Oxford study reveals Labour’s immigration surge

how to come to UKA new study by Oxford University’s Migration Observatory shows that the New Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown presided over an immigration boom greater than any other major country except Italy.  (There’s an obvious reason for Italy being the first port of call, as it geographically closest to North Africa and the Balkans – but by the same logic the United Kingdom ought to be the very last port of call!)

In 1993 there were 3.8 million foreign-born people in the U.K., which was 7% of our population.  By 2010 this had risen to almost 7 million, an astonishing 12% of the population.

In other words there was a 22% rise in our migrant population, way ahead of neighbouring countries such as France, who experienced only a 3.4% rise.

The England First Party asks why successive U.K. governments have allowed this immigration surge?  English voters simply cannot trust the Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat politicians who have transformed our country without considering the views of the indigenous population.

Click here to read the Oxford report on the immigration boom.

Immigration scandal continues

UKBorderAgencyIt was one of the worst scandals of the New Labour years: in 2006 Charles Clarke was sacked as Home Secretary after admitting that more than 1,000 foreign criminals in British jails had been released at the end of their prison sentences rather than being assessed for deportation.

Yet now in 2012 – two years into the Conservative – Liberal Democrat coalition that promised to remedy these New Labour abuses – we find that this scandal has not been remedied.

The House of Commons Home Affairs Committee has today reported that of these 1,013 immigrant criminals, only 397 have been removed from our shores.  57 have proved impossible to trace and – most shocking of all – the remaining 559 have been allowed to remain in this country, either indefinitely or while their cases continue to be looked into!

The problem goes well beyond these thousand or so criminals from 2006.  Of more recent cases, only around two thirds of foreign prisoners released in 2011 have been deported, and there are another 2,670 dating back more than two years who have not yet been removed because they are still appealing. Around 120,000 immigration cases, according to the committee, have been written off because those involved can no longer be traced.  The asylum backlog still contains a further 20,000 unresolved cases.

Britain's failed Home Secretary Theresa May

Britain's failed Home Secretary Theresa May

As the parliamentary committee’s chairman concludes: “The reputation of the Home Office, and by extension, the UK Government, is being tarnished by the inability of the UK Border Agency (UKBA) to fulfil its basic functions. The foreign national prisoner issue and the asylum backlog were scandals which first broke in 2006, six years ago. UKBA appears unable to focus on its key task of tracking and removing illegal immigrants, overstayers or bogus students from the country.”

The England First Party would make a more fundamental criticism: the entire immigration racket should have been terminated long ago.  Our country has become a soft touch for any crook or scrounger who manages to cross the border.

12,000 more Indian immigrants on the way

New Delhi today, Newcastle tomorrow?  12,000 Indian workers are heading for England

New Delhi today, Newcastle tomorrow? 12,000 Indian workers are heading for England

A secret instruction from the European Union will force thousands more Indian immigrants onto England’s already overcrowded job market.

As part of a trade deal with India negotiated by former EU Commissioner Peter Mandelson, Europe must absorb 40,000 Indian workers – of which a minimum of 12,000 will be heading to the UK.  Unsurprisingly we are expected to take 30% of the total, despite representing only 12% of the EU.

Cynically, the workers will arrive under a theoretical six-month limit, which means they will pay no UK tax or national insurance, and will not appear on the official immigration figures.  However no checks are in place to ensure that they go back to India when the six months are up!

Former British ambassador Sir Andrew Green commented that the arrangements:
“are quite clearly against the interests of British workers at a time of very high unemployment.  That, presumably, is why the government has been keeping quiet about them.

“The six month limit, though completely unenforceable, keeps them out of the official immigration figures.  However, in practice, this agreement, if signed, would open the door for thousands of new migrants.

“Of particular concern is our IT workforce – already being undercut by Indian IT companies – which will be put under further pressure.”

Cameron junks immigration promise

A new treaty is set to guarantee unlimited Indian immigration into Britain

A new treaty is set to guarantee unlimited Indian immigration into Britain

Long suffering British voters are used to politicians ditching their immigration promises – but Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron is setting a new record by breaking his word less than six months after taking office!

Speaking to business leaders at the CBI this week Cameron assured his audience that “we will not impede you from attracting the best talent from around the world”, regardless of his party’s election pledge to impose a cap on immigration. His spokesman later underlined this policy reversal: “We will be looking at the level of that [immigration] cap and at the way in which it operates and making sure that works in a way that allows business to bring the people that they need into the UK.” In other words the immigration cap will be meaningless.

