Reclaiming May Day for European workers!

May Day was a traditional European festival long before it was hijacked by American Marxists in 1889.

Linked to the ancient celebration of Beltane (marking the midpoint between Spring Equinox and Summer Solstice), May Day is marked in Germany by Walpurgis Night and in England by traditional dances.

One of the most colourful celebrations of Beltane is in Edinburgh, which for H&D readers had a special significance this year because our comrade Vincent Reynouard has been in Edinburgh prison for more than five months. (An interview with Vincent will appear soon on this website and in the July-August edition of H&D.)

Racial nationalists have rightly begun to reclaim May Day as a European festival, and to assert the reality that we are the true champions of European workers.

The so-called ‘left’ has long since surrendered to the demands of global capitalism. Mass immigration is championed both in the name of ‘wokeness’ and to provide cheap labour, directly undermining the wages and working conditions of Europeans.

Meanwhile the so-called ‘right’ sometimes talks about resisting mass immigration, but in reality its reactionary ideology is in many ways worse than the ‘left’, and is even more devoted to the exploitative values of global capitalism: anti-nature, anti-worker, anti-White, anti-European.

On May Day 2023 H&D‘s comrades around the world asserted the eternal values of racial nationalism – the true interests of European workers.

Anti-Fascist Spy Exposed

A leading figure in several radical nationalist, national socialist and anti-Zionist groups in Spain can today be revealed as an undercover ‘anti-fascist’ agent. This exposé is also published at the Real History Blog and in German, in Spanish, in French, and in Italian.

Beginning in late 2020 and with increasing prominence since late 2021, Armando Rodríguez Pérez has led a double life.

One face of Armando Rodríguez Pérez is as a lawyer with an academic specialism in human rights, organising conferences with a strongly ‘anti-fascist’ theme, and sharing the Madrid office of a legal firm offering advice to German and English speaking clients in Spain.

The other face of Armando Rodríguez Pérez is as a radical leader of the ‘far right’, not only representing some of Spain’s most noted national socialists, but also taking an active role in leading their organisations, raising troubling questions about the extent to which he and his controllers may have crossed the line between infiltrator and agent provocateur.

During November-December 2022 Armando Rodríguez Pérez (recently using the online identity ‘Armando Renacer’ and previously ‘Armando Bastión’):
(1) became “political action secretary” for a new movement that represents the ‘National Bolshevik’ faction of Spain’s ‘far right’;
(2) infiltrated the circle of a British political activist and travelled to her home in Germany, where he met with several leading German national socialist activists;
(3) volunteered to act as liaison between a fugitive political dissident and the Iranian Government.

For more than a year until the group’s dissolution in the autumn of 2022, Armando Rodríguez Pérez was co-leader of a national socialist youth group, Bastión Frontal, and organised international connections with similar groups in France, Italy, Serbia, Poland and elsewhere.

And until today he was still acting as lawyer for the activist who attracted international media attention to Bastión Frontal, the 20-year-old student Isabel Peralta.

Yet Armando Rodríguez Pérez is not what he seems.

INFILTRATING THE ‘FAR RIGHT’

During the summer of 2020 – in the early months of the pandemic – Spain’s secret police (the CGI, roughly equivalent to the old British Special Branch, or what is now SO15) began to monitor the activities of a new national socialist youth group, Bastión Frontal, whose activities involved both opposing illegal immigration (especially immigrant street gangs) and drawing attention to the economic plight of many working-class Spaniards suffering under pandemic restrictions.

An 18-year-old history student at Complutense University of Madrid, Isabel Peralta, was first observed by the secret police at a Bastión Frontal activity in September 2020. She had previously been active in other Falangist groups but had become disillusioned by some of their reactionary and corrupt leaders. Isabel attracted international attention on 13th February 2021 when she gave a speech in tribute to the heroic anti-communist volunteers of the Blue Division (División Azul), who fought on the Eastern Front after 1941 against Stalin’s Red Army.

At the end of 2020, a 30-year-old lawyer named Armando Rodríguez Pérez suddenly appeared in ‘far right’ circles. He first turned up among football ultras in the tough Madrid district of San Blas-Canillejas, then gave a speech about the Blue Division’s war record at a meeting of national socialists with an interest in military history. He had no known past political activity, or indeed even the remotest connection to any form of nationalist movement. No one knew anything about him and no one checked up on him. For reasons that now seem mystifying, Armando was accepted as a comrade by various radical factions, each perhaps assuming that someone else had vouched for him.

Armando enhanced his credibility in such circles by latching onto Bastión Frontal after it had become the most visible face of Spanish radical nationalism, largely thanks to its co-leader Isabel Peralta.

Within a very short time he had emerged as one of the leaders of this national socialist youth group, partly because he was a few years older, and partly because he offered them free legal advice and even represented them in court without charge.

Soon he was calling himself ‘Armando Bastión’ and making regular speeches at the group’s meetings, also acting as moderator for their online Telegram forum. After Isabel Peralta moved to Germany for a few months during late 2021 and early 2022, Armando Rodríguez Pérez established himself as effectively the leader of Bastión Frontal, especially after co-leader Rodrigo Miguélez was imprisoned. Armando represented both Rodrigo and Isabel in several criminal and civil cases.

During the autumn of 2022 Bastión Frontal collapsed, but Armando Rodríguez Pérez is continuing to represent Isabel in a long-running criminal case, where prosecutors are trying to jail her for a speech made at an anti-immigration rally outside the Moroccan Embassy in May 2021. He is also representing her in a continuing civil action that she has brought against the US-based Simon Wiesenthal Center and the Jerusalem Post.

Yet in both of these cases (and earlier legal problems relating to Bastión Frontal activists) Armando Rodríguez Pérez had a conflict of interest that made it grossly improper for him to act on behalf of such clients. While they are militant nationalists, national socialists and anti-Zionists, Armando Rodríguez Pérez has a long background (which he disguised from his new clients and ‘comrades’) working for an explicitly anti-fascist and anti-nazi academic foundation with close connections to Israel and international Jewish organisations.

ARMANDO AND THE BERG INSTITUTE

Armando Rodríguez Pérez arrived suddenly in nationalist / national-socialist circles after a background of several years working with an important academic organisation that specialises in ‘Holocaust’ studies and other ‘anti-fascist’ themes, the Madrid-based Berg Institute (Instituto Berg).

He studied for a year at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His biography on the Spanish version of his former law firm’s website was later edited to remove reference to his time in Jerusalem, but an earlier English-language draft of the same page still includes this reference.

Armando’s master’s degree in “International Relations, International Law and Conflict Resolution” was undertaken jointly with Alfonso X el Sabio University, Madrid; the UN’s ‘University for Peace’; and the Berg Institute.

He went on to work as part of the Berg Institute’s ‘academic coordination team’ and took part in the Institute’s joint training programmes with the Colombian Army and security forces.

In other words Armando Rodríguez Pérez was not simply studying in Israel, or casually associated with the Berg Institute: he was actually an organiser and coordinator for several of their projects. This is especially disturbing when one looks in more detail at the content of the conferences that he organised.

Similar connections with the Berg Institute were shared with both of the close friends with whom in 2015 Armando Rodríguez Pérez set up a law firm in Madrid called GABEIRO – José Feliciano Beceiro Armada and Jesús Gavilán Hormigo. Gavilán studied in Jerusalem during 2014 alongside Armando, and worked for the Fundación Internacional Baltasar Garzón, named in honour of Spain’s most infamously left-wing, ‘anti-fascist’ judge. While Beceiro preceded Armando as organiser of the Berg Institute’s international conference.

A fourth lawyer who was part of this short-lived GABEIRO firm (Álvaro Domec López) was brought into Isabel Peralta’s criminal case by Armando in January 2022 – a fact that was completely unknown to Isabel herself until it was revealed in court documents.

It is necessary to look more closely at this Berg Institute, for which Armando Rodríguez Pérez acted as a coordinator / organiser before his sudden ‘conversion’ to the radical nationalist / national socialist cause.

There are many Jews in the world, and of course it would be ridiculous to assume that a lawyer is a Jewish agent if he simply had a passing connection with a Jewish client.

Armando’s connection is far more serious, especially when viewed alongside work with the police and military, and international work undertaken with the backing of this particular anti-fascist organisation.

Readers should bear in mind that Armando has never at any stage confided in his new comrades, in order to explain his political conversion. His past as the organiser of anti-fascist conferences was completely secret until revealed during this investigation.

ARMANDO THE ANTI-NAZI CONFERENCE ORGANISER

In 2014 and 2015, Armando Rodríguez Pérez was the organiser of two international conferences for the Berg Institute. These were very high-level events lasting in each case for a fortnight, starting in Madrid and moving on to several other European cities. The academic directors of the conference were the two co-directors of the Berg Institute, one of whom was Armando’s academic supervisor, Prof. Joaquin González Ibáñez.

These conferences were imbued with the ‘anti-nazi’ and anti-fascist ethos of the Berg Institute. On 23rd June 2014, the second day of the conference included a homage to an exhibition at the Museo Reina Sofía dedicated to the Picasso painting Guernica, the Spanish town bombed by the Condor Legion (a German force supporting General Franco’s Nationalists) in April 1937 during the Spanish Civil War, which has attained mythic, iconic status for anti-fascists.

A co-director of the Berg Institute gave a lecture to the conference titled ‘Colonialism, World Wars and the Holocaust’, then on 1st July (after the conference participants had visited the European Court of Human Rights), Armando organised a visit to the concentration camp at Natzweiler-Struthof in Alsace. This was the only such camp established by the German authorities on French soil, and is often described as a ‘death camp’. Controversially, there is claimed to have been a homicidal gas chamber at the camp, but only a primitive one supposedly used for occasional experimental killings, not the mass killings alleged at Auschwitz and other camps in Eastern Europe.

The late revisionist scholar Prof. Robert Faurisson analysed this Natzweiler-Struthof ‘gas chamber’ story in detail. Faurisson discovered that even the scientific expert sent by French prosecutors to examine Struthof (Prof. René Fabre, Dean of the Pharmacology Faculty in Paris) concluded in December 1945 that there was no trace of hydrocyanic acid (i.e. the active ingredient in the alleged mass murder weapon ‘Zyklon B’, actually an insecticide) in Struthof’s alleged ‘gas chamber’. Neither did the corpses of allegedly ‘gassed’ victims that Fabre inspected in a Strasbourg morgue show any trace of this poison. Natzweiler-Struthof is thus unique among the alleged ‘death camps’ in having been inspected – not by a ‘revisionist’ but by an expert witness working for the new French government – and found not to have been used in the manner now described by the ‘Holocaust’ industry.

But none of this is mentioned by the Berg Institute, for whom the visit organised by Armando was simply a genuflection at a ‘Holocaust’ site. As with the trip to the Guernica exhibition in Madrid, this was an act of quasi-religious homage to the ‘victims of nazism’. As we shall see, the entire outlook of the Berg Institute is based on Holocaustian foundations.

The day after this act of homage at the ‘death camp’, the conference discussed the Nuremberg trials, which again are fundamental to the version of ‘international human rights law’ promoted by the Berg Institute.

