazine & Russia Today and Press TV commentator
 
 Jez Turner: – former soldier in the Royal Corps of Signals, Pashtun translator, now chairman of the London Forum
 
Other guest speakers may be announced on the day
This year’s (second) John Tyndall Memorial meeting is being organized by Heritage and Destiny magazine and will be held in Preston, Lancashire on Friday October 6th at 1pm. If you wish to attend please call our office number – 07833 677484  for full details and directions to the venue (which will be in Preston City centre).
Doors open at 12 noon and meeting will start at 1pm prompt.  However, can you please aim to get to Preston for between 11.30am – 12 noon as we will have two re-direction points (one for those coming by car and the other for those using public transport) in operation and we want to get everybody to the meeting venue in plenty of time.
There will be literature/merchandise tables from a number of different nationalist groups at the meeting. If you or your group would like a free merchandise table to sell your wares at the meeting please contact us ASAP as space is now very limited

We also need more raffle prizes, so if you have anything you can donate to the raffle (or auction) please let us know – or just bring it along on the day.
There will be a buffet (including vegetarian); cash-bar; raffle (with some great prizes), auction and much more. So make sure you, your family and friends are free Friday October 6th and get yourselves over to Preston!
Those of you are coming by train/coach, please book up well in advance, or else all the cheap seats will be gone. Likewise if you need overnight accommodation in Preston, book now to get the best deals (call our office for advice if need be). We understand that a number of meeting attendees are staying in nearby Blackpool this year, where there is a far greater choice of B&B and hotel accommodation, so you may want to bare that in mind. If you are flying in the nearest airports are Manchester and Liverpool, both have direct trains to Preston.
There will be two socials – one on the evening of Thursday 5th for those arriving the day before – and one after the meeting has finished on the Friday evening. We have a great venue, which serves real ales and good food at very reasonable prices.
If for whatever reason, you can’t attend the meeting, but would like to send a donation, to help with the meeting costs instead, that would be great. Please send cheques or postal/money orders (made payable to Heritage and Destiny) to – H&D 40 Birkett Drive, Preston, PR2 6HE, or via PayPal to – englandfirstparty@yahoo.com
Thank you all once again for your fantastic support and we look forward to seeing and meeting as many of you fellow-nationalists as possible in Preston on Friday October 6th.

H&D Issue 80 published

The new issue (#80) of Heritage and Destiny magazine is now out. The 26 page, September-October 2017 issue, has as its lead.

H&D’s Peter Rushton speaks at Spandau rally – 1,000 Nationalists mark 30th Anniversary of Rudolf Hess’s murder

Contents include:

  • Editorial – by Mark Cotterill
  • White Sharia – A talk by Eli Harman adapted into an article  – by Simon Sheppard
  • Book Review: The Racial Loyalist Manifesto –  by Matthew Hale – reviewed by Martin Kerr
  • The Infantilization of Modern Man – by Richard Duuchesne
  • Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd: South Africa’s Greatest Prime Minister, Part VI – by Stephen Mitford Goodson.
  • Book Review:  The Fall of Western Man  – by Mark Collett – reviewed by Peter Rushton
  • Right of Reply – Ian Freeman replies to his critics (Stephen Frost and Martin Kerr) over his Haters, Baiters and Would-Be Dictatorsbook review
  • Carl Klang and his music – by Eddy Morrison
  • Western Spring’s John Tyndall Memorial – meeting report by Peter Rushton
  • Two pages of readers’ letters
  • Movement News – Latest analysis of the nationalist movement – by Peter Rushton

If you would like 2 sample copies please send £5.00 /$10.00 or for a year’s (6 issues) subscription, send £26.00 (UK) – $48.00 (USA) – £35.00/$48.00 (Rest of world).

Berlin march calls for release of documents on Rudolf Hess murder

H&D‘s assistant editor Peter Rushton addressed a rally in Berlin on Saturday 19th August, calling for the release of official British documents reporting on the death of Rudolf Hess, thirty years ago this week.

More than 1,000 demonstrators marched in the Spandau district of Berlin, close to the site of the infamous prison where Hess was incarcerated until his death aged 93 in 1987. By then he had been in Allied prisons since 1941, when he flew to Scotland in an effort to negotiate peace between Britain and Germany.

The memorial stone at the spot where Rudolf Hess’s plane crash-landed in 1941. This stone was erected by British nationalists Tom Graham, Wallace Wears and Colin Jordan, but was later smashed by communists.

Officially this death was recorded as a suicide: despite Hess’s advanced age and physical infirmity, he was ruled to have hanged himself from a window latch with an electrical cord. His family commissioned independent medical advice which drew attention to evidence that Hess had been murdered. (British historian David Irving has since revealed a conversation with the Berlin prosecutor Detlev Mehis, who admitted that the murderer was U.S. serviceman Tony Jordan.)

