Lest we forget

Representatives of two now defunct nationalist parties – the British Peoples Party and the England First Party – lay wreaths at the War Memorial in Darwen, Lancashire, on Remembrance Day 2006. Delegates included veteran nationalist Eddy Morrison (front row, far left) and then EFP councillors Mark Cotterill and Michael Johnson.

For the last three years Remembrance Day activities have had a special resonance, marking the centenary of the First World War and its many tragic episodes.

The last week has seen the centenary of two interconnected and far-reaching events which would never have occurred had this European Civil War never started – the Bolshevik Revolution and the Balfour Declaration which laid the foundations for seventy years of Soviet tyranny and (so far) almost seventy years of Zionist oppression in Palestine.

On Armistice Day – November 11th 1918 – the mother of Wilfred Owen, a 25-year-old second lieutenant in the Manchester Regiment, was informed that her son had been killed in action seven days earlier. Owen – now regarded as the leading poet of the war – was killed at the head of a raiding party crossing the Sambre-Oise Canal in northern France.  This was one of the last British “victories” of the war.

As we reflect on the cost of “victory” in the two disastrous European civil wars of the 20th century we remember Wilfred Owen’s posthumously published lines:

If you could hear, at every jolt, the blood
Come gargling from the froth-corrupted lungs,
Obscene as cancer, bitter as the cud
Of vile, incurable sores on innocent tongues,
My friend, you would not tell with such high zest
To children ardent for some desperate glory,
The old Lie; Dulce et Decorum est
Pro patria mori.

The late Ralph Hebden, friend and comrade of the H&D team, on active service in Afghanistan with 45 Commando, Royal Marines.

As in previous years the National Front will march to the Cenotaph in London on Remembrance Day, Sunday 12th November.  The parade will assemble at 1.15 pm on Bressenden Place, opposite Victoria railway station, and march off to the Cenotaph at 1.45 pm.  Following the wreath laying ceremony there will be an open air rally nearby, with the event set to conclude around 3.30 pm.

All nationalists are welcome to join the NF’s Remembrance Day commemoration, irrespective of party.

Happy St George’s Day!

Heritage and Destiny wishes all readers a Happy St George’s Day!

The men that worked for England
They have their graves at home:
And birds and bees of England
About the cross can roam

But they that fought for England,
Following a falling star,
Alas, alas for England
They have their graves afar.

And they that rule in England,
In stately conclave met,
Alas, alas for England
They have no graves as yet.

Happy St George’s Day

st_george_oneEngland First chairman Mark Cotterill wishes all members and supporters a happy St. George’s Day.

Mark said, “I hope all nationalist activists will take an hour or two off today from their hectic election campaigns, to raise a glass to our patron Saint – St. George. I wish all racial-nationalist candidates, from whatever political party all the very best for May 3rd. Lets make sure you give them your full support and get the best possible vote in these difficult times.”

‘Cry God for England, Harry and St George!’ Those immortal words are from Shakespeare’s Henry V, but who was St George and how did he become patron saint of England?

St George was a Roman soldier who lived in the 3rd century AD. At the end of the century the Emperor Diocletian persecuted Christians and St George was martyred in 303 AD.

burnley_st_georges_steven2The cult of St George was brought to England from the Middle East by the crusaders. (St George was popular with the crusaders because he was a soldier). He is supposed to have appeared to them at Antioch in 1098.

St Georges Day, 23 April was set by the synod of Oxford in 1222. Meanwhile he was growing in popularity in England. By the 14th century St George was seen as England’s saint, rather than St. Edmund.

(St. Edmund was the King of East Anglia from 855 until 869, when his English army was defeated by the invading Danish forces known as the Great Heathen Army.  Edmund refused to renounce his Christian faith and was beheaded on the orders of the Danish commander.  A decade later the Danes were defeated by Alfred the Great.  St. Edmund’s body was preserved and later transferred to a market town in Suffolk which became Bury St Edmunds, a shrine which became the centre of a popular Christian cult.)

In the Middle Ages some people formed religious guilds. They prayed for dead members’ souls and provided charity. Many were dedicated to St George. On St George’s day in many places effigies of St George were taken out of the local church and paraded around the parish.

Furthermore in the Middle Ages the legend of St George and the dragon grew up. Many places also paraded a model dragon.