A year later, in June-July 2015, Armando organised a second Berg Institute conference along very similar lines, again incorporating a visit to the Natzweiler-Struthof ‘death camp’. This time there was also a lecture by the academic lawyer Javier Chinchón from Madrid’s Complutense University, on the theme of historical memory and the state’s responsibility to ‘victims’. Chinchón argued that Spain had failed sufficiently to condemn the crimes of the Franco era: he has been one of the main academic lobbyists pushing for a strict ‘democratic memory law’ of the type recently adopted.

Armando’s present client Isabel Peralta has campaigned on the other side of this argument – but at no point has Armando admitted to her that he had himself been the organiser of academic conferences that actively promoted such a law; conferences that were thoroughly imbued with an ‘anti-fascist’ ethos seeking to ground the entire approach to ‘human rights’ in a politically-slanted approach to the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War.

In 2013 an earlier Berg Institute conference – run along similar lines to the two organised by Armando himself during 2014-2015 – was organised by Armando’s partner in the GABEIRO firm, José Feliciano Beceiro Armada. This included a reception hosted by the Colombian Ambassador. (Beceiro and Armando were both involved in the Berg Institute’s training sessions for the Colombian Army and Security Forces.)

Yet again, this conference concluded with a solemn pilgrimage to the ‘death camp’ at Natzweiler-Struthof.

Armando’s colleagues at the Berg Institute have continued to organise these conferences every year, when not disrupted by the pandemic. In 2019 the conference was held in Israel, in coordination with the Berg Institute’s longstanding academic partner, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. It included visits to the ancient historic icon of Masada, where, allegedly, Jewish soldiers killed themselves in 74 AD rather than surrender to Roman forces that had besieged the fortress; to Israel’s parliament, the Knesset; and of course a pilgrimage to the Holocaust Museum, Yad Vashem.

In January 2022 a similar international conference organised by the Berg Institute included a pilgrimage to Auschwitz.

THE BERG INSTITUTE – ROOTED IN ‘HOLOCAUST’ STUDIES AND ANTI-NAZISM

The Berg Institute – for which Armando Rodríguez Pérez has worked and which was the co-organiser of his academic training – specialises in publishing the work of leading Jews in relation to the ‘Holocaust’, war crimes trials, and anti-Nazi activities.

Formally incorporated in 2009 as the Fundación Berg Oceana Aufklarung, its founder and co-director is Joaquín Gonzáles Ibáñez, a professor of international law and international relations at both the long-established Complutense University, Madrid, and at the much newer private university Alfonso X.

Interviewed in January 2019, Prof. Gonzáles explained that the Institute was partly inspired by his political hero Nelson Mandela, and stressed that its entire outlook on “human rights” was rooted in anti-fascism and anti-nazism:
“We always refer to the historic perspective, that probably the three worst legacies in the last centuries, the darkest hours, the darkest chapters, the most infamous moments in the last two centuries in world history were precisely created by Europeans. What I mean are the legacy of colonialism and fascism, all of them are European creations. So, Franco, Mussolini and Hitler and other historical characters are as European as van Gogh, Goya or Picasso. And in this program, we start with Auschwitz and we go to the Modern Art Reina Sofía Museum to encounter the Guernica from Picasso. And we have this tool, which is a legal approach, but also historical, political…”

Prof. Gonzáles went on to describe how his Berg Institute had created “the most important human rights library in the Spanish language.” This began in 2010 with Primo Levi’s Auschwitz Trilogy, which was “the cradle of the project, the first book of the collection, number zero, we were lucky to have the best departure point. …Going to Auschwitz hand in hand with Primo Levi, it shows you not just the past, but what are your main responsibilities towards planet earth.”

At the time of this interview in 2019, the Institute had just published Totalmente Extraoficial, the memoirs of Raphael Lemkin, first published in English in 2013 as Totally Unofficial. Most famous as the man who coined the term ‘genocide’, Lemkin was a Polish Jewish lawyer who moved to the USA and became a special adviser to the US War Department. His 1944 book Axis Rule in Occupied Europe is regarded as a “foundational text in Holocaust studies”, and Lemkin went on to be the senior adviser to Robert H. Jackson, chief counsel to the Nuremberg trials.

The Spanish edition had 70 extra pages drawn from Lemkin’s archive and a prologue by the Spanish writer Antonio Muñoz Molina, a winner of the Jerusalem Prize who now resides in New York. Muñoz also wrote an introduction to the Berg Institute’s 2019 Spanish edition of the memoirs of Europe’s most famous militant “nazi-hunters”, Serge and Beate Klarsfeld (first published in French in 2015 and in English in 2018 as Hunting the Truth: Memoirs of Beate and Serge Klarsfeld). The video below shows an event jointly organised by the Berg Institute and a Jewish cultural centre in Madrid – Centro Sefarad Israel – paying tribute to the Klarsfelds.

It’s now known that the Klarsfelds worked on a regular basis with the communist East German secret police – the Stasi – to demonise Western politicians as “nazis” and stage “anti-nazi” propaganda stunts. They organised many secret operations against national socialist veterans and “neo-nazis” and in 1974 were convicted and given two-month jail sentences (later suspended) for the attempted kidnapping of former SS intelligence officer Kurt Lischka.

The Klarsfelds’ most famous achievements include tracking down former Gestapo officer Klaus Barbie and having him deported from Bolivia to France for trial, and campaigning for the prosecution of retired French police chief Maurice Papon. They also tracked down René Bousquet, a former civil servant in the French government of Philippe Pétain in Vichy. Bousquet was murdered before he could stand trial.

On several occasions the Klarsfelds tried to track down Alois Brunner, a former Third Reich official who lived in Damascus after the war: Beate Klarsfeld even undertook an undercover mission to Syria, where she was briefly jailed.

Since the late 1970s one of the Klarsfelds’ main targets was the French revisionist scholar Prof. Robert Faurisson. They campaigned for his prosecution, testified at his trials, and organised anti-revisionist propaganda in many countries. They have also been active in campaigns against many different varieties of modern-day nationalist politicians, even those such as Marine Le Pen who painstakingly distance themselves from racialism, historical revisionism and ‘anti-semitism’.

The Klarsfelds are highlighted by Berg Institute founder Gonzáles as among his main inspirations, as is Fritz Bauer, the German Jewish judge who was responsible for alerting Israel’s intelligence service Mossad to the whereabouts of Adolf Eichmann, allowing them to begin the operation that ended in his kidnapping from Buenos Aires and subsequent trial and execution. Bauer also led the prosecution at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial that began in 1963, and was the most important ‘Holocaust’-related trial after that of Nuremberg. The Berg Institute worked with the Fritz Bauer Institute to create a “Human Rights Film Award” in joint honour of Fritz Bauer and Raphael Lemkin.

Prof. Gonzáles has said that, while building the Institute, he “personally dreamt of my heroes, Lemkin, Primo Levi, of course, Klarsfeld and finally, Fritz Bauer. …Also, we are working in something special about the Civil War in Spain and the post-civil war and the trauma and the punitive and infamous legacy of Franco´s dictatorship and the luck of a democratic response during the last 40 years of Spanish democracy. We didn’t have in Spain any agenda designed when the Spanish transition unfolded on how to address the human rights violations and crimes of Franco’s dictatorship from 1939 to 1975. Probably few people thought about this necessary scenario.”

In other words, Prof. Gonzáles addresses the failure to institutionalise “anti-fascism” in post-Franco Spain. This deficiency was remedied in 2022 with the “democratic memory law” which demonises Spanish nationalism and enshrines communists and anti-fascists as heroes, and by an accompanying “anti-semitism” law that effectively criminalises criticism of Judaism and many forms of Holocaust revisionism.

Other books published by the Berg Institute include:
– The Spanish edition of Deborah Lipstadt’s El juicio de Eichmann (2019): first published in English in 2011 as The Eichmann Trial.
– The Spanish edition of the memoirs of Richard Sonnenfeldt, a German-Jewish intelligence officer who was personal interpreter to Gen. William Donovan, head of the OSS (precursor to the CIA), and chief interpreter to the US prosecution team at the Nuremberg trials; these memoirs were published in Spanish by the Instituto Berg in 2018 as Testigo en Núremberg; first published in English in 2006 as Witness to Nuremberg.
– A book about American neo-nazis by Aryeh Neier, a German-Jewish lawyer who served for twenty years as president of George Soros’s ‘philanthropic’ network, the Open Society Institute; in the Instituto Berg’s Spanish edition (2020) this book is called Defendiendo a mi enemigo; first published in English in 1979 as Defending My Enemy: American Nazis in Skokie, Illinois, and the Risks of Freedom.
– The memoirs of Sari Nusseibeh, a highly controversial Palestinian seen by many of his countrymen as a traitor because he advocates giving up the Palestinians’ right of return in exchange for unspecified ‘peace’ deals with Israel; Nusseibeh co-founded a joint initiative in 2002 with Ami Ayalon, former head of the Israeli security service Shin Bet; the memoir was published by Instituto Berg in 2020 as Érase una vez un país: una vida palestina (first published in English in 2007 as Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life).
– El juicio del Káiser, by the Canadian Jewish academic William Schabas, a history of the attempt to put German Kaiser Wilhelm II on trial for ‘war crimes’ after the First World War; this Spanish edition was published in 2020; the first English edition in 2018 was titled The Trial of the Kaiser; much of Schabas’s work focuses on the development of human rights law in the context of the ‘Holocaust’ and the Nuremberg trial, though he has sometimes been controversial for his association with the Israeli left-wing and his criticisms of the Netanyahu governments.
– The memoirs of Telford Taylor, an American lawyer and intelligence officer most famous for his role as chief prosecutor at the Nuremberg trial. This was published by Instituto Berg in 2022 as Anatomía de los juicios de Núremberg, and first published in English in 1992 as The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials: A Personal Memoir.
– Justicia Imperfecta by Stuart Eizenstat, published by Instituto Berg in 2019, first published in 2009 as Imperfect Justice: Looted Assets, Slave Labor, and the Unfinished Business of World War II. This is an account of Eizenstat’s role during the 1990s in attempts to obtain financial compensation for Jewish families whose properties, belongings or bank accounts had allegedly been confiscated or otherwise lost during the ‘Holocaust’. Since 2013 he has been the US State Department’s “Special Adviser for Holocaust Issues”, appointed to that role by Hillary Clinton.

It really could not be clearer that the Berg Institute is one of Spain’s leading academic promoters of ‘Holocaust’ studies and is imbued with an anti-fascist and ‘anti-nazi’ ethos. Meanwhile the Berg Institute alumnus Armando Rodríguez Pérez has portrayed himself for the past two years as a militant fascist, national socialist, or national bolshevik: sometimes a Carlist, sometimes a Falangist, sometimes a pro-Franco advocate of an integral Spanish nation, sometimes promoting separatist schemes. While switching switching between factions, Armando has closely associated himself with militant wings of the Spanish ‘far right’. Not only did he act as a lawyer for the leading figures in the now defunct national socialist youth group Bastion Frontal, but he inserted himself into its leadership.

