Secret propaganda unit plotted against John Hume and David Irving

IRD propagandist Hugh Mooney

A new article in the leftwing Irish magazine Village has alleged that the top secret British propaganda unit IRD (the Information Research Department) conspired against John Hume, the moderate Irish nationalist and civil rights activist who died on August 3rd this year.

The article names Hugh Mooney, a former Irish Times sub-editor, and his boss in London, IRD’s Special Operations Adviser Hans Welser.

Coincidentally, H&D has just published a two-part article naming Hans Welser as one of the organisers of a propaganda campaign against the British historian David Irving during the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Welser began his propaganda career with the wartime Political Warfare Executive, responsible for numerous ‘dirty tricks’ and inventions designed to discredit and demoralise Germany, Italy and Japan during the Second World War.

Aspects of Britain’s secret wars – and their long-term consequences – are only now becoming partially exposed thanks to the release of long-secret official documents.

Issues 96 and 97 of H&D explore aspects of the secret propaganda war, including the role of Hans Welser. Click here to order back copies.

Is Rangers F.C. Still a Loyalist Club?

Many (Glasgow) Rangers FC fans have been moaning on various internet social media forms (Facebook, Twitter, Telegram etc.) that Rangers are no longer a “Loyalist club” and have “sold-out to political correctness”, because all of their players “took the knee” in support of the extreme-left wing group Black Lives Matter (BLM) before their friendly game against Lyon, in France last week, with a couple of players even giving the Communist/Republican/Black Power salute!

Rangers players surrender to ‘Black Power’ before a recent friendly match against Lyon.

Rangers official Graham Provan, responded to the many supporters who disagreed with the clubs new liberal-PC stand by saying –

“So proud of Rangers for doing this and weeding out all the racist scum in our support. Why people think this is political is beyond me. I thought our support was better than that but clearly not. Thank you for doing this and standing up for what is right.”

However, those who know their “Rangers history” should remember that Rangers started to cut their ties with the Ulster Loyalist/Protestant cause way back in 1987, when the club turned down (for the first time) the Orange Order’s request to host its annual religious service at Ibrox. And it was then that steps began to remove the vendors of Loyalist/Orange literature, merchandise and paraphernalia from the areas directly around the Ibrox on match days. In fact, Rangers teams of the past had actually gone to Ulster, there to raise funds for the Orange Order!

Two years later in 1989, Rangers under new manager Graham Souness, signed Mo Johnston, a Catholic who had previously played for their arch-rivals Celtic) and as they say the rest is history.

Back in the May-June issue (#60) 2014 of Heritage and Destiny magazine we published an article/review written by Gil Caldwell of a book entitled We Don’t Do Walking Away, The Incredible Inside Story of a Season in the Third Division. For those interested in the debate as whether or not Rangers is still a “Loyalist club”, this article is well worth reading again.


Goodbye to Hello Hello?

Gil Caldwell reviews We Don’t Do Walking Away, The Incredible Inside Story of a Season in the Third Division – by Lisa Gray.
Published by Black and White Publishing Ltd, 2013. ISBN 978-1-84502-635-6 (Paperback). Available for £8.00 from Black and White Publishing, 29 Ocean Drive, Edinburgh, EH6 6JL or online at www.blackandwhitepublishing.com

The tale of Glasgow Rangers’ descent into the lowest, Third Division, of Scottish football and subsequent emergence, thereafter, is a fascinating and, often, an inspiring story. There are, actually, two stories here. One, with an appeal to those with legal and financial minds, is that of the team going into receivership and having to fend off a host of legal and monetary problems. These problems were not of the superficial sort – nor are they, as of yet, completely alleviated. There was a time that the “Gers” were in danger of ending their very existence, which had commenced in March of 1872. The other narrative focuses on the efforts of supporters, players and managers to keep Rangers’ successful identity afloat in the far from glamorous environs of lower tier football.

It is this latter saga which is the focus of Rangers FC: We Don’t Do Walking Away: The Incredible Inside Story of a Season in the Third Division. Essentially, this is the diary of a journalist who attended all the matches, home and away, league and cup, throughout the 2012-2013 season.

However, this is not simply the account of a football season, albeit with the twist of a high-level team competing at a level significantly below them. It is also of some socio-political and religious note. Rangers, have for most of their years, been associated with the Protestant faith and the political cause of Loyalism or Unionism, a cause which has spanned the past century with its focus moving from opposing Home Rule prior to the First World War to preserving the Protestant/British identity of Northern Ireland at present. Underlying all these disputes is the question of religious/cultural/national essence. Does one identify with Protestantism and hence with Britain or with Catholicism and therefore with the Republic of Ireland? Does one wave the Union Jack, the Red Hand of Ulster, St. Andrew’s Cross (with or without inserted Red Hand) or the Irish Republican tricolour?

The reader should keep in mind that the days when this was primarily a conflict of religious doctrine have largely faded. To the extent that Rangers and, their fierce opponents, Glasgow Celtic, represent communities, these are no longer, primarily, orthodox faith communities, professing divergent views of transubstantiation, Papal infallibility, salvation by faith or works or any of the questions, major or arcane, of Christian dogma, which animated Europeans since the Reformation. Rather, we must realize that this, and, to outsiders, somewhat peculiar conflict lies in the hazy realm where religious differences long ago created a gap which is today, almost uniformly, cultural and political. Of course, much of that culture divide makes reference to battles and ideas steeped in religion.

(A brief digression – To a small degree the formerly religious conflicts have been translated into a modern idiom. The covenantal aspects of much of Protestant thought yields a certain modern anti-authority vibe, which might manifest itself in disdain for the supposed subservient (to clergy) nature of Catholics. Many lay Protestants will offer as part of their anti-catholic clichés, their belief that Catholics obey Papal teaching in all areas of life whereas Prods think for themselves. Although an alluring mythology, the notion that Catholics, in other than microscopic numbers still submit to Roman teaching in areas such as birth control and the like is about as true as the notion that a robust Calvinism has nothing to command about bedroom behaviour.)

To those far removed from the history of these struggles, their current fierceness seems surprising and, at this late date in the history of European man, a bit anachronistic. As an American racialist once said to me, “Shouldn’t they all be more concerned with massive non-white immigration and political liberalism?”