However after the Reformation the cult of the saints was swept away in England and St George lost much of his importance. Unlike many national saints St George has been neglected, rather like the English in general. However in recent years St Georges Day has been revived – thanks to English nationalism, which has also been revived since the 1990’s – as a patriotic symbol of England, the English nation and the white English people.

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Lest we forget

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Lt. William Noel Hodgson

Serving with the 9th Battalion the Devonshire Regiment, Lieutenant William Noel Hodgson was on the battlefield near the French village of Mametz in June 1916, preparing for what history now records as the Battle of the Somme. The scheduled date for the start of the battle was originally to be August 1916, but had been brought forward to the 29th June, 1916. Owing to bad weather in the week building up to the battle the date of the attack was postponed at 11.00 hours on 28th June and moved by two days to the morning of 1st July 1916.

It is believed that Noel Hodgson (who was the son of the Bishop of St. Edmundbury and Ipswich and before the war had been studying classics at Christ Church, Oxford) wrote the poem Before Action on 29th June.

By all the glories of the day
And the cool evening’s benison
By that last sunset touch that lay
Upon the hills when day was done,
By beauty lavishly outpoured
And blessings carelessly received,
By all the days that I have lived
Make me a soldier, Lord.


By all of all man’s hopes and fears
And all the wonders poets sing,
The laughter of unclouded years,
And every sad and lovely thing;
By the romantic ages stored
With high endeavour that was his,
By all his mad catastrophes
Make me a man, O Lord.


I, that on my familiar hill
Saw with uncomprehending eyes
A hundred of thy sunsets spill
Their fresh and sanguine sacrifice,
Ere the sun swings his noonday sword
Must say good-bye to all of this; –
By all delights that I shall miss,
Help me to die, O Lord.

Within an hour of the attack it is said that Lieutanant Hodgson was killed. He was aged 23. He would never again see a sunset.hodgson-grave

That night Lieutenant Hodgson’s body was retrieved and brought back into the British Front Line position, along with over 160 of his comrades. They were buried in the vicinity of a little wood called Mansell Copse which was in the British Front Line trench position at the start of the day.

A ceremony was held at the burial site on 4th July. A wooden cross was put up at the time by the survivors of the 9th and 8th Battalions of the Devonshire Regiment. Carved on the cross were the words: “The Devonshires held this trench, the Devonshires hold it still.” The graves were left in this position when the cemeteries were rebuilt after the war. 163 graves are now contained in the cemetery which is named “Devonshire Cemetery”. All but one of the casualties are men of the Devonshire Regiment. Lieutenant Noel Hodgson is buried in Grave reference A. 3.

Thirty-three years on from Lt. Hodgson’s supreme sacrifice his fellow Englishmen were again called upon to give their lives in a second European civil war.  Fast forward another six or seven decades and their great-grandchildren were despatched to Iraq and Afghanistan in further wickedly destructive conflicts, which like those 20th century wars are leaving our nation in a worse state – morally, financially and strategically – despite a seemingly endless blood sacrifice.

The England First Party salutes the memory of those who will never grow old.  We hope that their legacy will be a commitment to rebuild an England that they would have been proud of, while ensuring that present and future generations do not share their fate.

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German soldiers in Flanders during World War I: Lt Hodgson's fellow Europeans, drawn into a bloody and pointless civil war with their English cousins

Crossing the Rubicon: Peter Rushton speaks to the John Tyndall Memorial Meeting 2011

On 8th October 2011 Peter Rushton, assistant editor of Heritage and Destiny, chaired the sixth John Tyndall Memorial Meeting in Preston, Lancashire, and gave the following address.

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John Tyndall led the nationalist movement from obscurity to the forefront of British politics, but he knew that anyone involved in our cause must experience the depths of crisis as well as the heights of achievement.

As National Front chairman, as founder of the British National Party and as editor of Spearhead for more than forty years, he knew both triumph and disaster – and for the six years between Nick Griffin’s takeover of the BNP in 1999 and his own death in 2005, John Tyndall consistently argued that those who were increasingly sceptical of Griffin’s leadership should remain within the BNP and fight to recapture it.

The position of British nationalism today requires a reassessment of that position.

We now face the most serious crisis in the history of our movement.  On Monday night the BBC will broadcast allegations of fraud against the BNP chairman Nick Griffin and his cronies. I have no doubt that those allegations will be fully documented, with evidence provided from people who until recently were Mr Griffin’s closest associates.

But none of this changes the underlying political realities. None of this changes the more serious crisis, which is the one facing our people and our nation – in fact facing all European peoples and nations.  None of this changes the potential for a nationalist party capable of presenting a credible face to the voters of England.

