No Surrender to liberal civic nationalism
We have been asked by a former member of the English Democrats Party to publish a leaked letter (see below) that ED’s number two Steven Uncles sent to Sinn Fein HQ just prior to the 2009 European and local council elections. Apart from Sinn Fein, the ED’s have also contacted and tried to make alliances with the Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) and Plaid Cymru – both of which are very left-wing anti-English parties. Why any normal English nationalist would want to have any contact with this anti-English, Marxist scum is beyond us?
Earlier this year, after it was discovered that Uncles had written to Sinn Fein the EDs’ national council asked for a vote of no confidence in him. This was carried and Uncles was booted out of the party leadership (or so they thought!). All well and good you may think? Well not quite. After barely two months of being ‘suspended’ from the party, Uncles was back. First as an ED candidate in Dartford in the May local elections and then as a party spokesmen on the BBC Politics Show – taking about an English Parliament!
This was just too much for many patriotic and loyalist ED members, who voted with their feet and are now leaving the party just as fast as the ex-BNP members were being brought into the party in the spring by ED’s chairman Robin Tilbrook and his new ally Eddy Butler.
What civic or liberal ‘nationalists’ like Robin Tilbrook and Steven Uncles fail to understand, is that most – the overwhelming majority – of English nationalists hate Sinn Fein/IRA and all that they and their Marxist allies stand for. We don’t want to make any deals or pacts or alliances with them. We want to smash them!
No Surrender.
English Democrats letter to IRA/Sinn Fein
Friday 13, March 2009.
Subject: Northern Ireland out of the United Kingdom?
Dear Sinn Fein,
I would like to introduce the “English Democrats” party to you – we are the largest English Nationalist party in England with approaching 3,000 members. On 4 June 2009, we will be standing in every English Constituency, our current manifesto position is a Federal United Kingdom with Fiscal Autonomy for the various parts i.e. England, Scotland, Wales & Northern Ireland. Recent events, have however inspired some members of our party to suggest that a policy of a referendum by the people of England, Scotland & Wales to “ask Northern Ireland to leave the United Kingdom” would be an interesting and unique policy to develop, and would certainly promote both the English Nationalism Cause and the Irish Nationalism Cause at the same time. We believe that such a policy would further the aims of Sinn Fien for a United Ireland. We have the opportunity to get this message/suggestion to the door steps of 45 Million people in England by leaflet in May 2009 and via Party Political Broadcast during May 2009. If Sinn Fein is interested in opening discussions to further our parallel causes and developing this strategy then please do not hesitate to get in touch, we are willing to meet in Dublin if this is of interest. Like Sinn Fein, the English Democrats have had enough of “British Rule” we wish to have “English Rule” for England, “Irish Rule” for Ireland, “Scottish Rule” for Scotland and “Welsh Rule” for Wales the time for Britain is in the past, England needs to rise as a Nation in its own right. We recognise the historic & geographical links between our Nations, and feel that this is best served by the “Council of the Isles” with English rather the UK representation in future meetings. I look forward to hearing from you further; I do hope this genuine offer is of interest.
Kind regards
Steven Uncles,
National Membership Secretary English Democrats
Another New Labourite discovers England
The great English man of letters Dr Samuel Johnson once commented:
“Depend upon it, sir, when a man knows he is to be hanged in a fortnight, it concentrates his mind wonderfully.”
Several minds within the Labour Party have been concentrated wonderfully by the electorate’s sentence passed three months ago. First we had David Miliband discovering England, now his left-wing colleague Jon Cruddas, MP for Dagenham, has experienced a similar epiphany.
In this week’s New Statesman, Mr Cruddas – whose party annihilated the BNP in his own backyard but who remains concerned by the stubborn adherence of the English working class to ‘nationalist’ concepts – writes that it is “time for a truly English Labour Party.”
Cruddas’s problem is that the Labour Party abandoned English values many decades ago. It is too late for them to put the internationalist, multiracialist, identity-hating genie back into its bottle. That task must be accomplished by other political forces – but don’t expect the Cameron-Clegg coalition to be any better!
New Labour Discovers England
Former Foreign Secretary David Miliband – now the leading candidate in the Labour Party’s leadership election – is basing his campaign on the assertion that Labour needs to reconnect with England.
He points out that since New Labour’s 1997 landslide victory the party has lost more than four million votes in England.
Former Foreign Secretary David Miliband seeks to re-invent his political image as an unlikely champion of English political identity
While claiming that his mentor Tony Blair had “made the patriotic case for strengthening the bonds of community,” Miliband acknowledges that “over time, he failed to take sufficient account and respond fast enough to the real struggles that many communities faced in confronting the impacts of globalisation – migration, low wages and public services under strain.”
Miliband goes further, suggesting that New Labour did not demonstrate “enough concern for the ties of belonging and place, which constitute so much of what makes life worth living. In many core Labour communities, a disdain for tradition and enthusiasm for hyper-modernity, constant change and all the glittering wonders of globalisation cost us votes and in some cases the BNP benefited.”