In fact, if we may dwell for a moment on whether the feuding supporters really are of differing genetic stock it is worth noting that Scotland, Northern and Southern Ireland are all a part of the areas which at one time spoke a dialect of Gaelic. As to whether the invasion and conquest of what was to become England by Germanic and Scandinavian tribes (Angles, Saxon, Jutes, Frisians etc.) has yielded a somewhat different genetic source for the English is an intriguing question debated among geneticists. But leaving such scholarly matters to the academicians, for the layman, the inhabitants of the once United Kingdom seem largely the same racially, although greatly divided culturally and historically.

(One last point before we proceed, there was and is a school of “radical nationalism”, unable over the years to garner much support, which would like to focus on an Ulster culture which goes beyond the religious divide and seeks complete national independence for that troubled province.)

So, although to racialists of other lands, this conflict may seem like a “fine mess” (as Oliver Hardy used to say to Stan Laurel), to those involved it strikes to the core of their identity and collective memory. If, as racialists assert, that it is moral, healthy and, generally a good thing to have a group identity, then for Rangers/Celtic worlds the question of being a Billy or a Tim should always be part of who one is.

Over the decades the Rangers-Celtic rivalry, known as the “Old Firm” (a cynical view of the rivalry seeing it primarily as a business, dating back to the late nineteenth century) has featured not only a fierce clash of identities, spilling over, time and again, into low level violence, but also features the two best football clubs in Scotland by far. And, although a few of the other teams, of what is now the Scottish Premiership, have had their years or periods of success, at the end of the day, the highest level of competition has always been that of Rangers and Celtic. Each of these teams has had great success in Scotland in both league and Cup play and each has seen moments of glory in Europe. As part of the current self-perpetuating dominance of wealth in football, Rangers and Celtic have built upon their on the pitch talents to acquire the money needed to purchase enough skilled players to maintain their dominance.

Thus, it was a seismic shock when it was revealed in the spring of 2012 that Rangers was deeply in arrears and had engaged into several forms of financial deceit to keep themselves afloat. Faced with the prospect of quite literally going out of business, the players (well, more accurately some of the players), the fans and former Rangers star, now manager, Ally McCoist resolved that the team would not go under. As noted above there is a legal/financial story here as well, but our concern will be the soul of Rangers, not its pocketbook.

Loyalist banners have for generations been a traditional feature of Glasgow Rangers matches

When asked, shortly after the news of Rangers’ bankruptcy became public, as to whether he was going to resign, McCoist was quoted, in words that have since become a rallying cry, “This is my club, the same as it is for thousands and thousands of Rangers supporters, and we don’t do walking away.” So, Rangers’ supporters now had a phrase to add to WATP (“We Are the People”). In short order, a graying Rangers’ fan, surrounded by two stuffed bears clad in tartan light blue, would set the phrase to a lively tune on YouTube which tens of thousands would watch.

When the dust had cleared, before the 2012-2013 season had begun, the Scottish Football League members voted 25-5 to punish Rangers by dumping them into the Third Division. Whether this was an appropriate decision or simply the settling of some old scores is best left to future researchers, but the decision was final. In the coming football season, the once mighty Glasgow Rangers would be facing the likes of Annan, Elgin, Berwick (also “Rangers” by the way), Montrose, Stirling Albion. Of the ten teams on this level, only two had stadiums capable of seating over five thousand (Rangers being one of them) and five could not fit four thousand.

The season proved remarkable in several ways, all which are discussed in full in Gray’s book. First, Rangers’ supporters, in fact, did not walk away. They continued to fill Ibrox, as in years past, and did, indeed follow the squad “anywhere” and “everywhere”. Second, although the Third Division managements and their supporters proved most hospitable and savoured the experience, their players proved, almost always, surprisingly competitive. Eventually, Rangers triumphed over both strange environs and inspired opponents to finish first and secure promotion to Division Two. Third, this being the age of Political Terror and Thought Control, Rangers found themselves, even in the relative obscurity of Division Three, twice embroiled in accusations of “sectarianism” and “racism” by rival supporters and ownership, respectively.

We have now arrived at the second focus of this essay. Over almost every contemporary telling of Glasgow Rangers’ history hovers the ogre of the dreaded “sectarianism”. For example, even in the feel good, lavishly illustrated table top history of the team Rangers: The Official Illustrated History by Lindsay Herron, we read concerning Rangers and Celtic: “The religious divide gives the fixture a dimension that few intra-city rivalries have, but the hatred and bitterness it has engendered is undoubtedly unwanted in modern society.” (We ignore for now the implication that “pre-modern” society either would have been okay with these “hatreds” and, thus, evil or, alternatively, just not yet properly enlightened by the wisdom of modernity. This is a fundamental problem for those who accept the feminism, homophilia and multi racialism of the present as irrefutable dogma, what are they to think about their own immediate and long ago, ancestors? Were they all evil folks? Were all the ancestors of European Man, even as recently as WWII, evil chauvinists, homophobes and racists?) The trendy cliché of “sectarianism”, which lacks even a workable definition, as all similar words employed by the Political Terror that dominates the public forum today, is forever without clear explanation. What might it possibly mean? It is arguable that it is precisely the loose definition of these words of social control which enables our would-be Mind Controllers to use them whenever and wherever they wish. Nonetheless, despite the lack of a lucid definition, powerful forces, in media and government were and are on a mission to do away with the demon of “sectarianism”.

An early victory in the move to soften Rangers identity came in 1989 when the team, under new manager Graham Souness, signed Mo Johnston, a Catholic who had previously played for Celtic, to a contract. (Although, in point of fact, other Catholics, less overt in faith or stature, had played for the team, Johnston was the first public signing in recent memory.) For decades the club had an unwritten rule to employ only Protestants. This was now to be viewed as a great evil and its eradication as a long-awaited triumph for righteousness.

A Belfast mural commemorates the long traditional association between Glasgow Rangers FC and their Ulster brothers.

Yet, if we turn back the clock a bit further, one discovers that the move to sever the link of Rangers to its cultural and historical roots had begun before the Johnston signing. It was in 1987 that the club management turned down for the first time the Orange Order’s request to host its annual religious service at Ibrox. And it was then that steps began to remove the vendors of Orange literature and paraphernalia from the areas directly around the Ibrox. In its past, Rangers teams had actually gone to Ulster, there to raise funds for the Order.