For the first time since 1066 our country’s population growth is mainly due to immigration, with a disastrous impact on schools, on the chronic shortage of affordable housing, and on the National Health Service.

The political establishment has never consulted the English people about this radical transformation of our country: a transformation that has been accelerated because just as foreigners have been arriving, increasing numbers of indigenous Britons have been leaving.

Let’s dispose of the nonsense that this is all perfectly normal, that England is some sort of mongrel nation built up through immigration.  The truth is that our population grew steadily up to about 1750, and very rapidly after 1750, without any mass immigration – until after the Second World War.

Our population in 1541 was about 2.7 million, which grew during the relative peace and stability of the Elizabethan age to about 4 million by 1600.

Over the next century and a half our population grew quite slowly to about 5.7 million by 1750.  Interestingly it is assumed by demographic historians that this 1750 figure was probably lower than the total English population in 1300, when there were probably more than six million inhabitants of England.

The total British population was reduced by about 30% by the Black Death in the mid-14th century, so by the 1380s was only about 3 million.

It was the Agrarian Revolution followed by the Industrial Revolution that led to a population boom, so that by the early 1840s the English population was around 15 million: more than double its previous record and more than five times the population a century earlier!

One of the earliest official historians of postwar immigration, J.A. Tannahill, pointed out, in words that should be repeated to every lying apologist for multiracialism:

“Britain is not by tradition a country of immigration.  In fact, between 1815 and 1914, she not only quadrupled her population without resorting to large-scale foreign immigration, but also despatched over 20 million people to destinations beyond Europe, at first largely to the USA and later in ever increasing proportion to the developing countries of the Commonwealth.”

One of the few major influxes of immigrants before modern times were the so-called Huguenots,  Protestant refugess from France and Flanders arriving in two waves at the end of the 16th and 17th centuries.  But in total even these Huguenots numbered perhaps 40,000 or 50,000.  (This was far larger than for example the Jewish immigrant population, which as late as 1750 probably numbered only about 5,000.)

We hear a lot about the economic benefits of immigration, but the Huguenots were one of the very few examples where this is true, bringing with them not only capital assets but skills in weaving, hat making and watch making.  There were about another 40,000 immigrants from France as a result of the Terror in the 1780s and 1790s after the French Revolution.  Strangely enough it was this wave of immigration, causing concern that some revolutionary spies might be smuggled in among the immigrants, that led to the first ever English laws regulating immigration.  Until the 1790s this was never thought necessary, because the numbers of immigrants were so small.  Far from our country being a creation of waves of immigration, immigrants were such an insignificant factor that no one bothered to formulate regulations!

Until the late 1940s the overwhelming majority of immigrants in England were Irish immigrants.  A few thousand black immigrants arrived as a result of the slave trade, but hardly any interbred with the indigenous English population.

If you read the Sherlock Holmes stories you will occasionally find reference to another type of immigrant who could be found in Victorian England – the so-called “Lascars” who usually lived in dockland areas such as Limehouse, having arrived as crew members of British ships trading with the Far East.  A few female Asian immigrants were known as “ayahs”, nannies for East India company officials, or later officers of the British Raj.

Yet as Dr Roger Bullard of Manchester University has estimated:

“Until the beginning of the 20th century the South Asian presence in Britain remained minute.  At any given time it would have included no more than a few hundred Ayahs and Lascars, [and] a rather smaller number of students seeking professional qualifications, whilst the number of princes and other aristocrats – most of whom only made the briefest of visits – could probably have been counted on the fingers of one hand.”

You can imagine why ­– given this historical context of very low immigration – Englishmen were very concerned by the tidal wave of Jewish immigration at the end of the 19th century.  About 150,000 Jews from Russia and Eastern Europe settled in Britain between 1880 and 1914, the majority in a fifteen year period between 1891 and 1906.

Just as the French Revolutionary immigration in the 1790s had led to a brief period of immigration control, it was this Jewish immigration that led to the basis for modern immigration laws, the Aliens Act of 1905.  It wasn’t a matter of “anti-semitism”, more a question of the scale of this Jewish immigration being way beyond anything our country had previously experienced.  We were not a nation of immigrants.

Even in the period between the two world wars, and even accounting for the number of colonial troops who stayed in England after 1918, immigration was a very minor factor in English life.  Only about 6,000 to 7,000 immigrants from the Indian sub-continent settled in Britain during the whole period from 1918 to 1939.

