Panicking US media labels Trumpist circus as ‘nazi’

A motley crew of demonstrators stormed the US Capitol yesterday in scenes that arguably had no precedent since August 1814 when (as part of the ‘War of 1812’) British troops commanded by Ulster-born Maj. Gen. Robert Ross captured Washington and set fire to the White House and the Capitol.

However, the War of 2021 was over pretty quickly.

US media and liberal academics have been quick to spout the usual nonsense about ‘nazis’ – yet even a cursory examination of the crowds at the Capitol shows that far from being part of a ‘nazi’ organisation (or indeed any disciplined force attempting a ‘coup’) this was an incoherent raggle taggle ‘army’ including many of the usual Israel-worshippers, religious fundamentalists, and fringe conspiracy theorists.

DC police who so blatantly failed in their basic responsibilities can count themselves lucky that this rabble wasn’t infiltrated by trained operatives from any terrorist group or hostile state.

In fact the one thing yesterday proves is that neither the Russian nor Iranian governments have any interest in promoting terrorist acts in Washington: had they wished to do so it would have been pitifully easy to use the rioters as cover to attack the pinnacle of US political life.

Observers in Tehran would have been especially entertained by the presence of would-be revolutionaries from Iranian monarchist groups loyal to the family of the ex-Shah and associated fantasists and hangers-on.

Now it’s back to basics for defenders of White civilization in the USA.

Trump was never one of us, and association with his regime has done our cause nothing but harm.

It’s been very surprising to see several ‘respectable’ leading voices of our movement in the USA defending Trump, indulging in nonsense about ‘stolen elections’, and at least semi-justifying the clownish antics of this Capitol Hill mob.

Who needs antifa when our own best and brightest are prepared to dig our political graves?

Perhaps it’s time for a new party, focused at first on securing representation at the most humble, local levels of public life; perhaps we should celebrate the imminent disintegration of the Republican Party; and perhaps we should be looking very seriously at proposals for a separate White American homeland recently advocated by Jared Taylor of American Renaissance.

One thing’s for sure. There’s absolutely no future in the ideologically vacuous and strategically clueless behaviour encouraged yesterday by Donald Trump. The soon to be ex-President’s fantasy of a dime store Götterdämmerung might entertain him in his retirement at some gold-plated penthouse. It has nothing to offer our movement.

Who Will Win the Special Election in Georgia on January 5th? – Report from H&D’s Washington DC correspondent James Knight

While a political solution to America’s racial and cultural divide may be a ship that has already sailed, politics is still very much alive. Control of the U.S. Senate will be determined on January 5, 2021 with two run-off ‘special-elections’ in the southern state of Georgia. Due to Georgia’s unusual rules, both these elections have gone to a run-off ballot after no-one won more than 50% of the vote in November.

Republicans still hold both seats with Senator David Perdue and Senator Kelly Loeffler (who was appointed in January to the US Senate post relinquished on health grounds by fellow Republican Johnny Isakson) being the incumbents. Perdue is running against Jon Ossoff, a Jewish journalist and Loeffler’s challenger is Raphael Warnock, a black pastor. Both are typically terrible left-wing Democrats, but Warnock is a follower of Rev. Jeremiah Wright, the black nationalist preacher who famously counted Barack Obama as a follower for several years.

Both Loeffler and Perdue are rather standard Republicans with one big difference. Loeffler has an A+ rating from immigration control group Numbers USA while Perdue has only a C+ on the issue. Critically, both would almost certainly vote against a Biden amnesty proposal while both Democrats would vote for it. Loeffler has also made some mild criticisms against the racist Black Lives Matter movement, and got herself into trouble when photographed with former AF-BNP member Chester Doles, at a campaign event in rural Georgia a couple of weeks back, which was picked up by the main stream media – including the UK’s Guardian newspaper.

Wins for the Democrats would mean the Senate is technically tied. But the vice president votes to break any tie and that will be Kamala Harris, who will vote for amnesty and every other leftist and anti-white initiative.

Even if Republicans can hold a two-seat edge, there is a chance Biden can persuade weak Republicans like Mitt Romney, Lisa Murkowksi, Marco Rubio or even Susan Collins to cross the aisle and support amnesty.

Right now, the polls show a dead even race in both contests. But these same polls gave Trump a slight edge in November and he lost (by a mere 0.2 percent). Should Democrats win the election there will be literally nothing in the way of an extreme leftist agenda being forced on the U.S. And demographics will ensure this agenda is a permanent fact of life for Whites.
Separation will look better and better to a growing number of White Americans.

Footnote: James Knight’s article – “Trump Lost. Where Does The US Go From Here? Calls for Separation Growing After 2020 Election” will appear in the next issue – #100 of Heritage and Destiny, which will we hope be published in early January 2021.

Power Shift in Washington

Despite various possible legal and constitutional arguments, it seems obvious that Donald Trump has lost the 2020 election, but equally obvious that the result was far closer than pollsters and pundits predicted. From a racial nationalist standpoint, there are positive and negative lessons from these results.

On the positive side, White working class (in British terms) or middle class (in US terms) American voters have for the second successive presidential election defied political correctness and voted for a man who at least in terms of surface showmanship, seems to reject all of modern liberalism’s shibboleths.