In fact, at one of these benefit matches held on 10 May 1955 to help pay for improvements on the Sandy Row Orange Lodge in Belfast, the game program featured the following rhyme, from an anonymous “Orange Poet”.

To guard the faith which Luther preached
The rights which William won
The Orangeman relies upon
His Bible and his gun.

(We leave aside whether the “faith which Luther preached” would please the true Presbyterian believer of Scotland or Northern Ireland with his consubstantiationist view of the Eucharist. Whether to follow Zwingli or Calvin on this is a question which, one suspects, intrigues Rangers supporters far less than memories of the 1972 European Cup Winners Cup win.)

Similar ventures in poetry will not be printed in Gers’ programmes today, to be sure.

But was it really the case that the old Rangers identity was evil? Would it be considered a moral crime for a black or a Muslim to wish to employ his co-racialists or co-religionists? I am not an expert in this field, but my initial research has yielded that a Muslim is actually required to employ a Muslim, whenever possible, over a non-Muslim. Do not the same Mind Controllers, who spent decades defaming Rangers, encourage group identity for non-whites and Jews? In fact, the Orthodox Jewish law actually commands Jews to employ and patronize their fellow Jews. Is this wrong? May a man not grant first allegiance to family, kin, community, and ethnicity? One begins to think that it is only certain identities that must never be asserted.

Why can’t a team be part of a larger community? Why may a team not have a cultural identity?

Rangers today seek to render the soul of their supporters as antiseptic and arid as possible. The attempt to offer, over the tannoy, the meaningless Penny Arcade and the, more touching, but still identity-less, Blue Sea of Ibrox in place of many “forbidden” songs of the past is the culmination of this process. In fact, even the seemingly innocent Simply the Best (of Bonnie Tyler and later Tina Turner fame) has slowly been shelved due to the supporters’ proclivity to curse the IRA and the Pope via their own creative chorus response. Indeed, many of the most fervent of young Gers supporters these days seem content to wave vapid blue based flags as opposed to the Red Hand, St. Andrew’s Cross and Union Jacks which all flowed on terraces of the past.

(Let us pause here a moment to ponder the two just mentioned cursings. Is it wrong for a Protestant to wish the IRA ill? Would UEFA punish Israelis cursing Hamas? An organization, which has clearly espoused terror against innocents to achieve political power might seem to be a just recipient of its victims’ hatreds. As to the Pope, well, if one accepts the Reformation view of the Papacy as a monstrous error of doctrine which confused the Christianity of millions for over a thousand years, shouldn’t it be justly resented, especially when this errant dogma was often forced upon Europe by physical coercion? Granted that today’s Rome is a far cry from what once was, but must a people abandon its past pain just because political commissars demand it? More on this soon.)

In recent years, Rangers’ management, as much of the European world, has been called to task by our Mind Controllers. And, following in the footsteps of Mayor Lundy, they too have surrendered. Witness this subservient excerpt from the Wee Blue Book Season 06/07. “What the UEFA directives have done is to make us examine our own traditions and make us more determined to celebrate them in a . . . disciplined manner . . . Please support all the initiatives which celebrate our heritage and culture in a colorful and progressive way.” Specifically, the book demands “sing the songs in the Wee Blue Book” and “Display your legitimate flags and banners.”

The original Bridgeton Billy Boys

What exactly did UEFA say in 2006? Well, among other matters, they proclaimed, “The Billy Boys is associated with an attitude that is strongly sectarian and thus discriminatory” and “the singing of the Billy Boys is prohibited.” What is this horrible song with its “sectarian” and “discriminatory” words?

The music of this evil song was actually composed by an American, Henry Clay Work in 1865. He also wrote its lyrics. However, its title at that time was Marching Through Georgia, and it celebrated the barbarous march of Union General William Sherman across the southern state of Georgia in 1864 to capture the coastal city of Savannah. The pillaging of Sherman’s troops has long been regarded with shame on both sides of the Civil War, but in particular it was regarded with horror in the south. Nonetheless, in the revenge filled aftermath of that terrible war, it became quite popular in the north.

This is a frequent occurrence in Northern Ireland, Scotland and England, as many songs of America’s first century, military, folk and religious have been freely shipped back and forth from the colonies to their Mother Country and vice versa. Not a surprising exchange as the early peoples of the United States were largely from UK stock.

I leave to Rangers historians, of greater acumen than I, to determine at what point the song became the Billy Boys. Common wisdom has it that the “Billy” referred to Billy Fullerton, leader of The Protestant Club in 1930s Glasgow and devoted, as its membership card had it, “to uphold King, Country and Constitution . . . and to defend other Protestants.” Glasgow had many clubs (some called them “street gangs” in that era) and the need to defend one’s co-religionists was no idle matter. Interestingly enough, Fullerton was also a member of Rotha Linton-Orman’s British Fascists during the same period. Others have tried to argue that the Billy means King William of Orange and it was just coincidental that Fullerton was also a “Billy”. Whatever the truth may be the song became a terrace favourite.

It actually has fairly long lyrics with references to the 12th July, “no surrender” and the like, but it is the rousing chorus which really caught on. Here are the offending lyrics:

Hello, Hello, we are the Billy Boys
Hello, hello you’ll know us by our noise
We’re up to our knees in Fenian blood
Surrender or you’ll die
For we are the Bridgeton Billy (alt. Derry) boys.

There are others forbidden tunes such as No Pope of Rome, and The Famine Song, but we will focus our attention on the above lyrics, seeing as almost all major Rangers football victories up till recent years have been accompanied by rousing renditions of this tune. (See the YouTube clip “Rangers Fans Incredible Support Rocks Old Hampden Park” for a brief clip of what used to be.) And now it has fallen as silent as did the Old Orange Flute once “Bob Williamson married Brigit McGinn”.

The legend of Billy Fullerton features on many items of Rangers memorabilia

Whether to demonize these anti Catholic manifestations of Rangers identity depends, at root, on what a people’s identity may rightfully be?

Let us turn to the Bible a bit on this subject. The ancient Hebrews were first exiled by the Babylonians in 587 BC. Thereafter, we read in the 137th Psalm, “O daughter of Babylon thou are to be destroyed. Happy shall be he that repayeth thee as thou hast served us. Happy shall be he that taketh and dasheth thy little ones against the rock.” Or, ponder this from Psalm 79, which sounds positively sectarian: “Pour out Thy wrath upon the nations that know Thee not, And upon the Kingdoms that call not upon Thy name.” Similarly, we find in Lamentations 3:66 concerning the Gentiles who waged war against the Hebrews, “Pursue them with anger and destroy them under the Heavens of the Lord.”