Then he specifically addresses the issue of English as opposed to British identity. According to Miliband, Prime Minister Gordon Brown faced particular problems as a Scot in dealing with Englishness. Yet Miliband ignores the question of whether Blair was any more comfortable with traditional English norms. After all, Tony Blair was also born in Scotland. His father had been brought up a Scot by adoptive parents in Glasgow (though born illegitimate in Yorkshire to itinerant thespians), while his mother was Irish (though Protestant).
Tony Blair therefore has only the most tenuous English roots. Born in Edinburgh, he lived as a child in Adelaide and Glasgow. The only English component of his upbringing was between the ages of 8 and 13, when he attended the Chorister School in Durham while his father was a law lecturer at Durham University.
Blair then attended Scotland’s leading public school Fettes College, near Edinburgh. Up to the age of 18 both Blair and Brown were Scots with nothing English about them. The big difference was that Blair had a cosmopolitan upbringing and education, while Brown (son of a Church of Scotland minister) attended a state school in Kirkcaldy.
This difference was accentuated after they left school. Blair spent a year in London trying to be a pop music promoter before heading for St. John’s College, Oxford. Brown spent a year having operations to save his sight after a rugby accident, before heading for Glasgow University. Blair entered politics as MP for a North-East England constituency via a brief career at the London Bar, assisted by his wife’s Labour connections, having no Labour Party ties himself. Brown was from the outset a high-flyer in Labour’s Scottish establishment: a student activist, Rector of his University, politics lecturer, television journalist, then MP for a constituency near his childhood home.
Partly as a consequence of this background Blair had a natural affinity with a particular type of Englishman – liberal, cosmopolitan, materialistic, shallow, pro-gay, pro-immigrant, pro-capitalist. This initially gave him an appeal unique among Labour Party leaders to that type of voter, heavily concentrated in the semi-affluent, South East English constituencies that his party had once seemed unlikely ever to win again. But he had as little affinity with the traditions of his own party (whether working class trade unionist or middle class socialist) as he had with any form of racially or culturally conscious English identity.
David Miliband’s grandfather Sam (left) and father Ralph were illegal Jewish Communist immigrants
David Miliband is similarly out of touch with most of these, but unlike Blair he does at least have an umbilical link with part of the ‘English’ middle class socialist tradition, for Miliband of course is not really English at all. Both sides of his family are from the European Jewish-Marxist diaspora. His father Ralph and paternal grandfather Sam Miliband fled to London as illegal immigrants from wartime Belgium. Grandfather Sam had earlier fled from his Warsaw birthplace after betraying his own country to fight alongside Trotsky’s invading Red Army during 1920. Meanwhile David’s Polish-Jewish mother Marion Kozak has been presented as a “Holocaust survivor”, even though the Sunday Telegraph article retelling this story is remarkable mostly for the way it documents the extreme uncertainty over the historical fate of Poland’s Jews.
Perhaps we shouldn’t be surprised, given his own background, that David Miliband’s preferred solution to Labour’s struggle with concepts of English identity is to make only the most cursory nod in the direction of a tighter immigration policy, to reject an English Parliament, and to emphasise instead the “many Englands” rooted in local traditions and civic pride.
The problem is that these local traditions have been swamped by the immigrant tide, while civic pride was linked in most of England’s towns and cities with our long gone industrial heritage.
Miliband’s conclusion – that “the people of England demand that we not simply be subject to the logic of the global economy, but shape its possibilities for the common good” – shows breathtaking hypocrisy, or what the Miliband family would doubtless term chutzpah, given that David Miliband himself was a key player in the New Labour team that tied Britain more closely than ever before to the puppeteers strings of global finance capital.
Like the rest of the New Labour gang now seeking to bid for English working class support, David Miliband is part of the problem not the solution.
Scottish government votes for more powers to be transferred to Holyrood
BBC.CO.UK, 9 Dec 2009: The Scottish government called for powers over airguns, drink driving and speed limits to be transferred to Holyrood under proposals from the Calman Commission review of devolution on 9 December 2009.
Culture minister Fiona Hyslop said this could happen before the general election using existing legislation. But Scottish Secretary Jim Murphy said a new Scotland Bill would be published after the general election if Labour was returned to power, and would become law before the Scottish elections in 2015.
Read full article [external link]
Bank bail-out: every family shouldering £4,350 tax liability
Every family in the country is now facing a tax liability of £4,350 to prop up Britain’s banking system.
DAILY TELEGRAPH, 4 Nov 2009: Alistair Darling yesterday unveiled the biggest bail-out of any bank in history.
The Chancellor confirmed that the Government would pump an extra £25.5 billion into Royal Bank of Scotland, declaring that this was the only way to keep it alive.
Taxpayers have now poured a total of £53.5 billion into RBS alone, including the £20 billion part-nationalisation last year and another £8 billion set aside yesterday as insurance against further trouble in the future.
In total, the Government has now pumped £74 billion of taxpayers’ money into the banks since the start of the financial crisis a year ago.