(About another 60,000 Jews arrived as refugees from national socialism during the 1930s, plus another 10,000 during the War.)

As is obvious, the scale of immigration post-war dwarfs anything previously seen in our history – which is not surprising because the British Nationality Act in 1948 explicitly granted the right of entry to 800 million subjects of the British Empire worldwide.  Madness, you might think – or was it wickedness?

Even in those days it was known perfectly well that a sane immigration policy would have to be a racially conscious policy.

In 1949 the Royal Commission on Population determined:

“Immigrants on a large scale into a fully established society like ours could only be welcomed without reserve if the immigrants were of good human stock and were not prevented by their religion or race from intermarrying with the local population and becoming merged with it.”

Four years earlier, immediately after the end of the war in 1945, the Fabian Society, closely linked to the Labour Party, had issued a pamphlet Population and the People, which said that:
“From the population point of view we need to encourage potential parents of healthy stock to settle in the British Isles, and to discourage those whom we already have from leaving.  …Men and women of European stock, between the ages of 20 and 30, are the immigrants best suited to assist population policy.”

The Fabian pamphlet added that immigrants should be chosen carefully to “ensure they were assimilable and could adapt to the British way of life.  …The utmost care should, of course, be taken to admit only those physically and mentally sound, and free from criminal records, who will introduce a sound stock into the country.  The eugenics of immigration cannot be overstressed.”

In 1948 – two days after the arrival of the infamous immigrant ship Empire Windrush, eleven Labour MPs wrote to their leader, Prime Minister Clement Attlee, warning:

“An influx of coloured people domiciled here is likely to impair the harmony, strength and cohesion of our public and social life and to cause discord and unhappiness among all concerned.”

As we have a former Bradford city councillor with us today, I should mention that two of those Labour MPs who spoke out against immigration in those early days were from his city: Frank McLeavy, later Lord McLeavy, MP for Bradford East, 1945-66; and Meredith Titterington, Bradford South, 1945-49, former Lord Mayor of Bradford.

[This website will later have a special section to honour those Labour MPs of yesteryear who spoke for England in opposing mass immigration.]

Since those days, the element within the Labour Party that truly aimed to fight for the white working class has steadily diminished, even as the truth of their warning that immigration would lead to “discord and unhappiness among all concerned” has been demonstrated time and again (most recently with the riots a few weeks ago).  Nationalist parties have become the true representatives of white workers.  While in many ways very different men with different outlooks, Oswald Mosley, Enoch Powell and John Tyndall spoke for Englishmen and English interests that the Labour Party (and of course the Conservatives and Liberals) have abandoned.

So it is with a heavy heart that nationalists must face the fact that we ourselves have been betrayed by the leadership of our largest nationalist party.  In Ancient Rome provincial governors had to disarm themselves before crossing the River Rubicon and re-entering Roman territory.  To march across the Rubicon with your army was to challenge the leadership of the Roman Republic and was treason, punishable by death.

In 49 BC Julius Caesar deliberately defied his leaders by taking his army across that river, and still today we speak of “crossing the Rubicon” as an irreversible step when we boldly choose to confront destiny.

On Monday night we will cross the Rubicon.  Whether we like it or not, events will carry all serious nationalist activists across the Rubicon and force us to face facts too long ignored.

The leadership of the British National Party will be exposed for criminal fraud, which tragically cannot avoid staining every member of that party, regardless of their personal honesty and decency in the vast majority of cases – everyone who represents that party at any level will be tainted.

Many people have had to wrestle with a conflict of loyalty, and most especially with the knowledge that breaking away from the BNP, exposing the division of our movement to public view, trying to build a new movement out of the wreckage of the old, would be a titanic endeavour.

After Monday all such conflicts, all such strategic calculations will be settled.  It will simply no longer be possible to argue that somehow the BNP leadership can be persuaded to see sense, somehow our difficulties can be patched up.

All personal and factional divisions pale into insignficance next to the overriding division of our movement:
on one side a tiny gang of crooks and embezzlers;
on the other the vast majority of decent and committed patriots.

In St Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians he writes:
“When I was a child, I spake as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child: but when I became a man, I put away childish things.”

Let us as nationalists find the courage to put away childish things and confront reality.

We will not succeed in building a new post-Griffin movement by pursuing narrow factional agendas.  It seems to me unquestionable that none of the alternative parties currently operating will be big enough to take on this task alone.