Does the above mean that contemporary Hebrews, or Christians who accept the Old Testament, desire to literally smash all Babylonian children’s heads against rocks? No more so than did the thousands who used to assemble on the terraces at Ibrox or Hampden Park wished to actually stride through a deep stream of Catholic blood. And no more than did American abolitionists or 1960s black civil rights’ workers in America who sang the Battle Hymn of the Republic really want to “loosen” upon all white southerners “the fateful lightning of His terrible swift sword” or desire that the Lord’s “heel” should “crush” them all.

These are songs of identities and causes, which in time of physical battle may be meant literally, but usually are simply the way a people recalls its buffetings, triumphs and hopes in history. To this day Jews recite the above quoted portions of the Bible at the Passover service. Does this mean that all Jews are vicious folk, chomping at the bit to launch wars of total destruction? Of course not. It means simply that they are a people with a long memory, who cherish their history and are not going to forget those who caused their suffering in the past.

Our Mind Controllers wish that all men (well, all European men, at least, others are called upon to have long and often bitter memories!) should forget their pasts and despise their ancestors. To the degree that they can commercialize football and reduce to the level of entertainment, they will have succeeded in their plan to destroy the faiths and identities of the heritages of Europe.

The struggle of Glasgow Rangers to climb out of the nether reaches of Scottish football and their supporters’ continued loyalty has been an inspiration around the world. It is a shame that this glorious saga must be hampered by censors and Mind Controllers. When and if the day comes that Europe casts off its chains, the walls of Ibrox and, yes, Parkhead as well, will be in full throttle celebrating their past, present and future. And, if the price to be paid for this was and will yet be the singing of tunes that once displeased our current commissars, then, well, so be it.

Gil Caldwell, Trenton, New Jersey

Editor’s Note: After this article was submitted, I checked Andrew Davies’s book City of Gangs: Glasgow and the Rise of the British Gangster, which seems to conclusively prove that “Billy” refers to King William and that the name was used before Billy Fullerton joined the group. The book has many pages on the subject of the original Billy Boys, including the fact that the song itself was actually sung in the streets of Glasgow as early as the 1920s.

YouTube bans David Duke and Jared Taylor

Jared Taylor (second right) during a visit to the North of England with (left to right) H&D editor Mark Cotterill, assistant editor Peter Rushton, and former Member of the European Parliament Andrew Brons.

The online video platform YouTube yesterday banned several high profile pro-White and racial realist channels, including those run by former Louisiana state representative Dr David Duke, Jared Taylor’s American Renaissance, and prominent ‘Alt Right’ personality Richard Spencer.

This is the latest stage in an ongoing war against pro-White voices online. As regular readers will know, Heritage and Destiny was banned from YouTube just over a year ago, and from PayPal around four years ago.

We have to be realistic. Outside certain specific legal circumstances (such as making meeting-rooms and leaflet delivery available for election candidates), no one is under any obligation to provide us with a platform. Still less are they under any ‘free speech’ obligation when providing a free service such as YouTube or Facebook.

Sadly pro-White organisations and individuals will face continuing struggles online, having to move to platforms that refuse to censor us. This will risk ghettoising ourselves, since by comparison to YouTube, Facebook, etc. these platforms will tend to be populated mainly by folk who are already sympathetic to our movement.

The lesson is twofold.

(1) There is still an important role for hardcopy publications despite the proliferation of online access. If you subscribe to Heritage and Destiny, we can guarantee that you will receive your six issues each year – whereas if you subscribe to a YouTube channel it might disappear tomorrow.

(2) Pro-White activists must seek opportunities to engage with a wider public, whether online or in the ‘real’ world. When Covid-19 restrictions are relaxed, there will be no substitute for face to face engagement, both with existing movement sympathisers at conferences, rallies and the like; and with the general public via the electoral process and other public activity.

Many happy returns – John Bean

Bill Baillie on the left (his position in the photo not his politics!); the late Paul Barnes (centre), who shared John’s views on racial-nationalism and John Bean (definitely on the right!). When John informed H&D editor Mark Cotterill that he and Bill only shared around 50% of the views expressed in the magazine, Mark replied that was very good, and slightly more than he did! Mark explained that unlike a party-political magazine, H&D is here to represent a very broad cross section of nationalist opinion, not all of which everybody will agree with.

The editor, assistant editor and all the staff at H&D Towers, would like to wish our oldest subscriber (by two months) – John Bean – a very happy 93rd birthday.

John was born on June 27th, 1927 in Carshalton, Surrey. The family moved to Blackfen, near Sidcup in Kent, where at the age of 13 he suffered the trauma of being bombed out of the family home in February 1941.

Aged 18, John began his National Service in 1945. He was largely apolitical, although he had briefly flirted with communism whilst at school, calling for support for the Soviet Union. Initially he was a trainee navigator in the RAF Volunteer Reserve.

Later as a sailor in the Royal Navy. John became a radar mechanic and was placed on HMS Bulawayo, a fleet supply ship which made several visits to Trinidad until the end of his naval service in June 1948.

He briefly lived in India during 1950, working as a chemist in a paint factory, although he failed to settle and returned to Britain six months later.

Upon his return, John began to attend meetings of the Union Movement, being attracted by the ‘Europe a Nation’ policy and by the time Oswald Mosley had spent in prison for his beliefs. John initially served as a member of the Special Propaganda Service, the main duty of which was to sell copies of the party’s newspaper Union.

Soon however he became a leading figure active on behalf of the UM in the East End of London, before being appointed to head a branch in Putney in 1952. Despite these advancements, John grew disillusioned of the UM’s chances of making any real headway and he left them altogether in February 1953. A brief stopover in the local Conservative Party in Barnes followed but lasted only two months.

After a spell on the side-lines he then linked up with Andrew Fountaine, who had been attempting to form his own party, the National Front, and began to produce a journal, National Unity.

His work attracted the attention of A.K. Chesterton and, with the National Front idea failing to get off the ground, he decided to join the League of Empire Loyalists, serving as its Northern Organiser and then in the HQ in London. Continuing to produce his paper, now called The Loyalist, John soon became frustrated at both the lack of political activity and the links to the Conservative Party that were the hallmarks of the LEL.