British dole queues set to lengthen as immigration limits set aside

British dole queues set to lengthen as immigration soars

Moreover according to a new report by Migrationwatch UK, the EU/India Free Trade Agreement due to be signed in a few weeks time will prevent Britain from restricting immigration from India, since it explicitly allows Indian companies to transfer any number of employees from India to EU countries including the UK.

The prospective immigrant needs only to have worked for 12 months in India for the company concerned, and he/she can then be transferred to the UK with no questions asked. There is no need for the company to show that suitable British workers could not be recruited for the vacancy. There is no limit to the number of such immigrants who can use this loophole.

Sir Andrew Green of Migrationwatch commented:
It is time the government came clean about what is in this agreement. It looks as though the Indians are about to drive a bullock and cart through Britain’s immigration system despite government talk about creating jobs in the private sector. There is no point in a limit on economic migration if specialists from India are excluded from the cap by a separate agreement. British IT workers are already suffering the impact on jobs of tens of thousands of Indian IT staff working in Britain; we already have 48,000 unemployed British IT specialists.

Ethnic minorities to make up 20% of UK population by 2051

uk-immigration

New projections published today by Leeds University show that ethnic minorities will make up a fifth of the UK’s population by 2051, rising from 8% in 2001.

The researchers also predict that ethnic minority populations will expand especially rapidly in previously white and affluent areas.

The proportion of the UK population classified as “white British” will shrink to 67.1%.

Presenting the report Prof. Philip Rees said that “overall we can look forward to being not only a more diverse nation, but one that is far more spatially integrated than at present.”

While keen to welcome diversity, the Leeds academic team’s contempt for English identity is evident from their inability to spell the Lancashire boroughs Darwen and Hyndburn.

Click here to download the full report.

EU ‘should expand beyond Europe’

This may be an old speech but it makes necessary – and disturbing – reading. Read the full text of Milliband’s Eurafrica and Eurabia speech in the England First Analysis section, and the BBC news item linked below.

BBC.CO.UK, 15 Nov 2007: Foreign Secretary David Miliband has suggested the European Union should work towards including Russia, Middle Eastern and North African countries.

He said enlargement was “our most powerful tool” for extending stability.

In his first major speech on the UK’s relationship with Europe, he said the EU would not become a “superpower” but should be a “role model” for the world. [Actually, he said it should – and will – become a “model power”.]

Link to full news article [external site]

Read the full speech [England First – analysis]

Eurafrica and Eurabia: The plans for the EU to ‘expand beyond Europe’

David Miliband Speech on Europe-African and Europe-Middle Eastern Integration

European Parliament November 2007

The full text of Labour Foreign Secretary David Miliband’s first major speech on the UK’s relationship with Europe, made at the College of Europe in Bruges, Belgium.

 

I feel a strong sense of personal history in delivering this lecture today. My father was born in Brussels, my mother in Poland.

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My family history reflects the strife which divided the Continent and the values which later united it. This college reflects that history too. You have a sister college in Poland.

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The vision of your founder, Henri Brugmans, a hero of the Dutch resistance, was fired by memories of dark days listening to BBC reports of resistance struggle against fascism.

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And the people we honour this year, Anna Politkovskaya and Hrant Dink, were exemplars of our basic commitment to freedom of expression, a founding value of the EU. But my speech tonight is not about history. It is about the Europe that you, the students gathered here, will inherit in the future.

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President Sarkozy has suggested we need a Groupe des Sages to focus on the Europe of 2030. Today I want to enter that debate, not to engage in a piece of futurology, but to suggest how the EU can help to shape the world of 2030.

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My argument is this: The prospects and potential for human progress have never been greater. But our prosperity and security are under threat. Protectionism seeks to stave off globalisation rather than manage it. Religious extremists peddle hatred and division. Energy insecurity and climate change threaten to create a scramble for resources. And rogue states and failing states risk sparking conflicts, the damage of which will spill over into Europe.’

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These threats provide a new raison d’etre for the European Union. New because the unfinished business of internal reform to update our economic and social model is on its own not enough to engage with the big issues, nor the hopes and fears, of European citizens.

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For the EU because nation-states, for all their continuing strengths, are too small to deal on their own with these big problems, but global governance is too weak.

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So the EU can be a pioneer and a leader. Our single market and the standards we set for it, the attractions of membership, and the legitimacy, diversity and political clout of 27 member states are big advantages. The EU will never be a superpower, but could be a model power of regional cooperation.