ARMANDO’S INFILTRATION MISSION

In recent months the mission of the anti-fascist infiltrator Armando Rodríguez Pérez has been extended. He has sought to become ever closer to Juan Antonio Llopart, a veteran radical nationalist and publisher. Armando portrays himself as a militant anti-Zionist seeking to liaise with the Iranian government and its allies.

He is now listed as ‘political action secretary’ to Llopart’s new organisation Movimiento Pueblo, which is seeking to register as a political party in time for the 2023 local elections. At a recent Madrid conference that he helped Llopart to organise, Armando met for the first time the British activist Lady Michèle Renouf, who naturally enough assumed that he was a bona fide nationalist and anti-Zionist. During the weekend of 2nd-4th December 2022, Armando attended a small gathering at Lady Renouf’s second home in the German countryside, where fellow guests included some well known figures on the German national socialist scene. Good news for the anti-fascist infiltrator Armando, who will have picked up intelligence and made what he hopes will be useful contacts. Those involved are now being warned as to Armando’s true allegiances, and we hope that the damage will be minimised.

These British and German connections have already allowed Armando Rodríguez Pérez to insinuate himself into a scheme to obtain Iranian assistance for a political fugitive wanted by the German authorities. We are fully informed about this plan, but for obvious reasons are not yet reporting the full details. Steps are being taken to minimise the damage that the anti-fascist infiltrator Armando Rodríguez Pérez can cause – though of course it’s not yet known whether his intention is to sabotage the rescue of this dissident, or to use the entire affair in order to ingratiate himself with Iranian networks and perhaps infiltrate them on behalf of Israeli interests.

What is certain is that Armando Rodríguez Pérez is bad news for nationalists, national socialists, revisionists and anti-Zionists. Several of his inconsistent ideological positions seem to have been adopted with the primary intention of weakening and dividing the radical nationalist movement, both within Spain and internationally.

In January this year when Madrid police were attempting to track down Isabel Peralta (who was at the time temporarily resident in Germany) they were telephoned by a lawyer called Alvaro Domec who claimed to be Isabel’s legal representative. In fact she had never met him, never corresponded with him, and never heard of him, but court papers in her ongoing trial for the May 2021 speech outside the Moroccan Embassy continue to present Domec as having been her lawyer.

For unknown reasons, none of the police and prosecution files relating to the investigation of Isabel Peralta and Bastión Frontal mention Armando Rodríguez Pérez. Moreover, despite the anti-fascist and mainstream media’s intense interest in Bastión Frontal, which was portrayed for much of 2021-2022 as a particularly dangerous and violent ‘neo-nazi’ organisation, no journalist and no ‘anti-fascist’ ever exposed its co-leader ‘Armando Bastión’ as being the outwardly respectable Madrid lawyer Armando Rodríguez Pérez. It is worth mentioning that the legal action brought by Isabel against the Simon Wiesenthal Center and the Jerusalem Post, in which Armando is acting as her legal representative, has twice been extended since no response had been received by the plaintiffs within the required deadline.

Equally mysterious was Armando’s own reticence during March 2022, when his client Isabel Peralta was detained at Frankfurt Airport and questioned, before being expelled from Germany in what appears to be a potentially illegal deportation; and in October 2022 when she was again detained by German police in Hessen and served with an exclusion order. On both occasions she was badly in need of a reliable German lawyer, but Armando gave every impression that he had no German contacts who could help.

At the time of Isabel’s March arrest in Frankfurt, it was the assistant editor of Heritage & Destiny, Peter Rushton – not her Madrid lawyer Armando Rodríguez Pérez – who made contact with an experienced German lawyer from Berlin, Wolfram Nahrath, and asked him to represent Isabel, which he did.

This was then used six or seven months later by the German authorities as ‘evidence’ that Isabel herself had ‘high-level connections’ with ‘German political extremists’.

Completely unknown to Isabel, her Spanish lawyer Armando actually has particularly close associations with German lawyers, a fact that he had studiously avoided mentioning to her. In fact his legal office in Madrid (C. de Serrano, 79, 7d), which was at one time the office of his defunct firm GABEIRO, now operates as the Madrid branch of a legal firm called Strafverteidiger Spanien. This firm has a German name, even though it is based in Barcelona and also has a branch in the tourist resort town of Palma de Mallorca.

The firm is headed by Armando’s friend and colleague María Barbancho Saborit, and specialises in representing German-speaking clients in need of legal representation in Spain, including people accused of financial crimes and/or facing European arrest warrants.

Ms Barbancho Saborit seems to be of part-German ancestry, and was educated at the Deutsche Schule in Barcelona, before spending part of her university course at Heidelberg. There is no suggestion that Ms Barbancho Saborit is necessarily party to or even aware of Armando’s double life inside European national socialist movements. She is qualified in both Spanish and German law.

CONCLUSION

The infiltration mission of Armando Rodríguez Pérez as a spy within radical nationalist and national socialist circles raises serious questions about the Spanish justice system.

How can it be right for an infiltrator to act as the legal representative for someone accused of political crimes, when unbeknown to his client, the lawyer concerned has a long record of association with completely opposed political ideas?

Naturally it is possible for a lawyer to represent someone whose views he does not share. But in this case Armando Rodríguez Pérez pretended to share those views – in fact acted as a leader of the political groups concerned as well as lawyer for their activists – while actually having a longstanding allegiance to opposing forces.

It is urgently necessary for the present prosecution of Isabel Peralta to be abandoned, and for the Spanish secret police and prosecutors to explain just how much they know about the real agenda of Armando Rodríguez Pérez.

Meanwhile we shall continue to work with those in nationalist, national socialist, revisionist and anti-Zionist movements in various countries in an effort to minimise and repair the damage inflicted by Armando Rodríguez Pérez.

As Friedrich Nietzsche wrote more than a century ago: Aus der Kriegsschule des Lebens – Was mich nicht umbringt, macht mich stärker. “From the military school of life – What fails to kill me, makes me stronger.”

ANTIFASCHISTISCHER SPION ENTLARVT

Eine führende Persönlichkeit in mehreren radikalen nationalistischen, nationalsozialistischen und antizionistischen Gruppen in Spanien wird heute als verdeckter „antifaschistischer“ Agent entlarvt.

Seit Ende 2020 und mit zunehmender Bedeutung seit Ende 2021 führt Armando Rodríguez Pérez ein Doppelleben.

Ein Gesicht von Armando Rodríguez Pérez ist ein Anwalt mit einem akademischen Schwerpunkt auf Menschenrechten, der Konferenzen mit einem stark „antifaschistischen“ Thema organisiert und im Madrider Büro einer Anwaltskanzlei aufgeführt ist, die deutsch- und englischsprachige Mandanten in Spanien berät.

Das andere Gesicht von Armando Rodríguez Pérez ist ein radikaler Führer der „extremen Rechten“, der nicht nur einige der bekanntesten Nationalsozialisten Spaniens vertritt, sondern auch eine aktive Rolle bei der Führung ihrer Organisationen übernimmt. Dies wirft beunruhigende Fragen darüber auf, inwieweit er und diejenigen, die ihn kontrollieren, die Grenze zwischen Infiltrator und Agent Provocateur überschritten haben könnten.

Von November bis Dezember 2022 hat Armando Rodríguez Pérez (kürzlich unter Verwendung der Online-Identität „Armando Renacer“):
(1) „politische Aktionssekretärin“ für eine neue Bewegung werden, die die „nationalbolschewistische“ Fraktion der „extremen Rechten“ Spaniens vertritt;
(2) infiltrierte den Kreis einer britischen politischen Aktivistin und reiste zu ihrem Haus in Deutschland, wo er mehrere führende deutsche nationalsozialistische Aktivisten traf;
(3) bot sich freiwillig als Verbindungsmann an zwischen einem flüchtigen politischen Dissidenten und der iranischen Regierung fungieren.

Bis zur Auflösung der Gruppe vor zwei Monaten war Armando Rodríguez Pérez mehr als ein Jahr lang Co-Leiter einer nationalsozialistischen Jugendgruppe, Bastión Frontal, und organisierte internationale Verbindungen mit ähnlichen Gruppen in Frankreich, Italien, Serbien, Polen und anderswo.

Und bis heute fungiert er als Anwalt der Aktivistin, die Bastión Frontal, die 20-jährige Studentin Isabel Peralta, international medial auf sich aufmerksam machte.

Doch Armando Rodríguez Pérez ist nicht das, was er zu sein scheint.

EINSCHLEUSUNG VON RECHTSEXTREMISTEN

Im Sommer 2020 – in den ersten Monaten der Pandemie – begann Spaniens Geheimpolizei (die CGI, was in etwa dem Bundeskriminalamt in Deutschland entspricht) die Aktivitäten einer neuen nationalsozialistischen Jugendgruppe, Bastión, zu überwachen Frontal, dessen Aktivitäten sowohl die Bekämpfung der illegalen Einwanderung (insbesondere Straßenbanden von Einwanderern) als auch die Aufmerksamkeit auf die wirtschaftliche Notlage vieler Spanier der Arbeiterklasse umfassten, die unter Pandemiebeschränkungen leiden.

Eine 18-jährige Geschichtsstudentin an der Complutense-Universität Madrid, Isabel Peralta, wurde erstmals im September 2020 von der Geheimpolizei bei einer Aktivität von Bastión Frontal beobachtet. Sie zuvor in anderen Falangisten aktiv gewesen Gruppen, waren aber von einigen ihrer reaktionären und korrupten Führer desillusioniert worden. Isabel erregte am 13. Februar 2021 internationale Aufmerksamkeit, als sie eine Rede zu Ehren der heldenhaften antikommunistischen Freiwilligen der Blauen Division (División Azul) hielt, die nach 1941 an der Ostfront gegen Stalins Rote Armee kämpften.

Ende 2020 tauchte plötzlich der 30-jährige Anwalt namens Armando Rodríguez Pérez in „rechtsextremen“ Kreisen auf. Er tauchte zunächst unter Fußball-Ultras im ruppigen Madrider Stadtteil San Blas-Canillejas auf, hielt dann bei einem Treffen militärhistorisch interessierter Nationalsozialisten eine Rede über die Kriegsbilanz der Blauen Division. Er hatte keine bekannte frühere politische Aktivität oder auch nur die entfernteste Verbindung zu irgendeiner Form nationalistischer Bewegung. Niemand wusste etwas über ihn und niemand überprüfte ihn. Aus Gründen, die heute mysteriös erscheinen, wurde Armando von verschiedenen radikalen Fraktionen als Kamerad akzeptiert, von denen jede vielleicht annahm, dass jemand anderes für ihn bürgte.

Armando erhöhte seine Glaubwürdigkeit in solchen Kreisen, indem er sich an Bastión Frontal klammerte, nachdem es zum sichtbarsten Gesicht des spanischen radikalen Nationalismus geworden war, vor allem dank seiner Co-Führerin Isabel Peralta.

Innerhalb kürzester Zeit avancierte er zu einem der führenden Köpfe dieser nationalsozialistischen Jugendgruppe, teils weil er einige Jahre älter war, teils weil er ihnen kostenlose Rechtsberatung bot und sie sogar unentgeltlich vor Gericht vertrat.