He left in 1957 to set up the National Labour Party with Fountaine. Fountaine, a Norfolk landowner from a rural landowning family, was officially President of the new group, but was largely a figurehead: control actually lay with John.

The NLP gained a few minor results in elections but was always destined to be a small fringe movement, and as a result John decided to merge his party with another LEL splinter group, the White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party.

John Bean was made leader of the party upon its foundation. Early in the group’s life, both John and former White Defence League leader Colin Jordan were approached by Oswald Mosley, who offered them roles in his Union Movement if they agreed to its subsuming the BNP, but both men rejected the offer.

Initially gaining some support in London, the party soon ran into trouble when it became clear that Colin Jordan was emerging as its spokesman. A journalist commented in 1962 that Jordan was becoming the British Adolf Hitler. John jokingly responded to the Daily Mail reporter that that made him “the British Joseph Goebbels”. Despite this, John soon clashed with Jordan over his extremism and before long Jordan had left to form the National Socialist Movement, taking emerging figures John Tyndall and Denis Pirie with him. Matters had come to a head at the party’s national council meeting in 1962 when John proposed a motion to condemn Jordan’s open support for National Socialism. It was passed 7 to 5, but the party immediately split as a result, albeit with around 80% of the membership remaining within the BNP. John had blamed the associations with National Socialism that Jordan and Tyndall brought for the party’s marginal position in British politics.

At the 1964 general election John Bean stood as BNP candidate in Southall and obtained 3,410 votes (9.3%), the highest post-war vote for a minority party at that time. Another BNP candidate picked up nearly 2,000 votes in Deptford. In 1966 he again stood in Southall, but his vote fell to 2,600. With BNP membership only marginally increasing, John felt the need to try to create a nationalist front with like groups and arranged, with the help of Ted Budden, a private meeting with his old mentor A.K. Chesterton and a spokesman of the Racial Preservation Society. The result of the meeting was the founding of the National Front in 1967.

John became something of a peripheral figure in the NF, as the BNP element was somewhat side-lined. He held the post of Deputy Chairman of the Executive Directorate, a body which was largely subordinate to the Policy Directorate and stood as second candidate for the Ealing constituency in the 1967 Greater London Council elections until resigning in 1968. Still an NF member, he was recalled to positions of minor influence from time to time until 1972 when he largely ceased active involvement. Retreating into political retirement, his membership lapsed in 1977

He emerged only briefly to lend some support to his old friend Andrew Fountaine’s NF Constitutional Movement and to take part in the Countryside Alliance March of 1st March 1998 – which was also attended by supporters of Nick Griffin, by then inside the BNP.

John eventually ended his retirement after the political fall of John Tyndall and joined the British National Party under the leadership of Nick Griffin. He became an active official of the BNP (mostly in administration) and was a candidate for the party in the 2004 European elections, where he was seventh on a list of seven candidates for the Scotland constituency.

He formerly ran his own website, but then wrote a regular column for the main BNP website, and served as editor of BNP magazine Identity until March 2010.

Due to dissatisfaction with his leadership, John demanded that Nick Griffin resign as National Chairman and focus more on representing the North West region as an MEP.

In May 2011, John endorsed Andrew Brons (the BNP MEP for Yorkshire and the Humber) in his challenge for the BNP leadership. He made significant contributions to the Brons team web site, including articles on ‘Genetics and Inheritance’ and ‘Nationalism and a European Confederation’. He subsequently became involved in Brons’s party the British Democratic Party, established in February 2013.

John lived in London, and later Suffolk, before retiring to Yorkshire to live nearer his expanding family – three grandchildren, and five great grandchildren (so far!).

During periods away from politics John wrote four books.

Ten Miles from Anywhere (Hedgerow Publishing 1995), looked at the changes in a Suffolk village from the beginning of the 20th century.

Many Shades of Black, (New Millennium 1999), was Bean’s political memoirs up to that date.

His first novel Blood in the Square, which fictionalized some of his political experiences in the 1960s.

And in August 2016 his historical novel Trail of the Viking Finger (Troubador Publications).

Eddy Morrison 1949-2020

Eddy Morrison 1949-2020

H&D greatly regret to announce the death of Eddy Morrison: proud Yorkshireman, veteran national socialist and a contributor to our magazine for many years. Eddy died on Wednesday following a fall at his home, a month before his 71st birthday which would have been 16th July.

A reprint of Eddy’s 2003 autobiography Memoirs of a Street Soldier was being launched to coincide with his birthday, but very sadly it now coincides with his death.

Educated at St Michael’s College, a Catholic grammar school in Leeds, Eddy Morrison had to leave school at 15 to earn a wage and support his family after his father was crippled in an industrial accident. Following teenage service with the RAF, he became an active racial nationalist in 1967 with the newly formed National Front, attending the NF’s first annual meeting at Conway Hall, Westminster in October that year. Though he had a great deal in common ideologically with the NF’s future leader John Tyndall, Eddy had been too young to be involved in the national socialist schisms of the early ’60s, so he was able to join the NF as an 18-year-old without any factional baggage.

In 1968 he succeeded Phil Stone as the NF’s Leeds branch organiser. Though he was to be a member – and indeed founder! – of numerous different parties and movements, Eddy’s ideology was to remain consistent for more than half a century. As he put it, he regarded national socialism and White racial nationalism as interchangeable terms.

In fact though he would often joke about the myriad organisations he had joined or founded, this is very much a reflection of our movement’s history. Unlike some other leading movement personalities such as Nick Griffin, Eddy did not blow with the prevailing wind, changing his ideological colours to suit personal advancement. Eddy remained Eddy.

In 1972 Eddy organised the Leeds branch of Colin Jordan’s British Movement, breaking away at the end of 1973 with a small group who formed the National Democratic Freedom Movement. Essentially Yorkshire-based, the NDFM quickly attracted a reputation for highly effective street activity. At a time when political violence was commonplace throughout the White world – often with the far left gaining the upper hand – Eddy’s street soldiers made much of West Yorkshire a “red-free zone”.

During 1975 the NDFM expanded, as Eddy recruited other national socialists from outside Yorkshire to expand the movement into a new British National Party. Though he was also to become a prominent organiser in John Tyndall’s BNP a few years later, this 1970s version was a completely different party.