Two Foreign Office files containing the official investigation of Hess’s death by the Royal Military Police Special Investigation Branch – FCO 161/69 and FCO 161/70 – remain secret, under a regulation normally used for sensitive intelligence material.

Marchers this weekend came from many parts of Germany and included representatives of numerous parties and groups.  The event was chaired by the NPD’s national organiser Sebastian Schmidtke and speakers included the NPD’s Dr Olaf Rose (a former member of the regional parliament of Saxony) as well as H&D‘s Peter Rushton and international guests from France and Finland.

German media admitted that this was the largest nationalist event in Berlin for many years. ‘Antifascists’ failed to prevent the march and failed to drown out the speakers.

Rudolf Hess (right) with Adolf Hitler and fellow National-Socialist leaders

‘Antifascist’ arson attacks damaged signalling equipment on railway lines near Berlin, which meant that hundreds of marchers were unable to reach the city. Around 250 comrades including NPD vice-president Thorsten Heise from Thuringia held a spontaneous demonstration in the Falkensee district, after the railway arson prevented them from reaching Spandau.

Due to the many oppressive laws in modern Germany, marchers and speakers at this weekend’s event were severely restricted in what they could say, or what symbols could be displayed.

However we were able to convey a clear message that murder can never be forgotten, and that justice demands the full disclosure of the true circumstances surrounding the incarceration and murder of Rudolf Hess.

This photograph of Hess was taken secretly in the grounds of Spandau Prison, where he died in August 1987

Click here for the full text of Peter Rushton’s speech in Spandau.

H&D assistant editor’s speech at Berlin demo

(This is the text of a speech delivered in Spandau, Berlin – with German translation – on Saturday 19th August 2017 by H&D‘s Peter Rushton.)

Spandau is the site of a shameful episode in my country’s history: the murder of Rudolf Hess, thirty years ago this week.

My country’s leaders ended Hess’s public life in 1941, beginning his 46 years of incarceration – first in Britain, then in Nuremberg, then here in Spandau.

Let us never forget that even at Nuremberg, Rudolf Hess was found not guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity.  He was convicted only of involvement in planning and preparing a so-called “war of aggression” – a retrospectively defined so-called “crime”.


I am not allowed to discuss the circumstances of Hess’s flight to Britain in 1941.  Although the achievements of the Federal Republic are so evident around us every day, it seems that this Republic feels threatened by any discussion of such historical matters!

The memorial stone at the spot where Rudolf Hess’s plane crash-landed in 1941. This stone was erected by British nationalists Tom Graham, Wallace Wears and Colin Jordan, but was later smashed by communists.



As late as 1987, the Federal Republic had to be protected against the 93-year-old Rudolf Hess, and even 30 years after his death, Rudolf Hess is seen as a threat to the post-1945 order, including the Federal Republic.


Last month the UK National Archives released thousands of pages of files about Hess and Spandau.  I visited the Archives in London and I have been reading those files.


In 1987 the Special Investigation Branch of the Royal Military Police stationed in Germany carried out an investigation of Hess’s death.  Yet both versions of their report (interim and final) remain secret.


They are officially listed as “retained” by the Foreign Office, under a regulation which normally applies to sensitive intelligence material.

Wolf Rüdiger Hess with the coffin of his father Rudolf Hess


This follows the advice of a telegram from Bonn to the Foreign Office soon after Hess’s death, in which a British diplomat writes:
“We agree that the autopsy report is not suitable for publication and that it would be preferable to avoid giving it to Wolf Rüdiger Hess.  …We also agree that it is desirable to act quickly.  This should help cut short speculation and allow media attention to move on to other things.”


There is no explanation of why aspects of the autopsy report and investigation were to be kept secret.

While the autopsy report is now public, the full reports investigating Hess’s death remain secret.

This photograph of Hess was taken secretly in the grounds of Spandau Prison, where he died in August 1987


Among the latest releases we can now see Foreign Office papers from the summer of 1989, drafting an official letter in reply to the late Ernst Zündel, who had asked Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher for the release of these secret files, but we are still waiting for the whole truth.


Ernst Zündel himself was jailed for asking inconvenient questions; we are still waiting for the answers.


If the guardians of World Order truly wish to silence speculation about the murder of Rudolf Hess, these documents must be released – there can be no legitimate reason for their retention.


Those two vital reports are still secret: but what do we know from other files that are now public?


We know that in 1941 there was a plot to assassinate Hess, very soon after his arrival in Britain.  Brief details are revealed in the diary of a senior MI5 officer (Guy Liddell) and in correspondence between the Foreign Office and MI6.

Alfgar Hesketh-Prichard, a central figure in an earlier murder plot against Hess, is seen here (second right) with members of an SOE team that targeted Reinhard Heydrich a year later.

We know that this assassination plot involved Poles based in Scotland; and an officer of the Special Operations Executive, Alfgar Hesketh-Prichard, who was an expert sniper.

This same officer Hesketh-Prichard (a year later) commanded the assassins of Reinhard Heydrich.