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For success, the EU must be open to ideas, trade and people. It must build shared institutions and shared activities with its neighbours. It must be an Environmental Union as well as a European Union. And it must be able to deploy soft and hard power to promote democracy and tackle conflict beyond its borders.

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As Gordon Brown said on Monday there is no longer a distinction between ‘over there’ and ‘over here’.

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Let me begin with some reflections on Britain’s relationship with Europe.

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“We British are as much heirs to the legacy of European culture as any other nation.”

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The churches, literature and language of the UK “all bear witness to the cultural riches we have drawn from Europe.”

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“Without the European legacy of political ideas we could not have achieved as much as we did.”

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“Our destiny is in Europe.”

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Those are not my words. They were delivered by Margaret Thatcher to this College in 1988 in her famous Bruges lecture.

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But despite these words, Mrs Thatcher’s speech was haunted by demons.

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A European superstate bringing in socialism by the back door. A country called Europe that stripped individual nations of their national identity. Utopian ideals and language that obstructed practical progress.

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These were the demons that led her some years later to conclude that far from being vital to Britain’s progress: “In my lifetime Europe has been the source of our problems, not the source of our solutions”.

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These demons still haunt some people. Thanks to Mrs Thatcher, “Bruges”, has become a rallying cry of Euro-scepticism.

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But I agree with my predecessor as Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd who said in 2005: “The myth that we are threatened with a European superstate is still nourished in the Conservative cul-de-sac.

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“Certainly there are Continental idealists who bitterly regret that it has faded away, but faded it has, as has been clear since Maastricht.”

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Open markets, subsidiarity, better regulation and enlargement are now far more part of the conventional vocabulary of European debate than a United States of Europe, centralised taxation or a common industrial policy.

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The truth is that the EU has enlarged, remodelled and opened up. It is not and is not going to become a superstate.

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But neither is it destined to become a superpower.

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An American academic has defined a superpower as “a country that has the capacity to project dominating power and influence anywhere in the world…and so may plausibly attain the status of global hegemon.”

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There is only one superpower in the world today – the United States. There may be others on the horizon, such as China and India, but the US has enormous economic, social, cultural and military strength. In terms of per capita income alone it will remain by far the dominant power for my lifetime.

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For Europeans, that should not be a source of dread: there is a great shared project for Europe and America, to embed our values and commitments in international rules and institutions.

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The EU is not and never will be a superpower. An EU of 27 nation states or more is never going to have the fleetness of foot or the fiscal base to dominate. In fact economically and demographically Europe will be less important in the world of 2050 that it was in the world of 1950.

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Our opportunity is different. The EU has the opportunity to be a model power.

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It can chart a course for regional cooperation between medium-sized and small countries.

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Through its common action, it can add value to national effort, and develop shared values amidst differences of nationality and religion.

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As a club that countries want to join, it can persuade countries to play by the rules, and set global standards. In the way it dispenses its responsibilities around the world, it can be a role model that others follow.

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This speech is intended to set out the basis of such progress.

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The EU has been defined for the past 50 years by a focus on internal change: by a Franco-German bargain over industry and agriculture, by the creation of a single market and the drive for basic shared social standards; by EMU. And the need to attend to internal policy problems remains.

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We should be immensely proud that in the post second world war period Europeans drove down levels of economic inequality and social injustice. That is the cause that brought me into politics.

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And the modernisation of our social and economic systems is essential to preserve those gains. That is why the UK is fully engaged in the current debates about policy reform in Europe.

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But that will no longer be enough. The defining challenges of the 21st century are global in scope, not national. We have spent a decade or more debating institutional reform; everyone who has participated is exhausted; and the rest of the European population are either bored or angry.

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The EU must now apply itself to managing the risks and maximising the benefits of the next wave of globalisation, both for its own citizens and around the world. This is where we need new thinking.

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The insecurities and threats of 2030 are clear. A Europe at war not within its borders, but struggling to cope with forces beyond its borders. Global capital, people and goods with whom it has not made peace.

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Religious extremism and division on its doorstep. Energy insecurity and climate change which threatens our security as well as our prosperity. Conflict and instability in regions where we have economic as well as moral interests.

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To avoid that future, we need to base our next generation Europe on four principles.

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My starting point is that a model power in the 21st century must be one that looks outwards. As Jose Manuel Barroso said, “…global Europe must be an open Europe”.

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So my first guiding principle is that we must keep ourselves open – open to trade, open to ideas and open to investment.