I therefore call on the leading activists in British nationalism to make a complete and irrevocable break from Nick Griffin and his party.  To make the tough choice to cut loose from the BNP before its corrupt leadership drags down even more good nationalists.

Precisely because our national crisis and our racial crisis has moved on to an even more acute stage, the challenge is in some ways even greater than that faced by John Tyndall during the creation of the National Front and the British National Party.  But the potential prize is greater too, as so many of our people are permanently disillusioned with Lib, Lab and Con.

We have absolutely no chance of capturing the loyalty of those disillusioned voters while our own movement is mired in corruption.

Yet if we can find the courage to cut out that cancer, our recovery can be rapid and our future can be bright.

Lest We Forget

efpwreath

Ninety-two years ago, on November 11th 1918, the guns fell silent in what contemporaries hoped would be “the war to end all wars”.

Yet Europeans were to engage in another self-destructive holocaust only twenty years later, and even today our leaders commit British troops to conflicts on the other side of the globe which bear no relation to our national interest.

Some have accused today’s British Legion of allowing themselves to be used by the Brown and Cameron governments in pro-war propaganda exercises. Yet in the 1930s this organisation – formed to represent the interests of ex-servicemen and their families – had a very different stance.

Documents show that the British Legion bravely (but vainly) endeavoured to campaign against war, with a delegation travelling to Germany to meet with leading national socialists including Adolf Hitler, Rudolf Hess and Hermann Göring. During the last few weeks press reports (including this one in the Daily Mail) and a television documentary have tried to build this up as a scandalous new revelation, though in fact it was first reported in a history of the Legion published in 2001.

In the spring of 1935 the Prince of Wales, patron of the British Legion and himself a veteran of the 1914-18 War, told its annual conference:
“I feel that there could be no more suitable body or organisation of men to stretch forth the hand of friendship to the Germans than we ex-servicemen who fought them in the Great War and have now forgotten about all that.”

British Legion delegates meeting National Socialist leaders

British Legion delegates meeting National Socialist leaders

Legion chairman Maj. Francis Featherston-Godley concurred, telling his comrades:

“Hitherto, you have had the old communication of diplomatic channels hedged in by restrictions.
“We applied the ordinary common sense by which we run the Legion, and can now go to the other fellow over a glass of beer and tell him what we think without fear of the consequences. He can do the same with us.”

British Legion delegates with Hermann Göring

British Legion delegates with Hermann Göring

Tragically this common sense was overtaken by events – and common sense seems in equally short supply in 2010, with British forces having been despatched to an illegal war in Iraq and an unwinnable war in Afghanistan, neither of which were fought in defence of this country’s interests.

As we remember the sacrifice of generations of servicemen and their families, let us also resolve never again to allow such a hijacking of our armed forces whose role is to defend this country and its interests, not to be the pawns of international intrigue.

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July 1916 remembered

England First Party branches across Lancashire are remembering the anniversary of the horrific slaughter on the Somme in 1916. Among the most tragic aspects of this holocaust were the heavy casualties suffered by the so-called “pals” battalions of volunteers, groups of friends, neighbours and work mates who were recruited to serve together, resulting in the decimation of towns and workplaces in a single day.
Some of the 'Accrington Pals' on the rifle range at Ripon, Yorkshire, before embarking for Egypt. They fought in early 1916 in defence of the Suez Canal before heading for France, and their decimation on the first day of the Battle of the Somme.

Some of the 'Accrington Pals' on the rifle range at Ripon, Yorkshire, before embarking for Egypt. They fought in early 1916 in defence of the Suez Canal before heading for France, and their decimation on the first day of the Battle of the Somme.

Probably the most famous were the ‘Accrington Pals’ who formed the 11th Battalion of the East Lancashire Regiment, recruited in September 1914. The battalion consisted of four companies, each of 250 men: W Company from Accrington itself, X Company from the surrounding district (including some from Blackburn and nearby villages), Y Company from Chorley, and Z Company from Burnley.

Within about half an hour on the first day of the Battle of the Somme – 1st July 1916 – 700 of the Accrington Pals went into action, suffering 585 casualties.