That operation is well known, yet most details of the 1941 plot to murder Rudolf Hess remain secret.  What sort of ‘Poles’ planned this attempted murder; how and why did MI5 prevent it? What disputes took place within the British establishment?


It is illegal in the Federal Republic for me to speculate as to who might have been desperate to terminate Hess’s mission in 1941.  We cannot suggest what these assassins might have feared about Hess’s mission.

The recently published documents show that the authorities’ fear of Rudolf Hess even extended to censoring Yuletide cards.  A card sent from England by the political activist Colin Jordan was intercepted by the Spandau authorities at Yuletide 1983 and sent back to England to be investigated by our own ‘Verfassungsschutz’, the Special Branch.

Colin Jordan addresses a Trafalgar Square rally in 1962: a Yuletide card sent by Jordan to Hess in 1983 was censored by prison authorities

Many new documents in the archives are letters from Hess’s lawyer Dr Alfred Seidl, who fought a long and courageous campaign to oppose the entire basis of the Nuremberg charges against his client.

The recently released British documents give many details of Hess’s medical records, indicating for example that while he remained mentally alert even after suffering a stroke and partial blindness in 1978, he had many serious physical ailments, making the official account of his so-called suicide highly implausible.


Officially a succession of British politicians claimed that they wanted Hess to be released, and that his continued detention was due only to Soviet intransigence.


Then at the very moment when Soviet policy began to change, Hess conveniently (we are told) committed suicide.  It was very easy to blame the Soviets: but London had a problem when this excuse was no longer valid.

Independent medical experts agree that the horizontal mark across Hess’s neck indicates that he did not commit suicide (as this would have left oblique rather than horizontal scarring).



Given that the British authorities themselves accept the existence of a previous murder plot against Hess; given the extraordinary circumstances of his so-called suicide; and given its suspiciously convenient timing – all authorities concerned must admit that these suspicions can only be dispelled by the full release of all relevant documents.


Yet they refuse to do so.


Of course my country bears the main responsibility in this matter, but the Federal Republic in 2011 behaved even worse than the occupying powers in 1987, who had allowed Hess’s body to be released to his family for burial at Wunsiedel.


In 2011 this decision was reversed and a much earlier barbaric policy was reinstated, going back to a 1947 agreement in the Stalin-era to cremate Rudolf Hess, scatter the ashes and destroy even the box in which the ashes had been stored.


In fact in 2011 the entire family grave was destroyed.

The graveyard at Wunsiedel, before and after the official destruction of the Hess family grave in 2011



Such is the Federal Republic in the 21st century: their fear of National-Socialism and their barbaric counter-measures have taken us back to the Stalin-era – and in some respects worse than the Stalin-era.


We will only escape the shadow of Stalinism when German and British governments dare to confront the full truth of our history.


Only then will we have a free Germany, a free England, a free Europe.

Issue 79 of H&D published

The new issue (#79) of Heritage and Destiny magazine is now out.

The 26 page, July-August 2017 issue, has as its lead:

front cover issue 79Where Does British nationalism go from here? Andrew Brons calls for reassessment

Issue 79
July-August 2017

Contents include:

  • Editorial – by Mark Cotterill
  • Where does British Nationalism go from here?  – by Andrew Brons
  • Book Review: Offensive Diatribes, by David Abbott – reviewed by Ian Freeman.
  • UKIP Councillors wiped out in local elections: Is the party over? – Local election report by Peter Rushton.
  • Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd: South Africa’s Greatest Prime Minister, Part V – by Stephen Mitford Goodson
  • Book Review:  George Pitt-Rivers and the Nazis – by Bradley W. Hart reviewed by Eddy Morrison.
  • Spectacular failure of Tory election gamble: but BNP and UKIP are now irrelevant – General Election report by Peter Rushton.
  • H&D correspondent Eddy Morrison interviews controversial nationalist musician Alison Chabloz.
  • Movie Review: King Arthur: Legend of the Sword – reviewed by Mark Cotterill.
  • Two pages of readers’ letters
  • Movement News – latest analysis of the nationalist movement, by Peter Rushton

If you would like two sample copies please send £5.00 /$10.00 or for a years (6 issue) subscription, send £26.00 (UK) – $48.00 (USA) – £35.00/$48.00 (Rest of world) to:

Heritage and Destiny, 40 Birkett Drive, Preston, PR2 6HE, England, UK

For information on back numbers and subscription details, please click here.

St Patrick – the Patron Saint of the USA

st pats flag on blue background

To mark today’s worldwide St Patrick’s Day celebrations, H&D published two articles on St Patrick which have recently appeared in the magazine.

This first article – “Saint Patrick the Patron Saint of the USA” – was written seven years ago, but the same issues are still being discussed in Loyalist circles today – now mainly on internet forums. So it was fitting that we republished it (in hard copy in issue #77 of H&D) on the run-up to this year’s St Patrick’s Day.