Bald nannte er sich „Armando Bastión“ und hielt regelmäßig Reden bei den Treffen der Gruppe, außerdem fungierte er als Moderator für ihr Online-Telegram-Forum. Nachdem Isabel Peralta Ende 2021 und Anfang 2022 für einige Monate nach Deutschland gezogen war, etablierte sich Armando Rodríguez Pérez als effektiver Anführer von Bastión Frontal, insbesondere nachdem Co-Anführer Rodrigo Miguélez inhaftiert wurde. Armando vertrat sowohl Rodrigo als auch Isabel in mehreren Straf- und Zivilsachen.

Im Herbst 2022 brach Bastión Frontal zusammen, aber Armando Rodríguez Pérez vertritt Isabel weiterhin in einem langjährigen Strafverfahren, in dem Staatsanwälte versuchen, sie wegen einer Rede bei einer Anti-Einwanderungs-Kundgebung vor der marokkanischen Botschaft im Mai 2021 ins Gefängnis zu bringen Er vertritt sie auch in einer laufenden Zivilklage, die sie gegen das in den USA ansässige Simon Wiesenthal Center und die Jerusalem Post angestrengt hat.

Doch in diesen beiden Fällen (und früheren rechtlichen Problemen im Zusammenhang mit Aktivisten von Bastión Frontal) hatte Armando Rodríguez Pérez einen Interessenkonflikt, der es ihm grob unangemessen machte, im Namen solcher Klienten zu handeln. Während sie militante Nationalisten, Nationalsozialisten und Antizionisten waren, hat Armando Rodríguez Pérez einen langen Hintergrund (den er vor seinen neuen Kunden und „Kameraden“ verschleiert hat) und arbeitet für eine ausdrücklich antifaschistische und antinazistische akademische Stiftung mit engen Verbindungen zu Israel und internationale jüdische Organisationen.

ARMANDO UND DAS BERG-INSTITUT

Armando Rodríguez Pérez kam plötzlich in nationalistische / nationalsozialistische Kreise, nachdem er mehrere Jahre lang bei einer wichtigen akademischen Organisation gearbeitet hatte, die sich auf „Holocaust“-Studien und andere „antifaschistische“ Themen spezialisiert hat, dem in Madrid ansässigen Berg-Institut (Instituto Berg).

Er studierte ein Jahr an der Hebräischen Universität Jerusalem. Seine Biografie auf der spanischen Version der Website seiner ehemaligen Anwaltskanzlei wurde später bearbeitet, um den Verweis auf seine Zeit in Jerusalem zu entfernen, aber ein früherer englischsprachiger Entwurf derselben Seite enthält diesen Verweis immer noch.

Armandos Master-Abschluss in „Internationalen Beziehungen, Völkerrecht und Konfliktlösung“ wurde gemeinsam mit der Universität Alfonso X el Sabio, Madrid, durchgeführt, die „University for Peace“ der UNO, und das Berg-Institut.

Anschließend arbeitete er als Teil des „akademischen Koordinationsteams“ des Berg-Instituts und nahm an den gemeinsamen Trainingsprogrammen des Instituts mit der kolumbianischen Armee und den Sicherheitskräften teil.

Mit anderen Worten, Armando Rodríguez Pérez hat nicht einfach nur in Israel studiert oder war zufällig mit dem Berg-Institut verbunden: er war tatsächlich Organisator und Koordinator mehrerer ihrer Projekte. Dies ist besonders beunruhigend, wenn man sich die Inhalte der von ihm organisierten Konferenzen genauer ansieht.

Ähnliche Verbindungen zum Berg-Institut gab es mit den beiden engen Freunden, mit denen Armando Rodríguez Pérez 2015 in Madrid eine Anwaltskanzlei namens GABEIRO gründete – José Feliciano Beceiro Armada und Jesús Gavilán Hormigo. Gavilán studierte 2014 zusammen mit Armando in Jerusalem und arbeitete für die Fundación Internacional Baltasar Garzón, benannt nach Spaniens berüchtigtstem linken, „antifaschistischen“ Richter. Während Beceiro Armandos unmittelbarer Vorgänger als Organisator der internationalen Konferenz des Berg-Instituts war.

Ein vierter Anwalt, der Teil dieser kurzlebigen GABEIRO-Kanzlei in Madrid war (Álvaro Domec López), wurde im Januar 2022 von Armando in Isabel Peraltas Strafverfahren gebracht – eine Tatsache, die Isabel selbst völlig unbekannt war, bis sie in Gerichtsdokumenten aufgedeckt wurde.

Es ist notwendig, dieses Berg-Institut genauer zu betrachten, für das Armando Rodríguez Pérez vor seiner plötzlichen „Konversion“ zur radikal nationalistischen / nationalsozialistischen Sache als Koordinator / Organisator fungierte.

Es gibt viele Juden auf der Welt, und natürlich wäre es lächerlich anzunehmen, dass ein Anwalt ein jüdischer Agent ist, wenn er nur eine vorübergehende Verbindung mit einem jüdischen Klienten hat.

Armandos Verbindung ist weitaus ernster, insbesondere wenn man sie neben der Arbeit mit der Polizei und dem Militär und der internationalen Arbeit betrachtet, die mit der Unterstützung dieser speziellen antifaschistischen Organisation durchgeführt wird.

Die Leser sollten bedenken, dass Armando sich zu keinem Zeitpunkt seinen neuen Kameraden anvertraut hat, um seine politische Bekehrung zu erklären. Seine Vergangenheit als Organisator antifaschistischer Konferenzen war völlig geheim, bis sie im Rahmen dieser Ermittlungen ans Licht kam.

ARMANDO DER ANTI-NAZI-KONFERENZORGANISATOR

2014 und 2015 war Armando Rodríguez Pérez Organisator von zwei internationalen Konferenzen für das Berg Institute. Dies waren Veranstaltungen auf sehr hohem Niveau, die jeweils 14 Tage dauerten, beginnend in Madrid und dann in mehreren anderen europäischen Städten. Akademische Leiter der Konferenz waren die beiden Co-Direktoren des Berg-Instituts, einer von ihnen war Armandos akademischer Betreuer, Prof. Joaquin González Ibáñez.

Diese Konferenzen waren vom „anti-nazi“- und antifaschistischen Ethos des Berg-Instituts durchdrungen. Der zweite Tag der Konferenz am 23. Juni 2014 beinhaltete eine Hommage an eine Ausstellung im Museo Reina Sofía, die dem Picasso-Gemälde Guernica gewidmet war, das die Bombardierung einer spanischen Stadt im April 1937 während des Bürgerkriegs durch die Legion Condor darstellt ( eine deutsche Truppe, die die Nationalisten von General Franco unterstützt). Guernica hat für Antifaschisten einen mythischen, ikonischen Status erlangt.

Ein Co-Direktor des Berg-Instituts hielt einen Vortrag auf der Konferenz mit dem Titel „Kolonialismus, Weltkriege und der Holocaust“, dann organisierte Armando am 1. Juli (nachdem die Konferenzteilnehmer den Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte besucht hatten) einen Besuch im Konzentrationslager in Natzweiler-Struthof im Elsass. Dies war das einzige derartige Lager, das von den deutschen Behörden auf französischem Boden errichtet wurde, und wird oft als „Todeslager“ bezeichnet. Umstritten ist, dass es im Lager eine Menschengaskammer gegeben haben soll, aber nur eine primitive, die für gelegentliche experimentelle Tötungen verwendet wurde, nicht die Massentötungen, die in Auschwitz und anderen Lagern in Osteuropa behauptet werden.

Der verstorbene revisionistische Gelehrte Prof. Robert Faurisson hat diese „Gaskammer“-Geschichte von Natzweiler-Struthof im Detail analysierte. Faurisson entdeckte, dass selbst der von Französische Staatsanwälten zur Untersuchung von Struthof entsandte wissenschaftliche Sachverständige (Prof. René Fabre, Dekan der Fakultät für Pharmakologie in Paris) im Dezember 1945 zu dem Schluss kam, dass keine Spur von Blausäure (also der Wirkstoff der angeblichen Massenmordwaffe Zyklon B, eigentlich ein Insektizid) in Struthofs angeblicher ‘Gaskammer’. Auch die Leichen angeblich „vergaster“ Opfer, die Fabre in einem Straßburger Leichenschauhaus untersuchte, zeigten keine Spuren dieses Giftes. Natzweiler-Struthof ist damit einzigartig unter den angeblichen „Todeslagern“, da es – nicht von einem „Revisionisten“, sondern von einem Sachverständigen, der für die neue französische Regierung arbeitet – inspiziert und festgestellt wurde, dass es nicht in der jetzt beschriebenen Weise vom „Holocaust“ Industrie.

Aber nichts davon wird vom Berg-Institut erwähnt, für das der von Armando organisierte Besuch einfach ein Kniefall an einer „Holocaust“-Stätte war. Wie schon bei der Reise zur Guernica-Ausstellung in Madrid handelte es sich um eine quasi-religiöse Hommage an die „Opfer des Nationalsozialismus“. Wie wir sehen werden, basiert die gesamte Sichtweise des Berg-Instituts auf den Grundlagen des „Holocaust“.

Am Tag nach dieser Huldigung im „Todeslager“ diskutierte die Konferenz die Nürnberger Prozesse, die wiederum grundlegend für die vom Berg-Institut propagierte Version des „internationalen Menschenrechts“ sind.

Ein Jahr später, im Juni-Juli 2015, organisierte Armando eine zweite Konferenz des Berg-Instituts nach sehr ähnlichen Grundsätzen, die wiederum einen Besuch im „Todeslager“ Natzweiler-Struthof beinhaltete. Diesmal gab es auch einen Vortrag des akademischen Juristen Javier Chinchón von der Universität Complutense in Madrid zum Thema historisches Gedächtnis und die Verantwortung des Staates gegenüber „Opfern“. Chinchón argumentierte, dass Spanien es versäumt habe, die Verbrechen der Franco-Ära ausreichend zu verurteilen: Er war einer der wichtigsten akademischen Lobbyisten, der auf ein strenges „Gesetz zum demokratischen Gedächtnis“ der Art drängte, wie es kürzlich verabschiedet wurde.

Armandos jetzige Klientin Isabel Peralta hat sich auf die andere Seite dieses Arguments gestellt – aber Armando hat ihr gegenüber zu keinem Zeitpunkt zugegeben, dass er selbst der Organisator von akademischen Konferenzen war, die ein solches Gesetz aktiv gefördert haben; Konferenzen, die von einem „antifaschistischen“ Ethos durchdrungen waren und versuchten, die gesamte Herangehensweise an die „Menschenrechte“ auf eine politisch orientierte Herangehensweise an den spanischen Bürgerkrieg und den Zweiten Weltkrieg zu gründen.

Im Jahr 2013 wurde eine frühere Konferenz des Berg-Instituts – ähnlich wie die beiden von Armando selbst in den Jahren 2014-2015 organisierten – von Armandos Partner in der Kanzlei GABEIRO, José Feliciano Beceiro Armada, organisiert. Dazu gehörte ein vom kolumbianischen Botschafter ausgerichteter Empfang. (Beceiro und Armando waren beide an den Schulungen des Berg-Instituts für die kolumbianische Armee und die Sicherheitskräfte beteiligt.)