A landmine explodes at Hawthorn Ridge on the first day of the Battle of the Somme, 1st July 1916

A landmine explodes at Hawthorn Ridge on the first day of the Battle of the Somme, 1st July 1916

In Preston 250 of the first volunteers in September 1914 became the ‘Preston Pals’ – D Company of the 7th Battalion, Loyal North Lancashire Regiment. Two hundred of these fell during the second phase of the Battle of the Somme which began on 14th July at Bazentin-le-Petit.

Seven battalions of ‘Manchester Pals’ were recruited – overall almost 10,000 men of whom 4,776 were killed during the course of the 1914-18 war.

It was entirely a matter of luck whether a particular battalion was decimated or not, depending on where they happened to be sent. The battalion raised in Oldham were known as the ‘Oldham Comrades’ and suffered relatively light casualties. By contrast the 22nd Battalion of the Manchester Regiment, raised in the city centre mostly from cotton workers, suffered 472 casualties of the 796 men who saw action on the first day of the Somme.

20,000 British soldiers were killed on that first day, with a further 35,000 wounded. A month later their commanders accepted there was going to be no breakthrough, and dug in for a campaign of attrition, with further offensives in September and November.

A bleak war of attrition followed the failure of the initial British offensives at the Somme.

A bleak war of attrition followed the failure of the initial British offensives at the Somme.

Though by the final end of the Battle of the Somme on 21st November 1916 the British Army had gained only two miles of territory after four and a half months of fighting and 420,000 casualties – two men for every centimetre of ground gained – historians are divided over whether the battle should be termed a military disaster.

One recent analyst, Prof. Gary Sheffield has concluded:
“The battle of the Somme was not a victory in itself, but without it the entente would not have emerged victorious in 1918.”

Yet as with the second European civil war of 1939-45, one thing can be said for certain. For the men and families of the Accrington Pals, the Preston Pals and their equivalents across the country, there was to be no victory.

A Vickers machine gun crew wearing gas masks near the Ovillers section of the Somme battlefield, where the 600 men of the 'Grimsby Chums' - 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment - suffered 500 casualties

A Vickers machine gun crew wearing gas masks near the Ovillers section of the Somme battlefield, where the 600 men of the 'Grimsby Chums' - 10th Battalion, Lincolnshire Regiment - suffered 500 casualties

Stop Anglophobia! Leicester (23/05/2010)

The Streets of Leicester, 23 May 2010:

May 23 2010 – Stop Anglophobia Demo: Leicester City Clock Tower.

Overall it was a fantastic turnout and a well executed peaceful demo against the continuous Anglophobia happening here in England and also its surrounding countries. Lets keep up the good work!

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The English Shieldwall: http://englishshieldwall.weebly.com/support-us.html

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Stop Anglophobia – Facebook Page/Photos

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Stop Anglophobia – YouTube Video

BBC says Fish & Chips not English

English Fish and Chips

“The unlikely origin of fish and chips.”

BBC.CO.UK, 21 Dec 2009: Fish and chips are a national institution – and now chippies across the country are preparing to celebrate the 150th birthday of our most famous fast food.

Winston Churchill called them “the good companions”. John Lennon smothered his in tomato ketchup. Michael Jackson liked them with mushy peas.

They sustained morale through two world wars and helped fuel Britain’s industrial prime.

For generations, fish and chips have fed millions of memories – eaten with greasy fingers on a seaside holiday, a pay-day treat at the end of the working week or a late-night supper on the way home from the pub.

Read full article [external link]

Buddhism is fastest-growing religion in English jails over past decade

Buddhism is the fastest-growing religion in England’s jails, with the number of followers rising eightfold over the past decade.

DAILY TELEGRAPH, 5 Aug 2009: Although adherents to the Eastern faith believe in peace and the sanctity of life, almost all of the Buddhists behind bars in this country are serving lengthy sentences for serious crimes such as violence and sex offences.

Some jails and secure hospitals including Broadmoor have opened shrines known as Buddha Groves in their grounds, and there is a nationwide network of chaplains to cater for the growing population.

It is claimed that most of the Buddhists in jail converted after their conviction, and chose it over other religions because its emphasis on meditation helps them cope with being locked up.

Supporters of Buddhist criminals say they also believe the spiritual development they gain in prison will help them once they are released, and prevent them from re-offending.

Lord Avebury, a Liberal Democrat peer who is the patron of Angulimala, the Buddhist Prison Chaplaincy Organisation, told The Daily Telegraph: “The numbers are quite remarkable. I think one of the reasons is that they convert to Buddhism in prison – it’s a reasonable hypothesis that they become interested when inside.

Read full article [external link]

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