It was America that spawned the St Patrick’s Day parade, not Ireland, and its origins are both Protestant and British…

As March 17th approaches, the annual debate has reignited on whether Unionism should embrace St Patrick and the day set aside for his commemoration. Over the last five years there has been a slow emergence of Protestant participation on the date, though that has been via the creation of new events rather than involvement in existing ones. This article examines the origin of St Patrick’s Day parades, this new emerging trend, its motivation and where it may possibly lead.

The question ‘where is the biggest St Patrick’s Day parade in Northern Ireland?’ at first glance would appear easily answered. Belfast most would say, with a few probably suggesting the Cathedral City of Armagh or even where he was allegedly laid to rest, Downpatrick. What will surprise many is that the largest parade for the last few years by sheer number of participants has been in the small County Armagh village of Killylea. It is here since 2005 the Cormeen Rising Sons of William Flute Band have held their annual band procession and competition. Last year the Cormeen parade saw 42 bands take part (in comparison to the seven that paraded at the Dublin event), amounting to approximately 1800 band members. Thousands of spectators stood along the route, despite it being a bitterly cold evening.

The St Patrick's Day parade in Killylea, led by Cormeen Rising Sons of William Flute Band

The St Patrick’s Day parade in Killylea, led by Cormeen Rising Sons of William Flute Band

Cormeen Rising Sons of William chairman Mark Gibson explains that the bands original motivation for the parade came more out of necessity than anything else. “The band season is very busy, and when trying to find a date for our parade it was difficult to define one that didn’t clash with other bands locally.” Some members suggested March 17 as a solution to the problem, but the band was nervous. “We were concerned about how a St Patrick’s Day parade would go down in our community, the parade in Armagh never was very welcoming, but we made a decision to try it and it has been a success.”

From that initial year where thirteen bands took part, the parade is now among the largest in the Province. It’s not only the number of bands participating that has increased, but also the crowds attending to watch, and the event is increasingly becoming a fixture in the calendar for many Unionists. Another band, the Ulster Protestant Boys Flute Coleraine, have started a similar event on the date that too is growing. The ever increasing scale of both processions indicates clearly that there is certainly a willingness within the PUL (Protestant, Unionist, Loyalist) community to be involved in St Patrick’s Day. Where the schisms emerge are with the issues of why and how.

It is generally acknowledged that in the distant past Patrick was not a controversial figure for Protestants in Ireland or beyond. His ‘sainthood’ was never conferred by the Pope and pre-dates the reformation, so he was never seen as being the possession of ‘Rome’. St Patrick was seen as an evangelical Christian who had made personal sacrifice to spread the gospel in Ireland. The anniversary of his death was observed and commemorated by all Protestant denominations to different degrees, with the Church of Ireland in particular very active.

The shift from an anniversary of religious significance towards an ‘Irish’ event however first took place in the United States in 1737. In Boston that year the Irish Charitable Society, made up of Protestant immigrants (some of whom were British Soldiers), held their first meeting and dinner. The purpose was to both honour Patrick in the context of their Protestant faith and to reach out the hand of friendship to other Irish immigrants. The exercise obviously struck a chord and the practise spread, with the first recorded parade in New York in 1766, with again British Soldiers of Irish blood heavily involved. It was America that spawned the St Patrick’s Day parade, not Ireland, and its origins are both Protestant and British.

During that period in history the vast majority of Irish immigrants were Presbyterian, however from 1830 it was Catholic arrivals who were in the ascendancy. With that change began an emphasis towards anti-British sentiment in the demonstrations. In the aftermath of the American Revolutionary War anything portrayed as anti-colonial was well received, with even the many original Protestant immigrant descendants non-antagonistic of this motivation. Many British ‘Loyalists’ had left for Canada, and effectively the descendants of the original Protestant Irish settlers remaining saw themselves as primarily American in identity, with all that was left for their original ‘homeland’ of Ireland simply folk memory and sentimentality.

Mike Cronin, author of A History of St Patrick’s Day, states that whilst this tradition was developing, back in Ireland the first parades didn’t take place until the 1840s and even then they were organised by Temperance societies. Mike emphasises the lack of public celebration “The only other major events in nineteenth century Ireland was a trooping of the colour ceremony and grand ball held at Dublin Castle.” So even as late as 1911 the largest St Patrick’s Day occasion in Ireland was still rooted in a joint Irish and British expression of identity. Protestant churches and some Orange Lodges throughout the island appear to have held minor functions on the date, but these were very subdued affairs, and essentially even post-partition very little changed. Catholic observance of the day continued to different degrees in different areas, as did the Protestant nod to Patrick.