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This is not a foregone conclusion. Across Europe, it is tempting for producers to seek the shelter of tariffs, for environmentalists to yearn for a return to a (it has to be said) mythical world of self-sufficiency, for communities to fear unplanned migration.

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I understand the concerns. Openness creates risks and insecurities as well as opportunities. Our national welfare states must help people adjust to rapid economic and social change.

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This is tough. Migration is a big issue. And while Europe can be a magnet for the world’s best talent, it cannot be a tent for the world’s poorest people.

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Without some migration, an ageing and declining population will leave Europe facing economic stagnation and unsustainable social security bills.

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But integration of new communities is vital. We shall only tackle the root cause of migration – the poor economic prospects in neighbouring countries – if we continue to open up our markets.

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That is why, on economic and social grounds, the case against economic protectionism is overwhelming.

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Openness – to new investment, new products and new services – provides the competitive spur needed to raise our game. An open regulatory environment provides the basis for the highest value.

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If we hold back on open trade, we will only hold back the process of modernising our economies and raising productivity.

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We will force European consumers to pay higher prices. We will strengthen the hand of protectionist lobbies beyond our borders. We will deny millions of African farmers a lifeline out of poverty.

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If we have the courage to press for more free trade and investment, and act as a model power in going further and faster than other countries, we will enrich ourselves and the rest of the world.

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That is why we need to put European agriculture on a sustainable and modern footing: reduce tariffs, open up energy markets and complete the creation of a single market in services.

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This is not a race to the bottom. Europe is a model for reconciling economic dynamism with social justice. We must use the power of the single market to export these values.

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We have already seen how the single-market can pull up standards in the rest of the world. Thanks to the Reach Directive the chemicals in Chinese-made products have to comply with European standards.

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The size of our market means that European low carbon standards can become the global standard-setter.

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My second guiding principle is that we should use the power of shared institutions and shared activities to help overcome religious, regional, and cultural divides, especially with the Islamic world.

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There is, after all, a bleak scenario for 2030: a world more divided by religion, both between and within countries. Greater threats – both at home and abroad – from terrorists and rogue states. Growing hostility towards the West.

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Rejection of the global economic changes that many people believe has made us rich at their expense.

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The EU can help lead the search for an alternative. The EU itself represents a triumph of shared values.

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Now we need to find and express shared values across religious and not just national lines, so that Europe and its Muslim neighbours enjoy strong, unbreakable ties, and peace allows us to talk, debate, trade, build businesses, build communities and build friendships.

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We can do this only by creating shared institutions and engaging in shared activities that provide a living alternative to the narrative which says the West and the Islamic world are destined to clash.

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There are obvious immediate needs:

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* In Iraq, where we are moving forward together to bolster the forces of economic development and political reconciliation.

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* In the Middle East where the EU Action Plan needs to be a vital part of the road from Annapolis to a viable Palestinian state alongside a safe and secure Israel.

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* And in Lebanon, where the EU has almost 8,000 thousand troops deployed to help preserve stability.

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But our top priority must be to keep our promises on enlargement. As Vaclav Havel said in December 2002, “the vision of becoming part of the EU was…the engine that drove the democratisation and transformation of” of Central and Eastern Europe.

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Enlargement is by far our most powerful tool for extending stability and prosperity.

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Countries that are already on the accession path – Turkey and the Western Balkans – must be given full membership as soon as they fully meet the criteria.

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And Turkey and all Cypriots need to play a constructive role in UN efforts to solve the Cyprus problem and unify the island on a bi-zonal and bi-communal basis.

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If we fail to keep our promises to Turkey, it will signal a deep and dangerous divide between East and West.

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Beyond that, we must keep the door open, retaining the incentive for change that the prospect of membership provides.

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Being part of Europe should be about abiding by the shared rules – the acquis – that embody our shared values by respecting our separate identities and traditions.

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Not all countries will be eligible for full membership, or show the will to join. So we should take the European Neighbourhood Policy a step further. We must state clearly that participation is not an alternative to membership, or a waiting room. And we must offer access to the full benefits of the single market.

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The first step would be the accession of neighbouring countries – especially Russia and the Ukraine – to the WTO. Then we must build on this with comprehensive free-trade agreements.

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The goal must be a multilateral free-trade zone around our periphery – a version of the European Free Trade Association that could gradually bring the countries of the Mahgreb, the Middle-East and Eastern-Europe in line with the single-market, not as an alternative to membership, but potentially as a step towards it.