During this period John Tyndall was engaged in a struggle for control of the NF, for a time losing the leadership to a Strasserite/populist faction led by former Conservative activist John Kingsley Read, so Eddy’s BNP attracted support from numerous national socialists who had quit the NF during this period.

The Morrison BNP continued and built on the NDFM’s fearsome reputation for taking control of the streets. It also became part of a growing national socialist network in Europe. German attorney Manfred Roeder was guest speaker at the BNP’s annual congress.

Once John Tyndall and Martin Webster had re-established control of the NF, it wasn’t long before Eddy Morrison and his BNP were invited to merge into the Front, and Eddy became the NF’s Yorkshire regional organiser. This period coincided with the international phenomenon of ‘punk rock’, in which Eddy had taken an early interest, attending early punk gigs including memorable appearances by the Sex Pistols in Manchester and Leeds.

He was quick to see the potential of this angry movement of working class rebellion (though of course it shocked more ‘respectable’ nationalists). As Eddy later wrote:
We either had to condemn Punk or use it. I chose the latter option and started a spoof fanzine called Punk Front which featured a NF logo with a safety pin in it. To my great surprise, Punk Front was a huge success and soon, especially in Leeds, NF members and supporters were going to the biggest Punk club around — the infamous F Club. I started to regularly go to the club and NF Punks were recruiting other punks. In a few months, the NF was the dominant political force on the big punk scene in Leeds. Music papers such as Sounds and the New Musical Express were taking an interest in us. Gary Bushell was sent up to look into the phenomenon. We had pro-NF letters published in many music papers and other punks started bringing out pro-NF fanzines. We even started two bands — the Ventz and the Dentists. Both these bands were to feature later on in the start of ‘Rock Against Communism.’

Eddy Morrison with Simon Sheppard at one of the latter’s many court appearances

Eddy Morrison could justifiably claim to have been the founder of the White racial nationalist music scene, which was later to expand under the late Ian Stuart into Blood & Honour.

Around the time of Eddy’s 30th birthday in 1979, British nationalism had one of its watershed moments when the National Front began to fall apart following disappointing election results. A large part of the last forty years of Eddy Morrison’s life was to involve his attempts to navigate treacherous political waters and maintain uncompromising national socialism in the UK.

This included years of activism in the BNP and later NF, punctuated by attempts to form breakaway movements such as the National Action Party, White Nationalist Party and British People’s Party. At other times Eddy attempted to build cross-factional alliances, and at one stage was a leading figure in the Spearhead Support Group, formed to build support for John Tyndall in his quest to recapture the BNP from Nick Griffin.

In these many activities Eddy could count on a loyal cadre of supporters, notably his Bradford-based comrade Kev Watmough – and it’s fair to say that Eddy was shocked to have outlived numerous fellow streetfighters such as Dave Brown and Chris ‘Weasel’ Ledger.

Eddy Morrison (far right!) at an H&D event in Blackburn, Lancashire: also in this photo (blue shirt, centre left) is his late comrade Dave Brown.

Latterly Eddy published the online magazine White Voice, as well as contributing to H&D – both as author, reviewer and quizmaster at social events! It is impossible in one brief online article to encompass the life of this uncompromising national socialist warrior, and for obvious reasons we have avoided speaking about Eddy’s family, of whom he was so proud and who will miss him greatly.

Needless to say, the next edition of H&D will contain a full obituary of our friend and comrade Eddy Morrison.

Cattle die, and kinsmen die. And so one dies oneself. One thing I know that never dies: The fame of a dead man’s deeds

14/88 Eddy!

(above and below) Eddy Morrison with H&D editor Mark Cotterill and fellow nationalists at a Remembrance Day ceremony in Darwen, Lancashire, 2006

Rolf Hochhuth – ally of David Irving and target of secret British propagandists – dies aged 89

Rolf Hochhuth (above right) who has died aged 89, seen here in London in 1966 with the British historian David Irving.

Provocative German playwright Rolf Hochhuth died on May 13th at his home in Berlin, aged 89.

His death came just as the latest edition of Heritage and Destiny was going to press, featuring a two-part exposé of the conspiracy by secret British agencies at the end of the 1960s to smear Mr Hochhuth and the British historian David Irving.

This full extraordinary story is based on very recently released documents from the Information Research Department, a secret Cold War propaganda unit that was dissolved in 1977 and whose records remained highly classified until earlier this year. The IRD files were read by H&D‘s assistant editor days before the UK’s National Archives closed down due to Covid-19.

Hochhuth had made himself a target of IRD and associated agencies including MI5 and MI6 because of a play in which he alleged official British complicity in the death of Poland’s wartime leader Gen. Sikorski, in what was officially declared an accidental plane crash off Gibraltar in July 1943.

David Irving carried out extensive research to assist Hochhuth in writing this play Soldaten (‘Soldiers’). It was commissioned by London’s National Theatre but banned by the theatre’s board (and later by the Lord Chamberlain) in 1967 at the instigation of prominent establishment figures.

Soldiers also explored the morality of RAF area bombing strategy and the culpability of Winston Churchill and his scientific adviser Frederick Lindemann (Lord Cherwell).

Hochhuth in 2005

Rolf Hochhuth’s death has been widely reported in the German press, though so far only by the Daily Telegraph in the UK.

Despite his friendship with Irving, which dated back to 1965, Hochhuth was very much a man of the left. His best-known play The Representative (Der Stellvertreter) dealt with the Vatican’s alleged knowledge of the presumed wartime murder of six million Jews in the ‘Holocaust’. It is presumably for this service to ‘Holocaust history’ that the German government paid tribute to the “iconoclastic” playwright, saying he had “never ducked a confrontation” while “loving provocations and remaining true to himself”.

Similarly the Central Council of German Jews called Hochhuth a “courageous taboo-breaker” who had “touched off an overdue debate in Germany” about the Vatican’s role. Notably the AFP press agency report on Hochhuth’s death avoids all mention of the Sikorski saga.

Poland’s wartime leader Gen. Sikorski, seen here (second left) at a tank demonstration in Surrey, February 1941 with (centre) Winston Churchill, (second right) Gen. Charles de Gaulle, (far left) Royal Armoured Corps commander Lt. Gen. Giffard Le Quesne Martel, and (far right) Gen. Andrew Thorne (GOC Scottish Command).