Right up until the 1960s the primary theme of St Patrick’s Day in both Northern Ireland and the Republic still remained religious observance, with even from 1923 to then public houses and bars in the Republic of Ireland closed by law. A poll conducted in 1968 suggested that 20% of Northern Irish Protestants at this stage still considered themselves Irish. The onset of civil unrest in Northern Ireland coincided however with the importation of the American style to St Patrick’s events in Dublin and elsewhere. Now whilst a violent conflict was being waged in the name of all things Irish, St Patrick’s Day parades were starting to display the features that had developed in the United States. On these parades Irish identity was perceived by Northern Protestants as being defined as aggressively anti-British and anti-Protestant, with the disjointed and casual nature of the parades and the now integral alcohol element alien to PUL parading traditions and customs.

The type of St Patrick's Day image most readers will recognise, from one of the many New York parades.

The type of St Patrick’s Day image most readers will recognise, from one of the many New York parades.

As the IRA campaign escalated, many Protestants simply could not divorce the fact that these celebrations displayed an exclusive form of Irish sentiment whilst a campaign was being waged against them in the name of Ireland. As the years progressed, in Northern Ireland in particular it became apparent that the day was being deliberately used in many instances as an extension of the Irish Republican war against Unionism.

Grand Orange Lodge Director of Services Dr David Hume reiterates the view that in the recent past it has been the nature of the parades and commemorative events that turned Protestants away. “The perception among Unionism is without doubt that Irish Republicanism and Irish Nationalism has used St Patrick’s Day parades as a weapon, effectively using the ‘shield’ of Patrick to express obvious militant anti-British and therefore anti-Unionist sentiment.” David believes that the manner and focus of these events is totally at odds with the purported motivation. “St Patrick’s Day should be used as a day of reflection on the religious significance of Patrick, something far removed from the aggressive and confrontational use of symbolism; and the huge emphasis on alcohol consumption that currently seems to be the case.” David bluntly states that the date isn’t an important one on the ‘Orange’ calendar, but recognises that it does have a place in society.

There remains one annual Orange Order parade related to St Patrick’s Day, which is held each year in Ballymena. One of the participating Lodges is The Cross of St Patrick LOL 688 which was founded in 1967. A lodge spokesperson describes the motivation behind its formation as being “to reclaim the heritage of Saint Patrick” explaining that “Brethren were concerned that Patrick’s heritage was being hijacked by Roman Catholicism and Republicanism.” The lodge’s concerns would appear to have been reflecting the growing sense of alienation the PUL community was feeling regarding St Patricks events.

There is no doubt that this alienation effectively forced many Protestants into an automatically negative position regarding St Patrick’s Day. With the advent of the IRA cessations of violence and the ongoing political process however, it has become apparent that many within Unionism have been able to reflect much more on the meaning of St Patrick’s Day for them. The ending of a violent ‘Irish’ physical campaign has given space to examine the date, with many now realising that it once was a date of relevance that they were forced into denying, and there is a willingness to make it relevant again. Nevertheless this reflection and willingness has not as yet manifested itself into significant participation in civic St Patrick’s Day parades.

With a few exceptions, such as the participation of an unashamedly Loyalist Blood and Thunder band in the 2003 Limerick St Patrick’s Band competition, Unionism still does not feel comfortable taking part in the modern version of a St Patrick’s parade. Concerns still exist regarding the involvement of militant Republicanism in such events along with the aggressive use of flags and symbols, but the problem seems to go much deeper.

The Cross of St Patrick Loyal Orange Lodge 688

The Cross of St Patrick Loyal Orange Lodge 688

Iain Carlisle of the Ulster Scots Community Network has a very straightforward and unambiguous answer regarding Unionist involvement in St Patrick’s Day events. Iain states very clearly “I don’t think there has to be ANY justification given for Protestants or Unionists marking Patrick’s day”, but goes on to say that “there is however a fundamental difference of approach to both Patrick as a person and the means of celebration within the Unionist community”. Iain’s comments would appear to reflect not just a general uncomfortable position with the overtly ‘United Ireland’ underlying St Patrick’s Day theme, but the actual motivation and method of celebration.

All historical examinations of Protestant Irish and their approach and relationship with Patrick indicates that for them he has never truly deviated from having a purely theological relevance. On St Patrick’s Day however the majority of Catholics, Irish Nationalists, Republicans, those of Irish descent and indeed anyone who wants a day out, St Patrick’s significance as a religious icon is purely tokenistic. St Patrick is merely a figurehead for overt Irish nationalism and a holiday. In turn the Unionist tradition of parading has developed from a military perspective and the American style parades are an alien concept, being perceived as being undisciplined and overtly casual.

Whilst new events have arisen, it is obvious that Unionism has no desire to abandon its central belief of Patrick’s religious relevance, and in addition is reluctant to embrace what it sees as an alien approach to parades. Even with the emergence of band parades on the date, they in themselves are a much more disciplined and subdued practise than their counterparts on the day. Whatever the future holds, it is clear that the PUL community is going through an ongoing examination of Patrick and his relevance to them. As journalist Chris Ryder recently pointed out “there will be no going back to the view that St Patrick was a Catholic, and a saint only for Catholics.”