Auch diese Konferenz endete mit einer feierlichen Wallfahrt in das „Todeslager“ Natzweiler-Struthof.

Armandos Kollegen am Berg-Institut haben diese Konferenzen weiterhin jedes Jahr organisiert, wenn sie nicht durch die Pandemie unterbrochen wurden. 2019 fand die Konferenz in Abstimmung mit der langjährigen akademischen Partner des Berg-Instituts, der Hebrew University of Jerusalem, in Israel statt. Es beinhaltete Besuche der alten historischen Ikone von Masada, wo sich angeblich jüdische Soldaten und Zivilisten im Jahr 74 n. Chr. Umbrachten, anstatt sich den römischen Streitkräften zu ergeben, die die Festung belagert hatten; an Israels Parlament, die Knesset; und natürlich eine Wallfahrt zum Holocaust-Museum Yad Vashem.

Im Januar 2022 beinhaltete eine ähnliche internationale Konferenz, die vom Berg-Institut organisiert wurde, eine Pilgerfahrt nach Auschwitz.

DAS BERG-INSTITUT – VERWURZELT IN „HOLOCAUST“-STUDIEN UND ANTI-NAZISMUS

Das Berg Institute – für das Armando Rodríguez Pérez arbeitete und Mitorganisator seiner akademischen Ausbildung war – ist auf die Veröffentlichung der Arbeiten führender Juden in Bezug auf den „Holocaust“, Kriegsverbrecherprozesse und Anti-Nazi-Aktivitäten spezialisiert.

2009 offiziell als Fundación Berg Oceana Aufklarung gegründet, ist ihr Gründer und Co-Direktor Joaquín Gonzáles Ibáñez, Professor für internationales Recht und internationale Beziehungen sowohl an der traditionsreichen Universität Complutense in Madrid als auch an der viel neueren privaten Universität Alfons X.

In einem Interview im Januar 2019 erklärte Prof. Gonzáles, dass das Institut teilweise von seinem politischen Helden Nelson Mandela inspiriert sei, und betonte, dass seine gesamte Sichtweise auf „Menschenrechte“ im Antifaschismus und Antinazismus verwurzelt sei:
„Wir beziehen uns immer auf die historische Perspektive, dass die wahrscheinlich drei schlimmsten Hinterlassenschaften der letzten Jahrhunderte, die dunkelsten Stunden, die dunkelsten Kapitel, die berüchtigtsten Momente der letzten zwei Jahrhunderte der Weltgeschichte ausgerechnet von Europäern geschaffen wurden. Was ich meine, sind die Hinterlassenschaften des Kolonialismus und des Faschismus, allesamt europäische Schöpfungen. So sind Franco, Mussolini und Hitler und andere historische Persönlichkeiten so europäisch wie van Gogh, Goya oder Picasso. Und in diesem Programm beginnen wir mit Auschwitz und gehen zum Modern Art Reina Sofía Museum, um der Guernica von Picasso zu begegnen. Und wir haben dieses Werkzeug, das ein rechtlicher Ansatz ist, aber auch historisch, politisch …“

Prof. Gonzáles beschrieb weiter, wie sein Berg-Institut „die wichtigste Menschenrechtsbibliothek in spanischer Sprache“ geschaffen habe. Dies begann 2010 mit Primo Levis Auschwitz-Trilogie, die „die Wiege des Projekts war, das erste Buch der Sammlung, Nummer null, wir hatten das Glück, den besten Ausgangspunkt zu haben. … Hand in Hand mit Primo Levi nach Auschwitz zu gehen, zeigt dir nicht nur die Vergangenheit, sondern auch deine Hauptverantwortung gegenüber dem Planeten Erde.“

Zum Zeitpunkt dieses Interviews im Jahr 2019 hatte das Institut gerade Totalmente Extraoficial veröffentlicht, die Memoiren von Raphael Lemkin, die erstmals 2013 als Totally Unofficial auf Englisch veröffentlicht wurden. Am bekanntesten als der Mann, der den Begriff „Völkermord“ prägte, war Lemkin ein polnisch-jüdischer Anwalt, der in die USA zog und Sonderberater des US-Kriegsministeriums wurde. Sein Buch Axis Rule in Occupied Europe aus dem Jahr 1944 gilt als „Grundlagentext der Holocaust-Studien“, und Lemkin war später der leitende Berater von Robert H. Jackson, dem Chefanwalt der Nürnberger Prozesse.

Die spanische Ausgabe enthielt 70 zusätzliche Seiten aus Lemkins Archiv und einen Prolog des spanischen Schriftstellers Antonio Muñoz Molina, einem Gewinner des Jerusalem-Preises, der jetzt in New York lebt. Muñoz schrieb auch eine Einleitung zur spanischen Ausgabe 2019 des Berg-Instituts der Memoiren der berühmtesten militanten „Nazi-Jäger“ Europas, Serge und Beate Klarsfeld (erstmals 2015 auf Französisch und 2018 auf Englisch als Hunting the Truth: Memoirs of Beate and Serge Klarsfeld). Das folgende Video zeigt eine gemeinsam vom Berg Institute und einem jüdischen Kulturzentrum in Madrid – Centro Sefarad Israel – organisierte Veranstaltung zu Ehren der Klarsfelds.

Inzwischen ist bekannt, dass die Klarsfelds regelmäßig mit der kommunistischen ostdeutschen Geheimpolizei – der Stasi – zusammenarbeiteten, um westliche Politiker als „Nazis“ zu verteufeln und „Anti-Nazi“-Propaganda-Stunts zu inszenieren. Sie organisierten zahlreiche Geheimoperationen gegen NS-Veteranen und „Neonazis“ und wurden 1974 wegen versuchter Entführung des ehemaligen SS-Geheimdienstoffiziers Kurt Lischka zu zweimonatiger Haftstrafe (später zur Bewährung) verurteilt.

Zu den berühmtesten Errungenschaften der Klarsfelds gehört es, den ehemaligen Gestapo-Offizier Klaus Barbie aufzuspüren und ihn zur Verhandlung von Bolivien nach Frankreich deportieren zu lassen, und sich für die Verfolgung des pensionierte Polizeipräfekt von Paris Maurice Papon einzusetzen. Sie machten auch René Bousquet ausfindig, einen ehemaligen Beamten in der Regierung von Philippe Pétain in Vichy. Bousquet wurde ermordet, bevor er vor Gericht stand.

Mehrfach versuchten die Klarsfelds, Alois Brunner, um einen ehemaligen Beamten des Dritten Reiches aufzuspüren, der nach dem Krieg in Damaskus lebte: Beate Klarsfeld unternahm sogar einen Undercover-Einsatz nach Syrien, wo sie kurzzeitig inhaftiert wurde.

Eines der Hauptziele der Klarsfelds war seit den späten 1970er Jahren der französische revisionistische Gelehrte Prof. Robert Faurisson. Sie setzten sich für seine Anklage ein, sagten bei seinen Prozessen aus und organisierten in vielen Ländern antirevisionistische Propaganda. Sie waren auch in Kampagnen gegen viele verschiedene Arten moderner nationalistischer Politiker aktiv, sogar gegen solche wie Marine Le Pen, die sich akribisch von Rassismus, Geschichtsrevisionismus und „Antisemitismus“ distanzieren.

Die Klarsfelds werden vom Gründer des Berg-Instituts, Gonzáles, als eine seiner Hauptinspirationen hervorgehoben, ebenso wie Fritz Bauer, der deutsch-jüdische Richter, der dafür verantwortlich war, den israelischen Geheimdienst Mossad auf den Aufenthaltsort von Adolf Eichmann aufmerksam zu machen, damit sie die Operation beginnen konnten, die mit seiner Entführung aus Buenos Aires und dem anschließenden Prozess und der Hinrichtung endete. Bauer leitete auch die Anklage bei den Frankfurter Auschwitz-Prozessen, die 1963 begannen und die nach Nürnberg die wichtigsten „Holocaust“-Prozesse waren. Das Berg Institute hat gemeinsam mit dem Fritz Bauer Institut einen „Human Rights Film Award“ zu Ehren von Fritz Bauer und Raphael Lemkin ins Leben gerufen.

Prof. Gonzáles hat gesagt, dass er beim Aufbau des Instituts: „persönlich habe von meinen Helden geträumt, Lemkin, natürlich Primo Levi, Klarsfeld und schließlich Fritz Bauer. …Außerdem arbeiten wir an etwas Besonderem über den Bürgerkrieg in Spanien und den Post-Bürgerkrieg und das Trauma und das strafende und berüchtigte Erbe der Franco-Diktatur und das Glück einer demokratischen Antwort während der letzten 40 Jahre der spanischen Demokratie . Als sich der spanische Übergang abspielte, hatten wir in Spanien keine Agenda dafür, wie die Menschenrechtsverletzungen und Verbrechen der Franco-Diktatur von 1939 bis 1975 angegangen werden sollten. Wahrscheinlich haben nur wenige Menschen über dieses notwendige Szenario nachgedacht.“

Mit anderen Worten, Prof. Gonzáles spricht das Versäumnis an, den „Antifaschismus“ im Post-Franco-Spanien zu institutionalisieren. Dieser Mangel wurde 2022 mit dem „Gesetz zur demokratischen Erinnerung“, das den spanischen Nationalismus dämonisiert und Kommunisten und Antifaschisten als Helden verehrt, und durch ein begleitendes „Antisemitismus“-Gesetz, das Kritik am Judentum und viele Formen des Holocaust-Revisionismus effektiv kriminalisiert, behoben.