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Finally, we need to create more shared activities to build shared values and bring us closer to our neighbours.

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ERASMUS student exchanges have been hugely successfully over the last twenty years in fostering a common understanding and common identity between European students.

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Some 150,000 students participate every year, taking the opportunity to absorb another culture and learn another language.

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Let us set the goal that by 2030 a third of our ERASMUS exchanges will be to countries beyond our borders, including those of the Middle-East and North Africa.

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My third guiding principle is that a model power should champion international law and human rights not just internally, but externally too. We need to live by our values and principles beyond our borders, not just within them.

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Peace and democracy has settled across our continent. To that extent, the EU has been an extraordinary success.

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But, as the wars in the Balkans showed, our record is not perfect. And our task will not be complete until the final piece in the Balkans jigsaw – Kosovo – is resolved.

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But in the future the main threats to our security will come from farther afield. From failed or fragile states, where law and order dissolve, where the economy stops, where arbitrary violence rules, and terrorists can operate at will. We can see the terrible effects in Darfur and Chad today.

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From rogue states, that defy and endanger the international community by breaking the common rules we have all agreed to abide by. And from non-state actors – like Al Qaeda – hell bent on destroying our way of life.

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Europe is well equipped to contribute a positive response to these threats. Like NATO, its members have shared values which can generate the political and military commitment for decisive action.

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But like the UN, its member states have the full spectrum of economic, development, legislative, political and military tools.

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We must begin by establishing a wider consensus on the rules governing the international system.

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We must use the legitimacy and political clout of 27 members to enshrine the principle of Responsibility to Protect at the heart of the international system.

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We must be prepared to uphold commitments made under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. We must mobilize member states behind the establishment of an Arms Trade Treaty.

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We must also overcome the blockages to collaboration with NATO. We welcome the signs of increased willingness on the part of key partners to do so.

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First, European member states must improve their capabilities. It’s embarrassing that when European nations – with almost two million men and women under arms – are only able, at a stretch, to deploy around 100 thousand at any one time.

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EU countries have around 1,200 transport helicopters, yet only about 35 are deployed in Afghanistan. And EU member states haven’t provided any helicopters in Darfur despite the desperate need there.

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European nations need to identify the challenges we face; the capabilities we consequently need; then identify targets for national investment in equipment, research, development, and training necessary to make more of our armed forces; work together for efficiency; and back it up with political drive.

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A second thing we must do is to strengthen our ability to respond to crises in a more comprehensive way. Increasing our capacity to put peacekeepers into the field – whether on UN, EU or NATO missions – is a crucial part of cooperation.

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As the prime minister set out earlier this week, military forces should be deployed on peacekeeping duties with civilian crisis management experts as an integral part of the operation.

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There is limited value in securing a town if law and order breaks down as soon as the troops move on. There is limited gain in detaining terrorists and criminals if there is no courthouse to try them in or jailhouse to hold them in.

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Security without development will soon alienate local populations. Development without security is impossible. They are two sides of the same coin.

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Third, we must use our power and influence, not just to resolve conflict, but prevent it. We must show we are prepared to take a lead and fulfil our responsibilities.

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Javier Solana and George Robertson, working together for the EU and NATO, brought Macedonia back from the brink of civil war in 2001.

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Our military deployment to north-eastern Congo in helped plug a critical gap in the UN’s presence there in 2003. We have built on UN sanctions to increase pressure on countries like Iran and Sudan.

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And where the UN has been reluctant to act – as on Zimbabwe and Burma, where the regimes continue to oppress their people – we have introduced our own measures.

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My fourth guiding principle is that any model power in the 21st century must be a low carbon power, so the European Union must become an Environmental Union.

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More than any other area, the decisions we take on energy now will affect the world we inhabit in 2030.

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In the decisions made at the Spring Council last year, the EU showed its ambitions to be model power on climate change. By setting unilateral targets, with the offer to go further if others do, we are using our political clout to increase the pressure on others to act.

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By backing those targets with regulations and a carbon price, we are beginning to use our economic clout to transform product markets too. But to become an Environmental Union but we must go further.

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We must set ambitious, long term regulations to phase out carbon emissions in key areas, transform product markets through the standards we set, and gain economic advantage in environmental innovation.

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The priorities are clear. We must agree a timetable for reducing average vehicle emissions to 100g/km by 2020-2025 (compared with average EU emissions of 160 g/km), on the road towards a zero-emission vehicle standard across Europe.