Britain’s Rumour Factory – a new essay on the origins of the gas chamber story

In the current edition of Heritage and Destiny, Andy Ritchie reviews the new Hollywood film Denial, which purports to describe the libel contest between the British historian David Irving and his American Jewish critic Deborah Lipstadt, heard in London’s High Court during 2000.

In the essay below, published to mark the 88th birthday of the pioneering French revisionist researcher and author Professor Robert Faurisson, Andy Ritchie exposes the origins of the gas chamber story.  After a detailed examination of documentary evidence, he concludes that the British wartime agencies PWE and SOE “certainly did invent stories about homicidal gassings – the inventions were circulated long before any such gassings are now alleged to have taken place”.

Updates and additional information related to this story will appear on this page as further research material becomes available.

**************

Victor Cavendish-Bentinck, wartime intelligence supremo and 'Holocaust' sceptic, photographed in 1947

Victor Cavendish-Bentinck, wartime intelligence supremo and ‘Holocaust’ sceptic, photographed in 1947

For more than thirty years, historians have been aware of once-secret memoranda by senior British intelligence official Victor Cavendish-Bentinck in which he casts doubt on the alleged use of homicidal gas chambers by National Socialist Germany. Writing to Whitehall colleagues at the end of August 1943, Cavendish-Bentinck used dismissive language which today in most European countries would undoubtedly see him prosecuted for “Holocaust denial”.

During the trial of British historian David Irving’s libel action against Deborah Lipstadt in 2000 (now dramatised in the Hollywood film Denial) some of Cavendish-Bentinck’s remarks were raised by Irving as justification of his claim that the gas chamber story originated as a propaganda lie. In his judgment against Irving, Mr Justice Gray accepted the counter-arguments of Lipstadt’s defence team. Their interpretation has since appeared in a book by Prof. Sir Richard Evans, who was among Lipstadt’s defence witnesses.

Seventeen years on from the Irving-Lipstadt trial, it is now possible to access a broader range of British documents, including intelligence material. In this essay I shall attempt to clarify what these documents tell us about the role of British propaganda and intelligence in relation to the initial allegations of homicidal gassing by National Socialist Germany.

The conclusions can be briefly summarised:

  • Britain’s Political Warfare Executive and its predecessor first deployed stories of homicidal gassing as part of propaganda efforts in two areas unconnected to treatment of Jews. Their objective was to spread dissension and demoralisation among German soldiers and civilians, and among Germany’s allies.
  • Partly because they knew of these earlier propagandist initiatives, Victor Cavendish-Bentinck and his British intelligence colleague Roger Allen disbelieved later stories that homicidal gas chambers had been used to murder Poles and Jews. They succeeded in having these allegations removed from the draft of a joint Anglo-American Declaration on German Crimes in Poland, published on 30th August 1943.

Click here to continue reading the essay Britain’s Rumour Factory in PDF format.

Issue 76 of H&D published

Wishing a Happy New Year to all our readers, we are happy to tell you that Issue 76 of H&D is now out.

The 26 page, January – February 2017 issue, has as its lead:

Trumping America’s liberal elite – After Donald Trump’s impressive Presidential victory, which way now for the American nationalist movement?

front-cover-issue-76

Contents include:

  • Editorial – by Mark Cotterill
  • Trump Wins! Now What? – by James Knight
  • Book Review: Haiters, Baiters and Would-Be Dictators, Anti-Semitism and the UK Far-Right, by Nick Toczek – Part II of a review by Ian Freeman
  • Obituary – Clive Derby-Lewis 1936-2016 by Peter Rushton
  • Predictions for the Coming Year – by Julian Langness
  • Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd: South Africa’s Greatest Prime Minister, Part II – by Stephen Mitford Goodson
  • Book Review: Match Day – Ulster Loyalism and the British Far-Right – by Tony Simms reviewed by Mark Cotterill.
  • CD Review – Black Crows – by McIvor/Morrison – reviewed by Eddy Morrison
  • Trump Victory Provokes Anglo-Jewish Hysteria – by Peter Rushton
  • Obituaries – Chris (Weasel) Ledger – by Eddy Morrison; and Keith (Beefy) Taylor – by Kevin Watmough
  • Movie Review: Imperium – reviewed by Mark Cotterill
  • Two pages of readers’ letters
  • Movement News – latest analysis of the nationalist movement, by Peter Rushton

If you would like two sample copies please send £5.00 /$10.00 or for a years (6 issue) subscription, send £26.00 (UK) – $48.00 (USA) – £35.00/$48.00 (Rest of world) to:

Heritage and Destiny, 40 Birkett Drive, Preston, PR2 6HE, England, UK

For information on back numbers and subscription details, please click here.

Will the real Thomas Mair please stand up?

Todd Blodgett addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in July 1999.  Don Black the webmaster of Stormfront is seated to his left.