Weitere vom Berg-Institut herausgegebene Bücher sind:
– Die spanische Ausgabe von Deborah Lipstadts El juicio de Eichmann (2019: erstmals 2011 in englischer Sprache als The Eichmann Trial veröffentlicht).
– Die spanische Ausgabe der Memoiren von Richard Sonnenfeldt, einem deutsch-jüdischen Geheimdienstoffizier, der persönlicher Dolmetscher von General William Donovan, Leiter des OSS (Vorläufer der CIA), und Chefdolmetscher des US-Anklageteams bei den Nürnberger Prozessen war ; diese Memoiren wurden 2018 vom Instituto Berg in spanischer Sprache als Testigo en Núremberg veröffentlicht; erstmals 2006 in englischer Sprache als Witness to Nürnberg veröffentlicht.
– Ein Buch über amerikanische Neonazis von Aryeh Neier, einer deutsch-jüdischen Anwältin, die zwanzig Jahre lang als Präsidentin des „philanthropischen“ Netzwerks von George Soros, dem Open Society Institute, tätig war; in der spanischen Ausgabe des Instituto Berg (2020) heißt dieses Buch Defendiendo a mi enemigo; erstmals 1979 in englischer Sprache als Defending My Enemy: American Nazis in Skokie, Illinois, and the Risks of Freedom veröffentlicht.
– Die Memoiren von Sari Nusseibeh, einem höchst umstrittenen Palästinenser, der von vielen seiner Landsleute als Verräter angesehen wird, weil er dafür plädiert, das Rückkehrrecht der Palästinenser im Austausch für nicht näher bezeichnete „Friedensabkommen“ mit Israel aufzugeben; Nusseibeh war 2002 Mitbegründer einer gemeinsamen Initiative mit Ami Ayalon, dem ehemaligen Leiter des israelischen Sicherheitsdienstes Shin Bet; Die Memoiren wurden 2020 vom Instituto Berg als Érase una vez un país: una vida palestina veröffentlicht (erstmals 2007 in englischer Sprache als Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life veröffentlicht).
– El juicio del Káiser, von dem kanadisch-jüdischen Akademiker William Schabas, eine Geschichte des Versuchs, den deutschen Kaiser Wilhelm II. nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg wegen „Kriegsverbrechen“ vor Gericht zu stellen; diese spanische Ausgabe wurde 2020 veröffentlicht; die erste englische Ausgabe im Jahr 2018 trug den Titel The Trial of the Kaiser; Ein Großteil der Arbeit von Schabas konzentriert sich auf die Entwicklung des Menschenrechtsgesetzes im Zusammenhang mit dem „Holocaust“ und der Nürnberger Prozess, obwohl er manchmal wegen seiner Verbindung mit der israelischen Linken und seiner Kritik an den Netanjahu-Regierungen umstritten war.
– Die Memoiren von Telford Taylor, einem amerikanischen Anwalt und Geheimdienstoffizier, der vor allem für seine Rolle als Oberstaatsanwalt bei den Nürnberger Prozessen bekannt ist. Dies wurde 2022 vom Instituto Berg als Anatomía de los juicios de Núremberg veröffentlicht und 1992 erstmals in englischer Sprache als The Anatomy of the Nürnberg Trials: A Personal Memoir veröffentlicht.
– Justicia Imperfecta von Stuart Eizenstat, veröffentlicht vom Instituto Berg im Jahr 2019, erstmals veröffentlicht im Jahr 2009 als Imperfect Justice: Looted Assets, Slave Labour, and the Unfinished Business of World War II. Dies ist ein Bericht über die Rolle von Eizenstat in den 1990er Jahren bei dem Versuch, eine finanzielle Entschädigung für jüdische Familien bei Versuchen zu erhalten, deren Eigentum, Besitztümer oder Bankkonten angeblich beschlagnahmt wurden oder während des „Holocaust“ auf andere Weise verloren gegangen waren. Seit 2013 ist er „Special Adviser for Holocaust Issues“ des US-Außenministeriums, der von Hillary Clinton in diese Rolle berufen wurde.

Es könnte wirklich nicht klarer sein, dass das Berg-Institut einer der führenden akademischen Förderer von „Holocaust“-Studien in Spanien ist und von einem antifaschistischen und „anti-nazis“ Ethos durchdrungen ist. In der Zwischenzeit hat sich der Alumnus des Berg-Instituts, Armando Rodríguez Pérez, in den letzten zwei Jahren als militanter Faschist, Nationalsozialist oder Nationalbolschewik dargestellt: manchmal als Carlist, manchmal als Falangist, manchmal als Pro-Franco-Verfechter einer integralen spanischen Nation, manchmal als Werber separatistische Pläne. Während er zwischen den Fraktionen wechselte, hat sich Armando eng mit militanten Flügeln der spanischen „extremen Rechten“ verbunden. Er fungierte nicht nur als Anwalt für die führenden Persönlichkeiten der inzwischen aufgelösten nationalsozialistischen Jugendgruppe Bastion Frontal, sondern fügte sich auch in deren Führung ein.

ARMANDO’S INFILTRATIONSMISSION

In den letzten Monaten wurde die Mission des antifaschistischen Eindringlings Armando Rodríguez Pérez verlängert. Er hat versucht, Juan Antonio Llopart, einem altgedienten radikalen Nationalisten und Verleger, immer näher zu kommen. Armando stellt sich selbst als militanten Antizionisten dar, der versucht, mit der iranischen Regierung und ihren Verbündeten Verbindung aufzunehmen. Seit Kurzem verwendet er den Online-Namen Armando Renacer1521.

Er ist jetzt als „politischer Aktionssekretär“ von Lloparts neuer Organisation Movimiento Pueblo aufgeführt, die versucht, sich rechtzeitig für die Kommunalwahlen im 2023 als politische Partei registrieren zu lassen. Auf einer Konferenz in Madrid, bei deren Organisation er Llopart half, traf Armando zum ersten Mal die britische Aktivistin Lady Michèle Renouf, die natürlich davon ausging, dass er ein echter Nationalist und Antizionist sei. Am Wochenende vom 2. bis 4. Dezember 2022 nahm Armando an einem kleinen Treffen in Lady Renoufs Zweitwohnsitz auf dem deutschen Land teil, bei dem einige bekannte Persönlichkeiten der deutschen nationalsozialistischen Szene zu den Gästen gehörten. Gute Nachrichten für den antifaschistischen Infiltrator Armando, der Informationen gesammelt und hoffentlich nützliche Kontakte geknüpft haben wird. Die Beteiligten werden jetzt vor Armandos wahren Loyalitäten gewarnt, und wir hoffen, dass der Schaden minimiert wird.

Diese britischen und deutschen Verbindungen haben es Armando Rodríguez Pérez bereits ermöglicht, sich in ein Schema einzuschleichen, um iranische Unterstützung für einen von den deutschen Behörden gesuchten politischen Flüchtling zu erhalten. Wir sind vollständig über diesen Plan informiert, berichten aber aus offensichtlichen Gründen noch nicht über die vollständigen Details. Es werden Schritte unternommen, um den Schaden zu minimieren, den der antifaschistische Eindringling Armando Rodríguez Pérez anrichten kann – wobei natürlich noch nicht bekannt ist, ob er beabsichtigt, die Rettung dieses Dissidenten zu sabotieren oder die ganze Affäre zu nutzen, um sich einzuschmeicheln mit iranischen Netzwerken zu vernetzen und sie vielleicht zugunsten israelischer Interessen zu infiltrieren.

Sicher ist, dass Armando Rodríguez Pérez eine schlechte Nachricht für Nationalisten, Nationalsozialisten, Revisionisten und Antizionisten ist. Mehrere seiner widersprüchlichen ideologischen Positionen scheinen mit der primären Absicht angenommen worden zu sein, die radikale nationalistische Bewegung sowohl innerhalb Spaniens als auch international zu schwächen und zu spalten.

Als die Madrider Polizei im Januar dieses Jahres versuchte, Isabel Peralta (die sich zu der Zeit vorübergehend in Deutschland aufhielt) aufzuspüren, wurde sie von einem Anwalt namens Alvaro Domec angerufen, der behauptete, Isabels gesetzlicher Vertreter zu sein. Tatsächlich hatte sie ihn nie getroffen, nie mit ihm korrespondiert und nie von ihm gehört, aber Gerichtsakten in ihrem laufenden Prozess für die Rede im Mai 2021 vor der marokkanischen Botschaft stellen Domec weiterhin als ihren Anwalt dar.

Aus unbekannten Gründen wird Armando Rodríguez Pérez in keiner der Polizei- und Staatsanwaltschaftsakten im Zusammenhang mit den Ermittlungen gegen Isabel Peralta und Bastión Frontal erwähnt. Darüber hinaus hat trotz des intensiven Interesses der antifaschistischen und Mainstream-Medien an Bastión Frontal, das für einen Großteil der Jahre 2021-2022 als eine besonders gefährliche und gewalttätige „Neonazi“-Organisation dargestellt wurde, kein Journalist und kein „Antifaschist“ jemals dies entlarvt Co-Leader ‘Armando Bastión’ als der äußerlich respektable Madrider Anwalt Armando Rodríguez Pérez.

Ebenso mysteriös war Armandos eigene Zurückhaltung im März 2022, als seine Mandantin Isabel Peralta am Frankfurter Flughafen festgenommen und verhört wurde, bevor sie in einer scheinbar illegalen Abschiebung aus Deutschland ausgewiesen wurde; und im Oktober 2022, als sie erneut von der deutschen Polizei in Hessen festgenommen und mit einer Ausschlussverfügung belegt wurde. Beide Male brauchte sie dringend einen zuverlässigen deutschen Anwalt, aber Armando machte den Eindruck, als hätte er keine deutschen Kontakte, die ihr helfen könnten.

Zum Zeitpunkt von Isabels Festnahme im März in Frankfurt war es der stellvertretende Herausgeber von Heritage & Destiny, Peter Rushton – nicht ihr Madrider Anwalt Armando Rodríguez Pérez –, der Kontakt zu einem erfahrenen deutschen Anwalt aus Berlin, Wolfram Nahrath, aufnahm und ihn um seine Vertretung bat Isabel, was er tat.

Dies wurde dann sechs oder sieben Monate später von den deutschen Behörden als „Beweis“ dafür verwendet, dass Isabel selbst „hochrangige Verbindungen“ zu „deutschen politischen Extremisten“ hatte.

Isabel völlig unbekannt, hat ihr spanischer Anwalt Armando eigentlich besonders enge Verbindungen zu deutschen Anwälten, eine Tatsache, die er ihr gegenüber bewusst vermieden hatte. Tatsächlich fungiert sein Anwaltsbüro in Madrid (C. de Serrano, 79, 7d), das einst das Büro seiner aufgelösten Kanzlei GABEIRO war, heute als Madrider Niederlassung einer Anwaltskanzlei namens Strafverteidiger Spanien. Diese Firma hat einen deutschen Namen, obwohl sie ihren Sitz in Barcelona hat und auch eine Niederlassung im Touristenort Palma de Mallorca hat.

Die Kanzlei wird von Armandos Freundin und Kollegin María Barbancho Saborit geleitet und ist auf die Vertretung deutschsprachiger Mandanten spezialisiert, die eine rechtliche Vertretung in Spanien benötigen, einschließlich Personen, denen Finanzverbrechen vorgeworfen werden und/oder denen europäische Haftbefehle drohen.

Frau Barbancho Saborit scheint zum Teil deutscher Abstammung zu sein und wurde an der Deutschen Schule in Barcelona ausgebildet, bevor sie einen Teil ihres Universitätsstudiums in Heidelberg verbrachte. Es gibt keinen Hinweis darauf, dass Frau Barbancho Saborit notwendigerweise Teil von Armandos Doppelleben innerhalb der europäischen nationalsozialistischen Bewegungen ist oder sich dessen bewusst ist. Sie ist sowohl im spanischen als auch im deutschen Recht qualifiziert.

FAZIT

Die Infiltrationsmission von Armando Rodríguez Pérez als Spion innerhalb radikaler nationalistischer und nationalsozialistischer Kreise wirft ernsthafte Fragen über das spanische Justizsystem auf.

Wie kann es für einen Infiltrator richtig sein, als Rechtsvertreter für jemanden zu handeln, der eines politischen Verbrechens beschuldigt wird, wenn der betreffende Anwalt, ohne dass sein Mandant davon Kenntnis hat, seit langem mit völlig gegensätzlichen politischen Ideen in Verbindung gebracht wird?