These official German and Jewish spokesmen might change their tune once they get to see H&D‘s new two-part series about Hochhuth and Irving. Will official spokesmen – Jewish or Gentile – welcome re-examination of Sikorski’s death; the various associated issues of murderous rivalries and official lies concerning Poland’s exile government; its military, intelligence and propaganda forces; and the Faustian pact with Stalin?

And who was the Hungarian Jewish journalist who began his propaganda career inventing stories about Adolf Hitler as early as 1932, then worked for IRD in their campaign against Hochhuth and Irving in the late ’60s and early ’70s?

The first episode of this stranger-than-fiction tale, based on top secret documents many of which have never been reported before, is in the May edition of Heritage and Destiny, available now.

Carl Harley: 70+ years in British nationalism!

Carl Harley (1930-2020)

We greatly regret to inform readers that H&D‘s second-eldest subscriber Carl Harley died on Saturday 22nd February, aged 89.

Carl Harley, who lived in Highgate, North London, was a long-standing H&D subscriber. He was not afraid to put his hand in his pocket, and sent H&D a donation a couple of times to help us keep going.

Cattle die, and kinsmen die,
And so one dies oneself;
One thing I know that never dies:
The fame of a dead man’s deeds.

We are grateful to Bill Baillie of the Nation Revisited and European Outlook blogs for this memory of Carl Harley’s lifelong commitment to our cause, first published in 2016.

Carl Harley – the man who recruited John Bean

I first encountered Carl Harley and John Bean at a National Labour Party meeting in Trafalgar Square in 1959. I was there as a schoolboy, on a bicycle, with my mate Paul Barnes. But I didn’t get to know them properly until the BNP camp held in Norfolk in 1962.

Carl Harley was born in Greenwich on 26 June 1930. He was a member of the Mosley Book Club in 1947 and joined Union Movement on its foundation in 1948. He did his National Service in the Royal Army Ordnance Corps from 1948 to 1950. When he came out of the army he was appointed organiser of the Lewisham branch of Union Movement, where he signed up a young man called John Bean before going to Manchester to help Jeffrey Hamm.

He fondly remembers his old comrades; Alexander Raven Thomson, Victor Burgess, Peter Lesley-Jones and Pat Dunigan; but he disliked Alf Flockhart. In 1958 he joined John Bean’s National Labour Party which merged with Colin Jordan’s White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party. In 1962 Colin Jordan broke away to form the National Socialist Movement. Carl tried to persuade John Tyndall to stay with the BNP but he decided to join Colin Jordan. Thirty-five years later, whilst writing to thank Carl for a donation, JT acknowledged his mistake.

Carl was a founder member of the National Front in 1967. He followed Andrew Fountaine into the NF Constitutional Movement in 1979. The NFCM was absorbed into John Tyndall’s British National Party in 1984. Carl stayed with the BNP until John Tyndall was ousted as leader in 1999.

Today he subscribes to Heritage and Destiny and keeps in touch with old friends all over the world. When I interviewed him for this article he was reading Jewish Supremacism by David Duke.

Carl Harley was not an armchair patriot. He was an organiser of branches, a public speaker, a builder of platforms and scenery, a painter of banners, a printer and distributor of leaflets, a campfire cook, a writer of letters, a security guard, a receptionist and a willing helper. I am glad to call him my friend.

As BNP members pose outside their Princedale Rd headquarters, Carl Harley is busy upstairs cleaning the windows.

Remembering the 1945 Dresden Holocaust

H&D assistant editor Peter Rushton was among more than 2,000 marchers in Dresden yesterday who commemorated the 75th anniversary of the RAF and USAAF terror-bombing of the city on 13th-14th February 1945.

Lady Michèle Renouf with Thuringia NPD leader Thorsten Heise: the banner reads – “Where Justice becomes Injustice, Resistance becomes a Duty!”

The Gedenkmarsch was superbly organised by Maik Müller of Dresden NPD, and was supported not only by NPD branches from across Germany, but by many other parties and by supporters from other countries including Ireland, France, Sweden, Croatia, Italy, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Belgium, the Netherlands and USA – even from as far away as Japan and Australia.

Despite efforts by the usual antifa rabble to block the march route, we were able to proceed through a residential area of Dresden (many locals observing from nearby flats) to a rally point next to the central train station, where speeches included a message from Wolfram Nahrath, attorney for persecuted patriots and defenders of truth and justice including the jailed authors Ursula Haverbeck (now 91) and Horst Mahler (now 84) and the British traditional Roman Catholic Bishop Richard Williamson.

As can be seen and heard in attached video links, the respectful and dignified conduct of the marchers contrasted with grotesque behaviour of ‘antifascist’ counter-demonstrators who failed in their objectives. The rentamob’s disrespectful cacophony was drowned out by solemn classical music accompanying the march.

The UK Sunday Times today could not resist publishing an attack on the demonstration, written by the paper’s foreign editor Peter Conradi, a well-known Jewish-Zionist historian. As has become the habit of establishment journalists, Mr Conradi seeks to minimise the Dresden death toll and accuses 21st century German patriots of exaggerating it.

A Dresden spokesman for AfD (the fast-growing patriotic-conservative party Alternative für Deutschland) had quoted a death toll of close to 100,000 – a figure which Conradi compares to the claims of “Holocaust-denying historians”, while himself insisting on a figure of 25,000.

The actual Dresden death toll remains difficult to assess precisely due to the large number of refugees from the East who had packed into the city at the time of the bombing. Yet one very recently released document from the postwar secret British propaganda agency IRD (Information Research Department) offers us some clues.

H&D reports this document for the first time today: click here to read: Propaganda and Dresden’s Holocaust – The Secret British File.

Propaganda and Dresden’s Holocaust: The Secret British File

On 13th-14th February 1945 more than 2,000 planes from the RAF and USAAF raided the historic city of Dresden, capital of the German state of Saxony. Recent commemorations of this terror-bombing’s 75th anniversary have led to renewed controversy over the total number killed, though it is acknowledged that almost all the victims were civilians including many refugees, women and children.

On 16th February the Sunday Times published an article by its foreign editor Peter Conradi accusing German patriots of exaggerating the Dresden death toll for political gain. Conradi singled out Tino Chrupalla, leader of the fast growing anti-immigration party AfD in Saxony, who had suggested a death toll of close to 100,000, which according to Conradi echoed the claims of “Holocaust-denying historians”.

Just who is engaged in Holocaust-denial here?