Todd Blodgett addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in July 1999. Don Black the webmaster of Stormfront is seated to his left.

Some of you may have seen the article – “Accused British Assassin Thomas Mair Attended Racists’ 2000 Meeting” on the SPLC (Southern Poverty Law Centre) website on June 19th.

The article was written by the SPLC’s top honcho Mark Potok but the story was provided by one Todd Blodgett, a former employee of the Reagan White House administration, John Whitehouse, Liberty Lobby, Resistance Records, and now it seems the FBI!

Blodgett – whom I once knew very well as my employer, friend and fellow racial-nationalist from 1998 to 2002 – has sadly sold his soul again to the SPLC: for money for a few more lines of cocaine no doubt.

Potok (who was never one to let truth get in the way of a good story) and Blodgett then came up with the tale of Thomas Mair’s supposed links to the nationalist movement in general and the National Alliance in particular, which it is claimed brought him down to London for a “racist meeting” in May 2000.

So desperate for a few more bucks to feed his habit(s), Blodgett has invented the whole story about Thomas Mair attending this racist meeting and how Todd met and talked to him there. And how I, with my vast network of racist contacts in the UK supposedly organised the whole event from my ground-floor apartment (flat) in Falls Church, Northern Virginia. A story which the SPLC bought (literally!) from him!

Now to give Blodgett some credit he did attend a meeting of some 15-20 racial nationalist activists near the Strand, in central London – but it was not organised by me and it was certainly not in May 2000. The meeting was in fact organised by Nick Griffin, then unofficial number two in the BNP to the late John Tyndall, and was held sometime during 1998.

At that time Blodgett was working for Willis Carto at Liberty Lobby, and not as he now claims for Dr. William Pierce of the National Alliance.  Carto had purchased Resistance Records from Jason Snow and George Burdi/Hawthorne a year or so beforehand but later wanted to sell it on. (I guess he did not wish his Spotlight newspaper to be associated with Skinheads anymore.)

Blodgett was in fact the middle man between Willis Carto and William Pierce (who by the way hated each other, so would not deal with each other directly – so they did the deal via Todd Blodgett, who may or may not have taken a small cut for his trouble).

Stevie Cartwright addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in March 1999.  Dr. Sam Francis, former columnist for the Washington Times is seated to his left.

Stevie Cartwright addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in March 1999. Dr. Sam Francis, former columnist for the Washington Times is seated to his left.

Griffin with the help of then Scottish BNP activist Stevie Cartwright (Blodgett got that bit right too) got together 15 to 20 of the main players in the Nationalist music scene, who were also sympathetic to Griffin and his future challenge for the BNP leadership, to meet Blodgett and hear his plans for expanding Resistance Records into Britain and the European Market.

Whether his FBI controllers were with Blodgett at the London meeting is unknown but if I were a gambling man I would say it was very, very doubtful because:
(a) I doubt very much that he was an FBI informant back in 1998 and
(b) the American Spooks did not really take that much notice or interest in us (what they would call the far-right) until after 9/11 – and after 9/11 of course it all went rather mental!

Anyway, back to the London meeting in the Strand in 1998 (not 2000). One thing is clear after 18 years: Thomas Mair was not at that meeting, he had not been invited, and in fact nobody had ever heard of him! The meeting was for the top / key players in the scene – Mair was not even IN the scene!

Blodgett made up the story that Mair was there and fed (sold) it to the SPLC, who in turn passed it on to news agencies around the world – including our very own BBC – who have now called me twice to find out more about this Thomas Mair chap.

Amongst his fairy tales Blodgett claims that Mair was “loosely affiliated with the Leeds chapter of the National Alliance”. The NA never had a Leeds Chapter – in fact they never even had a UK chapter, though a now deceased individual in the Leeds area ran a mail order book service with NA connections. Around that time – 1998-2000 – the NA may have had 20 to 30 members in the whole of the UK, and that’s tops. They were not organised as chapters and in most cases did not even know each other.

Dr. William Pierce addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in August 1999.   Don Wassall, editor of the Nationalist Times is seated to his left.

Dr. William Pierce addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in August 1999. Don Wassall, editor of the Nationalist Times is seated to his left.

My guess is (and I must stress this is only a guess) is that Mair knew somebody in the Batley area (maybe an NF or BNP member) who got him some flyers and/or catalogues from the NA. This person may have got these at a local NF/BNP meeting, where fringe literature from the USA was often (unofficially) passed around.

Potok goes on in his article about Mair subscribing to a “pro-apartheid South African publication”. The magazine that Mair did in fact subscribe to was South African Patriot In Exile (SAPIE) – published by one Alan Harvey, from his mother’s house in Herne Bay on the Kent coast – many, many miles away from South Africa.

Mair, in a letter he sent to SAPIE which was published in issue #31 in 1992, claimed he first got hold of their magazine via the NF. He did not say whether he wrote off to the NF and bought it from them (they did sell South African Patriot [the forerunner to SAPIE] at the time) or if he bought it at a local NF meeting in Yorkshire. Mair had a further letter published by SAPIE in issue #35 in 1995.