Natürlich ist es einem Anwalt möglich, jemanden zu vertreten, dessen Ansichten er nicht teilt. Aber in diesem Fall gab Armando Rodríguez Pérez vor, diese Ansichten zu teilen – tatsächlich fungierte er als Anführer der betroffenen politischen Gruppen sowie als Anwalt für ihre Aktivisten – während er tatsächlich seit langem den gegnerischen Kräften verbunden war.

Es ist dringend notwendig, dass die gegenwärtige Anklage gegen Isabel Peralta eingestellt wird und dass die spanische Geheimpolizei und die Staatsanwälte erklären, wie viel sie über die wirkliche Agenda von Armando Rodríguez Pérez wissen.

In der Zwischenzeit werden wir weiterhin mit Vertretern nationalistischer, nationalsozialistischer, revisionistischer und antizionistischer Bewegungen in verschiedenen Ländern zusammenarbeiten, um den von Armando Rodríguez Pérez angerichteten Schaden zu minimieren und zu beheben.

Wie Friedrich Nietzsche vor mehr als einem Jahrhundert schrieb: “Aus der Kriegsschule des Lebens – Was mich nicht umbringt, macht mich stärker.”

Change to German electoral system – is Sir Keir watching?

This week the German coalition government of Social Democrats, Greens and Liberals began moves to reform the Federal Parliament (Bundestag) in what would be their country’s biggest constitutional shake-up for many years.

With electoral reform likely to be on the UK’s political agenda after the Conservatives almost certainly lose the next general election (due by January 2025 at the very latest) the choices made in Berlin are worth examining. Especially because their present government is ideologically very similar to a likely Labour-led coalition in the UK.

Germany has a hybrid system, with some MPs elected on a Westminster-style first-past-the-post system, but others elected via a top-up list so as to make the entire Bundestag represent the nationwide percentage share of the vote.

This hybrid system means that the Bundestag is not simply divided proportionally to match the parties’ share of the vote. For example, to gain proportionally-based seats, a party must poll at least 5% nationwide, or qualify for proportional top-ups if it wins at least three directly-elected seats. This happened recently with the far-left party Die Linke.

On the other hand, a party with a very strong regional base can end up winning more directly elected seats than a proportional carve-up would have given them. This is the case with Bavaria’s conservative party CSU. Extra seats are created to balance out such anomalies and are known as ‘overhang’ seats: these have meant that the present Bundestag is the largest ever, with 736 MPs.

This week’s proposed reform would eliminate ‘overhang’ seats, and fix the number of German MPs at 598.

At a basic level the reform is likely to be popular with voters, since it will save money and cut bureaucracy. And it’s a cunning move by the government because it will weaken the CSU. Even though CSU is the sister party of CDU, the present system of ‘overhang’ balancing takes no account of that, and gives an artificial boost to the combined CDU-CSU strength.

Reforming this would be likely to make any future conservative-led government more dependent on a deal with parties further to the right – presently AfD (Alternative für Deutschland) or whichever party succeeds AfD if it splits/declines. Unsurprisingly, the present reform is similar to a policy that the AfD itself promoted four years ago.

Here in the UK the party in a similar position to CSU (though very different ideologically) is Nicola Sturgeon’s Scottish National Party. The present electoral system gives the SNP grossly inflated importance at Westminster, relative to its share of the UK-wide vote. At the last general election SNP won 3.9% of the UK-wide vote, and 48 MPs (i.e. 7.4% of the House of Commons). The system almost doubled the SNP’s importance at Westminster, and this would be far more important in the event of no major party gaining a Commons majority, thus making Sturgeon and her allies kingmakers.

By contrast a more purely proportional system would probably give a populist/nationalist party (i.e. whatever replaces Reform UK and UKIP) more Westminster seats than the SNP. The other big winners from a change to a German-style system would almost certainly be the Greens.

Most importantly for racial nationalists, it would end the ‘wasted vote’ argument that has so far prevented many of those who sympathise with our ideas from voting for a racial nationalist party.

H&D writer Isabel Peralta banned from Germany for life

UPDATE: Isabel is now back on Twitter, even though banned from visiting Germany. The German government cannot suppress the truth forever, whether online or in person.

Germany is already known for its laws banning free political debate and historical research – most notoriously for the recent decision to imprison 94-year-old Ursula Haverbeck. It has become almost routine for Germany to deny basic human rights to its own citizens, while welcoming alien immigrants from every corner of the world.

Now the German authorities have again breached their basic obligations under the Schengen treaty, by which fellow Europeans are supposed to be allowed freedom to travel across its borders.

They are attempting to impose a life ban on Spanish nationalist activist and H&D writer Isabel Peralta – despite the fact she has never even been charged with, let alone convicted of, any criminal offence in Germany.

As we reported in Issue 111 of H&D (but has only yesterday been picked up by the mainstream press in Spain), German police detained Isabel on 6th October while she was minding her own business in the central German university town of Marburg. She was served with official papers ordering her to leave the country.

This followed earlier harassment at Manchester Airport, when Isabel was detained for more than six hours on 24th September, the night before her speech at the H&D meeting in Preston, which can be viewed online here.

It’s now apparent that UK authorities abused Schedule 7 of the Terrorism Act, so as to do a favour for their German colleagues. The UK authorities knew perfectly well that they had no valid reason to detain Isabel, but they used Schedule 7 as a ‘fishing expedition’ to collect political intelligence from her phone and computer, and pass it to the German authorities.

This has nothing to do with terrorism and nothing to do with UK law: British police and border security have become accomplices in the German authorities’ campaign of political persecution against nationalists.

Unlike post-Brexit UK citizens, Isabel is of course (as a Spanish citizen) entitled under European law (in fact under the European constitution) to enter Germany free of harassment, and for that matter to work or study in Germany.

Such rights can only be withdrawn in very exceptional circumstances: even convicted criminals are normally entitled to these rights.

In order to expel Isabel, and now to argue that she should be excluded from Germany for life, the authorities have had to argue not that she is a criminal (because they know that she has broken no German laws) but that she is a serious threat to “national security”, because she supposedly has such high-level connections with dangerous subversives in leadership positions among the “far right”, including people who aim to overthrow the German government!

This extraordinary paranoia reflects the fact that despite the evident short-term weakness of German nationalist movements, those who govern the occupied Federal Republic are aware of their lack of legitimacy. They know that their rule since the end of blatant Allied military occupation in the early 1950s has been based on lies, and they fear (correctly) that Isabel Peralta, as a brave and intelligent advocate of truth, is capable of inspiring a movement among new generations of Europeans that will eventually win.

That’s why they had to invent a quite ludicrous case against her, which now aims to exclude her from Germany for life. This legal and constitutional outrage will of course be appealed, if necessary as far as the European courts.

H&D and our colleagues in several European countries have been working for the last two months on a major investigation of the extreme measures that have been adopted by the enemies of nationalism to subvert our movement and deny legal and constitutional rights. Next week we shall publish the results of this investigation.

Our brave comrade Isabel is still facing legal proceedings in Spain under their version of the race laws (though this case is unrelated to her exclusion from Germany and does not provide any valid reason for the German authorities’ behaviour). She is also bringing a civil action against the Simon Wiesenthal Center and the Jerusalem Post, a case which has already begun in the Madrid courts.

Race-mixers and conspiracist cranks – the German ‘coup plot’ farce

Here at H&D we thought we had seen every possible method of discrediting the nationalist cause, and every form of embarrassment among our so-called leaders dragging the noble ideals of racial nationalism into the gutter.

But the tragi-comedy of this week’s “far right coup plot” in Germany has plumbed new depths.

When raids took place across Germany (plus one in Austrian and one in Italy) early on Wednesday morning, we were told that a German Prince and various “far right” politicians and ex-military figures had been plotting to overthrow German “democracy” and restore the monarchy.

This was said to be based on a so-called Reichsbürger movement who deny the legitimacy of the present German state.

As it happens they have a pretty good case. German “democracy” has after all brought in tyrannical laws silencing historical debate, and is on the point of sending the 94-year-old scholar Ursula Haverbeck back to prison for the “crime” of questioning the “Holocaust” and asking whether it was truly feasible for six million Jews to have been murdered in supposed “homicidal gas chambers” on the apparently non-existent orders of Adolf Hitler.

Earlier this week this same German “democracy” staged another political show trial against the philosopher and former lawyer Horst Mahler, who will be 87 next month and has had both legs amputated due to health conditions aggravated by previous prison sentences for Orwellian “thought crimes”.

Notwithstanding this tyrannical treatment of its own citizens, the present-day Federal Republic is of very doubtful legitimacy: it doesn’t have a proper constitution, only a “Basic Law” that was drafted as a temporary measure for the former West Germany when it emerged from Anglo-American military occupation. The idea was that this Basic Law would eventually be superseded by a new constitution voted on by an eventually reunified German people.

That referendum never happened and the “temporary” Basic Law remains in force.

So the alleged coup plotters in some ways had a sound argument. We have no idea whether the lurid stories of attempted armed insurrection were true, false or half-true. Doubtless more details will emerge at future trials.

What we do know is that the ideological background of the “coup plotters” is an utter shambles, bearing no relation to any form of racial nationalism, let alone national socialism.

The latest to be unveiled is a celebrity chef who worked for the prince. This chef, Frank Heppner, was married to an Asian: his half-Asian daughter is the girlfriend of an “Austrian” negro footballer David Alaba, whose father is Nigerian and mother from the Philippines.

In short, a model European family!!!

And these are the people who were going to save Germany: a sick joke.

They have nothing to do with racial nationalism or national socialism. Rather they represent the decadent remnant of Eurotrash “aristocracy” and reactionary politics, with an ideology cobbled together from pre-war “conservative revolutionaries” and 21st century crank conspiracy theory.

It is embarrassing that they could in any way be linked to the true European cause.

Madrid authorities seek to jail H&D writer in blatant political prosecution

Isabel Peralta – European correspondent of H&D who recently addressed our meeting in Preston – is in court this week in Madrid, where the authorities aim to jail her for three years.

The case has been brought under Spain’s equivalent of the UK’s racial incitement laws, but as our assistant editor Peter Rushton explains in this article, Isabel is being targeted in blatant political machinations: not only by the Spanish government, but also by lobbyists working in the interests of the Moroccan government.

For this and other reasons which we shall disclose in a later article, the prosecution of Isabel Peralta is a disgrace to Spanish justice. If she is convicted, the matter will be appealed if necessary as far as the European Court. Spanish politicians and Moroccan lobbyists are the true criminals, working against the interests of Spain and against the interests of Europeans.

The case dates back to 18th May 2021, when a demonstration was held outside the Moroccan Embassy in Madrid by a Spanish nationalist youth group. Isabel was at the time a leading activist in this group.

In an interview and speech, both of which were later broadcast on YouTube, Isabel explained the purpose of this demonstration: to draw attention to the attempted blackmail being exerted by the Moroccan Government, who were threatening to flood Spain with immigrants unless Spain accepted Moroccan control over Western Sahara.