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We must ensure that by 2015, we have 12 demonstration projects in Carbon Capture and Storage, and that by 2020, all new coal-fired power stations must be fitted with Carbon Capture and Storage.

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We should ensure the long term future of the EU ETS, to include more sectors of our economy, and to become the hub of a global carbon market which generates the incentives and the funding for the shift to low carbon power and transport not just in Europe but around the world.

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The third phase of the EU ETS provides an opportunity to scale up and reform the CDM – to move it from a focus on individual projects, to groups of projects or whole sectors. We have already agreed to extend the EU ETS to include aviation, but we must also consider the case for surface transport.

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And we should consider moving from individual countries setting their own allocation to harmonised allocations on the road to cap-setting done centrally. As the European Central Bank regulates money supply for the Eurozone, it is worth thinking whether the idea of a European Carbon Bank could in future set limits on the production of carbon across Europe.

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Discussions on the future of the EU budget must take account of this context.

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The current budget will be worth 860bn Euros over 7 years.

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The three tests for the future of the EU budget are clear: is it advancing national and European public interest? Is grant spending the right tool to achieve our objectives, or could regulation, or loan-finance, provide a better alternative? And is it demonstrating sound financial management?

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Over time, I believe that points to aligning the budget more closely with the external global challenges we face, in particular, a focus on climate change.

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Environmental security not food security is the challenge of the future.

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It is telling that those who are near us, want to join us. And that those who are far away, want to imitate us. The EU can claim major successes.

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The single market has created peace and prosperity out of a continent ravaged by war. Enlargement has transformed Central and Eastern Europe. European forces across the world are active in preventing and resolving conflict.

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These are real achievements. The common view is that they represent a triumph over institutional arrangements.

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But the constitutional debate shows that people don’t want major institutional upheaval. Unanimity is slow but it respects national identities.

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The commission is not directly elected but that is exactly why it avoids the temptation of national and political affiliation and offers a wider European perspective.

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The lesson, I think, is that in politics we tend to overestimate our ability to influence events in the short term, but we hugely underestimate our ability to shape our long term future.

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That is particularly true for the European Union.

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Across Europe, people are feeling a divergence between the freedom and control they have in their personal lives, and the sense of powerlessness they face against the great global challenges we face: from preventing conflict and terrorism to addressing climate change, energy insecurity, and religious extremism.

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They are confident about personal progress, but pessimistic about societal progress.

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Europe has the chance to help fill this void. There is a clear choice.

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Focus on internal not external challenges, institutions rather than ideals. Fail to combine hard and soft power, the disciplines and benefits of membership with the ability to make a difference beyond our borders. The result – the return of protectionism, energy insecurity, division with the Islamic world, and unmanaged migration from conflict.

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Or Europe can look global and become a model regional power.

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We can use the power of the EU – the size of our single market, our ability to set global standards, the negotiating clout of 27 members, the attractions of membership, the hard power of sanctions and troops, the power of Europe as an idea and a model – not to substitute for nation states but to do those things to provide security and prosperity for the next generation.

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We are pragmatic. We have missed some opportunities. But pragmatism and idealism should be partners. And the UK is determined to make them so.

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French to open another Sangatte as Calais prepares new centre for illegal migrants

A welcome centre for British-bound illegal migrants is to open in Calais before the end of this year, it emerged last night.

DAILY MAIL, 8 Dec 2009: Closely-guarded plans have been approved by French administrative judges for a structure to be built close to the town’s ferry port.

It is already being dubbed Sangatte II after the former Red Cross centre which attracted thousands of illegal foreigners before it demolished in 2002.

Tory immigration spokesman Damian Green said: ‘This is another gesture of contempt from France to Britain. The only result of this will be to encourage more potential illegal immigrants to try to break our laws.

Read full article [external link]

EU plans flights to deport illegal immigrants

The European Union is drawing up plans to charter its own flights to return illegal immigrants to their home countries.

DAILY TELEGRAPH, 29 Oct 2009: Under the plan, individual member states would be able to claim seats on planes for rejected asylum seekers they wish to remove. The EU flights would then make multiple stops in different countries to collect deportees before flying on to their country of origin.

The plan for a common EU approach to repatriation flights is set to be approved by an EU summit in Brussels on Friday. A document due to be debated at the summit shows that Frontex, the EU’s external border agency, would fund and operate the shared flights.

Britain is not a full member of Frontex, but helps fund the Warsaw-based agency and UK borders agency staff have been seconded to work for it.

Read full article [external link]

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