For clues to the answer we might turn to a secret document from the covert British propaganda agency IRD (Information Research Department), released to the National Archives just before Christmas 2019 and recently obtained by H&D‘s assistant editor Peter Rushton.

We publish this secret file’s contents today for the first time, and will soon tell the full story of how the British secret state conspired to silence challenges to Second World War history.

A rare photo of British propaganda chief Norman Reddaway (1918-1999) seen here with his wife Jean.

This particular file begins with a broadcast on the ITV television network in 1970, coinciding with the Dresden bombing holocaust’s 25th anniversary. Norman Reddaway, who had been co-founder of IRD at the start of the Cold War, but by 1970 was a senior Foreign Office diplomat in overall charge of Britain’s propaganda efforts, wrote to IRD’s director Kenneth Crook about the programme.

Reddaway complained that by giving a death toll of 135,000 this ITV documentary “had quoted Dr Goebbels’ version of the number of casualties. He had not quoted any other estimate, which would of course have been much lower. The viewers were therefore left with an uncorrected impression that RAF bombing had resulted in three or four times the true number of casualties.”

In response Reddaway suggested that IRD should deploy its trusted arsenal of propaganda tactics: a planted question by a helpful MP in the House of Commons, or a letter to The Times in the name of some respectable stooge. However senior IRD official Colin MacLaren, whose experience of secret propaganda went back to the war years where he had been part of the Special Operations Executive and Political Warfare Executive, insisted that this 135,000 figure was probably not a German exaggeration.

MacLaren wrote: “I am somewhat surprised that Mr Reddaway should assume that Dr Goebbels’s estimate of the Dresden casualties was higher than others (presumably allied) estimates. Surely the converse is true? I do not recall that the German propaganda machine was even concerned at the time to exaggerate the effects of Allied attacks.”

It was later confirmed by another IRD officer, ‘Tommy’ Tucker, that the programme’s figure of 135,000 Dresden deaths came not from any German propagandist, nor even from the best-known historian of the raid David Irving, but from Andrew Wilson, defence correspondent of the left-liberal newspaper The Observer.

British propagandists in 1970 unsuccessfully sought to dispute historians’ estimates of the Dresden death toll during the 25th anniversary of the terror-bombing. Another 50 years later, deluded German leftists unsuccessfully tried to block a commemorative march remembering the victims on the 75th anniversary, but were swiftly dealt with by police (above).

Moreover it turns out that the historical adviser to ITV’s Dresden programme was Professor Asa Briggs, a very respectable and not at all ‘right-wing’ historian who had himself been on the wartime staff of Britain’s famous codebreaking operation at Bletchley Park. (This latter fact was so secret back in 1970 that it was not committed to paper even in IRD files, but in his old age Prof. Briggs gave details of his secret past.)

Nevertheless Tucker confirmed that if necessary IRD still had a “letters to the Press drill” that could be deployed, and that if a Labour MP’s signature was required they could easily recruit one (willing to put his name to any text IRD supplied) via Maurice Foley, a former IRD propagandist himself who had become an MP and served as a minister responsible for promoting immigration (!)

Eventually Reddaway agreed to drop his objections to this particular TV programme, but efforts to undermine challenges to orthodox Second World War history continued at the highest level of Britain’s secret state.

Keep reading Heritage & Destiny for further exclusive investigations of this remarkable topic, coming soon!

Efforts to minimise the holocaust of German civilians at Dresden continue: the only official mention of the human inferno is carved on this inconspicuous stone bench in the city centre, part of the entrance to public lavatories. At least German patriots ensured that flowers were laid here to mark this 75th anniversary (at the spot where thousands of the victims were cremated).

Successful CJ / JT Memorial Meeting held in Leeds

This year’s John Tyndall Memorial Meeting was again held in Leeds (for the second year running) on Saturday November 23rd.

However, this year it was a joint Colin Jordan and John Tyndall Memorial meeting and was organised by the British Movement.

Heritage and Destiny were kindly invited to attend, and H&D deputy editor Peter Rushton was one of the main speakers, while editor Mark Cotterill manned the H&D literature table.

Steve Frost, National Secretary of British Movement

The attendance of around sixty (including three former Borough councillors – Dr. Jim Lewthwaite (Wyke ward, Bradford); Angela Clarke (Keighley West ward, Bradford); and Mark Cotterill (Meadowhead ward, Blackburn); and one former MEP, Andrew Brons (Yorkshire & Humber) – was very impressive. Most of those attending were BM members, but also half a dozen British Democrats, and a couple each from the National Front and English Democrats, plus the H&D team.

Peter Rushton, H&D
Dr Jim Lewthwaite,
Chairman, British Democrats
Andrew Brons, former MEP

The speakers included: Richard Edmonds (NF Directorate member, former BNP national organiser, and right-hand man to John Tyndall); Benny Bullman (long standing BM member and lead singer of the Nationalist band Whitelaw); Dr. Jim Lewthwaite (the chairman of the British Democrats); Andrew Brons (former MEP for Yorkshire); Peter Rushton (H&D deputy editor); Alec Suchi (nationalist climate change activist); and Steve Frost (BM National Secretary).

The meeting which was ably chaired by Tony (a local BM member of longstanding), was the second successful Leeds meeting in the same venue this year, and hopefully more will follow in the new year.

During the first interval a superb buffet of both hot and cold food, was laid on, by the BM’s Women’s Division. And during the second interval an auction of classic national socialist memorabilia was held, raising several hundred pounds for BM funds.

Both the BM and H&D had literature stalls which did a brisk trade throughout the afternoon, with H&D picking up a couple of new subscribers on top – which is always good.

Richard Edmonds, NF Directorate member and former BNP national organiser

As at most nationalist events, there was no trouble at all at the meeting, which was held in a good old-fashioned Yorkshire pub, in a White working-class area of Leeds – not the sort of the pub the posh yuppies from Hope Not Hate or Antifa would ever set foot in! But if they had they would have been met by a large BM security team – led by Jordan Pont – who were more than capable of showing them the door – if they had dared turn up!

BM produced a nice souvenir programme of the event. Copies are still available by writing to PO Box 6, Heckmondwike, Yorkshire, WF16 0XG; or email – sunwheelteam@gmail.com – or visit the BM website at – www.britishmovement.info

Some of the speakers and organisers at the end of the Leeds meeting

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