This is a diplomatic dispute that has been going on for more than half a century, ever since Spain gave up its colonial control over the province once known as Spanish Sahara. Morocco seeks to grab the entire area for itself, but is opposed by an independence movement called Polisario Front, which is backed by Algeria.

It is in Spaniards’ economic interest to back the Polisario, partly in order to remain on good terms with Algeria, which supplies Spain with natural gas. But for the past two years the Moroccan government has exerted blackmail on Spain.

Morocco’s main weapon is control over illegal immigration into Spanish territory. They have indicated that they are prepared to turn the immigration tap on or off. And Spain’s socialist government is naturally unable or unwilling to take firm action against the consequent flood, just as it fails to resist mass immigration from elsewhere.

Essentially this was the background to the demonstration addressed by Isabel Peralta in Madrid in May last year. The demonstration targeted both the Moroccan government’s blackmail, and the Spanish authorities’ weakness.

Isabel’s interview and speech was making a serious and well-informed case. She explained that the demonstrators had come to the Embassy “to stand up to the indecency of our politicians who look the other way, while we suffer unprecedented racial replacement”.

She emphasised that “the problem here is not Morocco. The problem is what purports to be our own government, which with impunity sets off this explosion: the arrival of immigrants on a massive scale.”

Since politicians were not prepared to stand up to the Moroccan government’s blackmail, Spanish nationalist youth had to come forward. Isabel concluded her interview with words that require some explanation to British readers: “We shall not allow another Green March.”

The Green March – on 6th November 1975 – was the deliberate incursion by 350,000 Moroccans (organised by their government) into what was still Spanish colonial territory, in what is now Western Sahara. Because Spain was beginning its decolonisation, its soldiers were ordered not to open fire and to accept what was essentially an invasion.

So the Green March was a Spanish surrender, abandoning their responsibility to their former colonial subjects. Spain signed the so-called Madrid Accords, which effectively rewarded Morocco for their illegal invasion. (Part of the problem was that this was happening during the last weeks of General Franco’s life: he was dying and incapable of exercising any political authority.)

During her speech to the rally outside the Moroccan Embassy, Isabel picked up the theme that had concluded her interview: “Now as in 1975, they are trying again and they are coming with force, and 5,000 now seems like a lot to us, but in ten years they will seem like few, because if we do not stop them this will be our future: immigration in Europe will supplant our race, our diversity, our religion and our culture, and we are the only ones who are going to fight for it.”

The context is very clear: Isabel is correctly comparing the surrender in 1975, when the Spanish government gave in to Moroccan invaders and betrayed the indigenous people of Western Sahara, to the potential surrender in 2021-2022, when today’s Spanish government is similarly weak in the face of Moroccan threats.

It turned out that Isabel was absolutely correct. Not only has the Madrid government continued to allow floods of immigrants, it has also surrendered to Morocco’s blackmail. In March 2022, almost a year after Isabel’s comments, Spain’s socialist government carried out a U-turn and adopted a pro-Moroccan position, abandoning the decades-long Spanish policy that Western Sahara’s future should be settled by a referendum of its inhabitants.

The U-turn threatens vital trade deals including the supply of natural gas from Algeria.

The entire situation is a shambles, rooted in the inability of Spain’s socialist government to stand up for Spanish interests.

As so often across the West, when the arguments of nationalists are vindicated, the authorities’ response is to persecute us. And as so often, weakness in the face of an invader or a blackmailer merely invites further invasion and further blackmail.

This time it is our correspondent Isabel Peralta who is on the frontline. As they prepared their surrender to Morocco, the Spanish authorities launched a prosecution of Isabel, which has come to court in Madrid this week. Prosecutors are asking for her to be jailed for up to three years.

In presenting her interview and speech as inciting racial violence, prosecutors have deliberately ignored its political context. They have not only deliberately distorted her speech, they have even omitted crucial words from the transcript. Isabel clearly said that the demonstration was anti-immigration, but not motivated by hatred of any race. Such hatred, she emphasised, would be absurd since our entire political outlook is based on recognition of racial differences. We are motivated, she pointed out, “by admiration and devotion to our own race in the face of a threat to its very existence”.

The political manipulation at the heart of this case is obvious from official papers that I have examined.

Ten days after the demonstration, Madrid’s political police were visited by Sofia Bencrimo, an employee of a charity that promotes the integration of immigrants. Later the same day these police officers sent a report to the prosecutors: this was the first step in the process leading to Isabel’s criminal trial.

The political police (duly followed by prosecutors) presented Ms Bencrimo’s complaint against Isabel as though it reflected a charity standing up for ordinary immigrants who felt threatened by Isabel’s words. In the entire prosecution dossier of more than 90 pages, which I have studied in detail, Ms Bencrimo’s is the only complaint from anyone outside Spanish officialdom.

Yet the organisation this complainant represented – the Ibn Battuta Foundation – is not as simple as police and prosecutors pretend.

Its president is Mohammed Chaib Akhdim, a veteran politician and businessman with close personal and financial ties to the Moroccan government – the very people whose actions were being exposed and criticised in Isabel’s speech.

Chaib is a former MP in both the Catalan and Madrid parliaments for the left-wing party PSC (Socialists Party of Catalonia). But he is also a wealthy businessman with financial interests in his native Morocco, and in particular stands to benefit from Morocco taking control of Western Sahara. Since 1992 he was been director of business development in Morocco for COMSA Industrial, a company with vast interests in engineering and construction projects in Morocco, including the disputed territory of Western Sahara.

It is a remarkable coincidence that the “charity worker” who brought the complaint against Isabel Peralta was an employee of Chaib’s foundation.

H&D fully supports our brave and brilliant comrade Isabel. We look forward to her victory over this politically motivated prosecution – however long that victory takes.

We shall be reporting further on the development of this case, and on the related political persecution of Isabel in Germany, which was assisted by border security in our own country who disgracefully detained her for more than six hours a few weeks ago during her visit to England. Check this website and our January edition of H&D for more extraordinary revelations about the state of European justice.

Udo Walendy: soldier, patriot and scholar (1927-2022)

Udo Walendy – German patriot and pioneering revisionist scholar and publisher – died last night aged 95. The following obituary is reposted from the Real History Blog.

Born in Berlin, he was among the last of the wartime generation, having served as a teenager in the Reich Labour Force, then as a Luftwaffe auxiliary, and finally as a soldier in the Wehrmacht, turning 18 less than four months before the end of the war.

After an early career in education and business, Udo became one of the very first pioneers of revisionist history, publishing the first edition of his book Wahrheit für Deutschland – Die Schuldfrage des Zweiten Weltkriegs (‘Truth for Germany: the guilt question of the Second World War’) in 1964, a decade before the 1970s explosion of revisionist scholarship. This book appeared in many subsequent editions in several languages.

Among his most significant contributions to that scholarship was his long-running series Historische Tatsachen, published latterly by Siegfried Verbeke’s VHO in Flanders.

A major figure on the international revisionist scene, Udo was a long-time board member of the Institute for Historical Review (IHR), and was a witness at both of the groundbreaking trials of Canadian-German revisionist publisher Ernst Zündel, in 1985 and 1988.

When the NPD was formed in 1964 as the main nationalist party in what was then West Germany, Udo Walendy became one of its first members, serving on the party’s federal executive from 1967-73, and as state chairman of the NPD in North-Rhine-Westphalia from 1971-73.

In 1996-97 Udo Walendy served prison sentences under Germany’s notorious debate-denying Volksverhetzung law, and was prosecuted on many other occasions, as well as suffering frequent official harassment and the seizure of his books and magazines.

Until his eyesight failed in his final years, Udo Walendy remained extremely active as a revisionist and as a patriot, standing as mayoral candidate for the NPD in his home city of Mönchengladbach in 2014, when he was already aged 87.

The last of the wartime generation are leaving us, as are many of the pioneering revisionist generation of the 1960s and 1970s. The great intellectual adventure of our times (as Robert Faurisson called it) continues, as the torch is passed to new revisionist leaders such as Vincent Reynouard, now battling extradition to France where a new prison sentence would await him, and then on to a new generation of brave and articulate European intellectuals.

The truth – or as Professor Faurisson preferred to put it, “exactitude” – will never be silenced. Wahrheit macht Frei!

European nationalists celebrate Ursula Haverbeck’s 94th birthday as she faces new jail sentence

Ursula Haverbeck is one of Europe’s bravest and most intelligent campaigners for historical truth and justice. In 1963 she and her late husband Werner Haverbeck founded the Collegium Humanum – an educational institute based at their home in the northern German town of Vlotho.

The Collegium provided a wide range of educational and ideological training for several generations of Germans, with speakers including the intellectual founder of the modern European environmentalist movement, Dr E.F. Schumacher.

In 1992 Ursula became active in an organisation seeking to build proper memorials for the German civilian victims of the Second World War, whether victims of the terror-bombing campaign by the Western allies, or the campaign of mass rapes, murders and expulsions by Stalin’s Red Army.

This might have been thought a simple acknowledgment of historical fact, but increasingly Ursula drew the hostile attention of German state authorities who wished to impose an authorised version of history.

Increasingly this state-imposed version of history has concentrated on criminalising any attempt to question the alleged ‘Holocaust’ of six million Jews in supposed homicidal gas chambers on the presumed orders of Adolf Hitler.

Historians, scientists and even lawyers who draw attention to the serious evidential problems with the orthodox ‘Holocaust’ narrative were first demonised and driven out of their jobs, then criminalised, and increasingly subjected to long jail sentences.

Ursula herself was first fined for this invented thought-crime of ‘Holocaust denial’ – defined in Germany as Volksverhetzung, or ‘public incitement’ – in 2004.

Since then she has repeatedly been dragged into court, despite her advancing years, for the ‘crime’ of asking politely worded questions about ‘Holocaust’ history in letters to academics, politicians, and other public figures; for writing historical articles in magazines; and more recently for the ‘crime’ of answering questions in an online video interview.

From May 2018 until November 2020 Ursula served two and a half years in prison for such ‘crimes’, and earlier this year she was sentenced to a further 12 months imprisonment.

After her appeal was turned down, Ursula was due to enter prison on October 25th but this has been delayed for procedural reasons, so she was not in fact behind bars on her 94th birthday yesterday.

H&D understands that her jailing is however imminent.

A campaign in support of Ursula Haverbeck is already beginning across Europe. To celebrate her birthday yesterday the Spanish organisation Devenir Europeo displayed a banner in Madrid honouring Ursula’s courage and indomitable intellectual fortitude. One of the campaign organisers is H&D‘s European correspondent Isabel Peralta.

A new generation of European patriots and intellectuals are challenging the lies that have been imposed on our continent for more than seventy years.

Ursula Haverbeck will begin prison sentence on October 25th

The courageous 93-year-old German publisher and educator Ursula Haverbeck has been told that she must report to prison on 25th October to begin a 12 month sentence.

This is for the “crime” of daring to dispute aspects of her own country’s history. We have reported regularly on Ursula’s case, most recently in August when her appeal was refused.

Updates on the campaign against this disgraceful persecution of a nonagenarian intellectual and patriot will be published soon.

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