Strangely Potok does not mention that SAPIE was very pro-Zionist and very anti-Nazi (and still is as far as I’m aware) or that its editor Alan Harvey describes himself as “101% pro-Israel”. I guess that would not tie in well with his claims that Mair was a “neo-Nazi”.

Richard Barnbrook addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in August 2000.  He attended the meeting with his American wife and her family.

Richard Barnbrook addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in August 2000. He attended the meeting with his American wife and her family.

Further on in the article Blodgett claims that Richard Barnbrook was at this “secret meeting” supposedly held in May 2000. Barnbrook first appeared on the Nationalist scene in the summer of 2000 where he was the official cameraman at the BNP’s inaugural Red, White and Blue Festival near Oswestry. Barnbrook later came to fame when he became the first (and only) BNP member to be elected to the Greater London Assembly in 2008. As I pointed out earlier the London meeting was in fact held in 1998, and Barnbrook was not there. I doubt he was even a member of the BNP then.

Potok goes on in the next paragraph to say that I was “later deported (from the USA) for his activities”. Well as anybody with half a brain cell can find out by going online, I have never been deported from the USA – or any other country for that matter. But as I said earlier, Potok was never one to let the truth get in the way of a good story.

Just for the record I was handed a 10-year exclusion order from an immigration judge in Arlington County, Virginia in September 2002. The judge gave me three months to vacate the USA, as I had my home, job and wife there, so we needed plenty of time to sort things out. I vacated the USA with my wife Jenny at the start of November 2002 and have never returned since.

Ok, back to the “secret meeting”. Potok claims that Dr. William Pierce (leader of the NA) “had recently bought Resistance Records”. This is another lie: at the time of the meeting RR was still owned by Willis Carto.

Potok further states that he (Pierce) “would soon be releasing an electronic game to be called Ethnic Cleansing.” Another whopper of a lie here. That game was released in 2002, four years after that “secret meeting”. So ask yourself who could or would have been “giddy” (as Blodgett and Potok claim) about an electronic game that had not even been invented yet and was still four years from release?

After having spoken to Stevie Cartwright at some length about the “secret meeting” in London’s Strand back in 1998 (his memories of the era are a lot clearer than mine, well I am 55 going on 56 now!) he can categorically state that Blodgett knew no one personally at all who was invited to that meeting, either by name or by description. That being so he would not have known whether Thomas Mair had been there or not, which of course he wasn’t anyway.

Another fact exposing the lie that this meeting was held in 2000 was the fact that when Stevie Cartwright came to the USA in March 1999 to do a series of speeches and “house meetings” he also did some work in Todd Blodgett’s temporary Resistance Records office in the Woodley Park area of Washington DC. Stevie was renewing his acquaintance with Todd whom he had met before at that London meeting. So how on earth could that meeting have been in 2000? A complete nonsense!

If the truth be known, and that’s REAL truth – not some Cock and Bull Story made up by Potok and Blodgett – it might well be that Thomas Mair did have an interest in racial-nationalism, and that’s why he bought papers, magazines and books from a whole host of what the BBC would describe as “Far-Right” groups – including the National Alliance, South African Patriot and the National Front.

However, that does not make Mair a right-wing/nationalist/neo-Nazi (or whatever you want to call it) activist. Far from it, Mair was what some in our movement used to call an “arm-chair nationalist”, but now would more likely be called a “keyboard warrior”, i.e. he was the opposite of an activist – a non-activist in fact. He did nothing at all for the nationalist cause or movement in the past 15 to 20 years.

And the first time we hear of him is when he is accused of murdering the Labour MP Jo Cox on Thursday 16th June 2016.

Mark Cotterill addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in July 1999.  Vincent Breeding, then election campaign manager for David Duke is seated to his left.

Mark Cotterill addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in July 1999. Vincent Breeding, then election campaign manager for David Duke is seated to his left.

As Todd Blodgett has chosen to put himself at the centre of this ridiculous conspiracy, either for monetary gain or as a favour to his handlers, then surely any prosecuting lawyer worth his salt would call Blodgett as a witness to the character and alleged “prejudices” of Tommy Mair. However, once the details are looked into and examined at length it would be blatantly clear that this was simply a fiction from the fevered mind of a criminal liar, fantasist and traitor who has been egged on by his bosom buddies in the SPLC hate group.

Now as anybody in the movement who knows me can tell you, I’m not one for conspiracy theories and never have been: but something is just not right here. I can’t quite put my finger on it, but I – or somebody better than me – will. The real truth about Thomas Mair will come out. So Mark Potok – watch this space!

Mark Cotterill, editor, Heritage and Destiny

PS: In a few days time Heritage and Destiny will publish a further exposé of the SPLC/FBI hired liar and crook Todd Blodgett.

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