Read full article [external link]
BNP withdraws from campaigning for Glasgow North East by-election
Nick Griffin reveals he would support a referendum on Scottish independence…
THE TIMES, 29 Oct 2009: Nick Griffin, the British National Party leader, revealed during a visit to Hamilton yesterday that he would support a referendum on Scottish independence.
His comments will be regarded as an embarrassment for the SNP, who are unlikely to welcome any suggestion that their referendum plans are supported by the right-wing extremist party. The three Unionist parties at Holyrood oppose the proposals to hold a referendum next year.
Mr Griffin suffered a humiliation of his own yesterday when he was forced to withdraw from campaigning in the Glasgow North East constituency. About 40 protesters heckled the politician and threw eggs when he arrived at the headquarters of L107, a radio station based in Hamilton, Lanarkshire, leading to three arrests. A BNP spokesman later claimed Mr Griffin had been delayed by a previous meeting at a veterans’ charity in Hamilton.
Read full article [external link]
NEW CAMPAIGN: Become a signatory to The English Claim of Right
The English Claim of Right:
Both England and Scotland as part of their Acts of Union of 1707 lost their own national Parliaments and instead Westminster became, and remains home to, the Union Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
The devolution legislation of Prime Minister Blair (The Scotland Act 1998 and the Government of Wales Act 1998) produced change on a massive constitutional scale, especially in Scotland. Few people in England understand the scale of that change. The Scottish Parliament and Government are now largely responsible for economic development, local government, the environment, agriculture and fisheries (with EU constraints), personal social services, education, law and order, public health, transport, housing and a good deal else besides.
One of the key developments in bringing about a national movement for better political institutional arrangements for Scotland (which led to the present Scottish Parliament) was the signing by many of the leading Scottish politicians (including Gordon Brown, Menzies “Ming” Campbell, the late Robin Cook, Alistair Darling) of The Scottish Claim of Right.
Add YOUR Name to The English Claim of Right [opens in new window]
NEW CAMPAIGN: Cast you vote for REAL electoral reform
Dear Nationalists,
I know you’re busy, but please spare a moment to look at this website:
http://power2010.org.uk/page/s/yourideas
It’ll only take a few minutes of your time (you only need enter your name, email and postcode), but it could be one of the most effective opportunities for us to promote an English Parliament and an end to non-white immigration. If we all remain silent, we really will deserve what we’re given.
POWER2010 has its roots in the Power Inquiry, which was established by the Rowntree Trusts in 2005 and undertook the biggest ever inquiry into the health of Britain’s democracy.
They want to identify five key reforms that will change the way we do politics in this country and the five most popular ideas will become the POWER2010 Pledge.
They will then ensure every candidate standing at the next election is asked to make a public commitment – a pledge – on these policies. Can you help make stopping all further non-white immigration and a referendum on an English Parliament two of them?
Many thanks,
EFP admin
“England remains little more than a centrally governed colony”
England First welcome this recent, though indeed very belated, recognition by Dr. Tony Travers of the London School of Economics of England’s constitutional and political situation compared to the devolved status of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
Dr. Travers, director of the LSE Research Centre, is the foremost English expert on local government matters, esteemed very highly and consulted constantly by Whitehall, the media and his fellow academics. His recent article ‘We must support Scotland’ (Local Government Chronicle Aug.29th ’09) which deals with the Megrahi affair, has highlighted its constitutional implications for the UK and what it means for England.
‘For the people of England,’ he writes, ‘the revelation that a Scottish politician can make such a life-and-death decision with massive international ramifications serves to point out how privileged the Scots now are within the UK’s so-called constitution. The 50 million English and their elected local institutions have nothing like the devolved power of the five million Scots, three million Welsh or one million Ulsterman. Scotland may now be a nation free to decide its own justice policy, but England remains little more than a centrally governed colony’.
It is to be welcomed that Dr Travers has now had this insight into the implications for England of the 1998 Devolution legislation. It is precisely what England First has been saying for the past 5 years. Regretably however, Dr Travers like many traditional British-minded academics still thinks of English devolution in terms of regionalism, even though the people of England’s overwhelmingly rejected the measure in the 2004 referendum. It is still their mind-set. As George Orwell noted over half a century ago there is an immense pool of English intellectuals who are strangely uncomfortable in their English skin.
The next four significant mental break-throughs for academics like Dr. Travers is first the recognition that Devolution 1998 was given to nations qua nations, as is explicit in the text of the legislation. The second is to make themselves intellectually and culturally comfortable with being English, which is what they are, just as the Scots and the Welsh are comfortable with their national identity. Over 60 years ago George Orwell wrote about the strange phenomenon of an immense pool of English intellectuals who feel uncomfortable in their English skin. The third is to recognise that England cannot be balkanised without immense damage and divisiveness. As Will Hutton wrote in 2001 ‘regional assemblies will a veritable witches’ brew of internecine rivalries’. The fourth is an open mind to the introduction of a new Union in which the three historic nations of this island will stand in the same relationship to the UK government and to each other’.