As in 2016, pollsters and journalists failed to pick up the extent of White Americans’ rejection of the ‘woke’ agenda. Ohio – long seen as a marginal ‘swing state’ and where most pollsters predicted a gain for Biden this year – remained solidly pro-Trump, who (with 90% of votes counted) looks to have won the state 53%-45% compared to a 52%-44% victory against Hillary Clinton in 2016. Examples of increasingly loyal pro-Trump areas include Clark County, Ohio, voting 57% for Trump in 2016 and 61% for Trump this year. Clark County (75% White) was once a strong manufacturing area, but industry has declined catastrophically in recent decades and it is now among the most depressed areas in America.

The state of West Virginia, where White workers were once reliable supporters of Democratic presidential candidates – voting 68% for Lyndon Johnson in 1964 and even supporting losing Democratic candidates such as Hubert Humphrey in 1968, Jimmy Carter in 1980, and Michael Dukakis in 1988 – again strongly backed Trump with 68.5% in 2016 and 69% this year.

Some readers will remember the old National Alliance compound in Marlinton, West Virginia. This is part of Pocahontas County which backed Trump with 68% in 2016 and 69% this year. The new NA headquarters is even an even more pro-Trump area – Johnson County, Tennessee, voting 82% for Trump in 2016 and 83% this year!

Falls Church County, Virginia, where H&D editor Mark Cotterill once lived, is at the opposite political extreme, voting 76-13 in favour of Hillary Clinton in 2016, and 82-17 for Biden this year. The state of Virginia as a whole has shifted in the opposite direction to its West Virginia neighbour: once a ‘swing state’ that voted 62% for Ronald Reagan in 1984 and backed even losing Republican candidates George Bush (1992) and Bob Dole (1996), Virginia is now solidly behind the Democratic Party. This seems to reflect not only demographic change, with increasing numbers of black and Hispanic Virginians, but also a distaste for the modern Republican party among many younger, educated and fairly affluent White voters (especially young women) – although very wealthy Whites seem to have set aside their social liberalism and rewarded Trump for his tax cuts.

An unexpected aspect of racial politics this year involved Hispanic voters. While statisticians lump Hispanics together as a bloc, in reality they fall into two broadly opposed camps. This year Trump increased his support among strongly anti-communist Cuban immigrants (especially numerous in the crucial swing state of Florida) and some other conservative and/or Catholic Hispanics, who are alienated by the Democrats’ swing to the left, especially on social issues such as abortion. Though not himself noted for piety, Trump solidified his support among Christian conservatives by nominating Catholic legal scholar Amy Coney Barrett to the US Supreme Court a few weeks before the election.

While these Hispanics were repelled by the Democrats’ turn to the ‘left’ and more particularly by their obsession with feminism, ‘trans’ rights and general ‘wokeism’, a very different bloc of Hispanics is in the vanguard of semi-socialist politics. These voters backed leftwing challenger Bernie Sanders rather than Biden in the Democratic primaries, and were targeted by specialist sections of the Trump campaign using Facebook messaging etc. to persuade them that Biden was an establishment candidate who wasn’t worth backing.

Where Biden does seem to have improved on Clinton’s woeful campaign is among some White blue-collar workers who were persuaded to return to the Democratic fold. This was undoubtedly a factor in Biden recapturing two absolutely crucial states – Wisconsin and Michigan – by tiny margins. Equally if not more important is the long-term demographic change, with increasing numbers of Black voters tipping the balance in some states.

After he came down heavily on the side of ‘civil rights’ in 1964, President Lyndon Johnson confided to one of his closest aides that in doing so he had lost the South for the Democratic Party for a generation. Arguably this turned out to be two generations, but eventually (as Johnson implicitly predicted) increasing numbers of new black voters would compensate for the loss of White ex-Democrats.

Despite Trump slightly increasing his support among black voters (probably again concentrated among a small number of black Christian conservatives), the more important trend was the higher turnout of overwhelmingly pro-Biden blacks that helped offset support for Trump among ‘poor Whites’.

This (rather than over-hyped allegations of ‘fraud’) was the main reason why in states such as Pennsylvania and Georgia, early Trump leads were whittled down as ballots from black-dominated areas of Philadelphia and Atlanta were added to vote totals. Emblematic of this trend was Gwinnett County, Georgia. This county was 90% White as recently as 1990, but Whites have recently slipped to minority status here: appropriately enough, Gwinnett County’s ballots were among the last to be completely counted this year and seem likely to confirm Biden’s winning path to the White House – due to demographics, not fraud.

None of this should surprise H&D readers. If anything, the surprise is that after months of black rioting, tearing down statues, looting, and open insults to traditional notions of civility and order – even after all this, many White voters effectively surrendered to the radical ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement, either by voting for Biden or simply giving up on democratic politics.

One clear example was in Mississippi, where 68% of voters backed a change to the state flag, removing the image of the old Confederate battle flag. In 2001 a similar initiative was rejected, but BLM-related campaigns had renewed pressure this year. Even while backing Trump by a 59-39% margin, Mississippi voters this year gave up the battle to retain their 126-year-old flag.

Trump’s defeat is not the end of White America, but it is the end of a particular variant of populist White resistance. The very fact that many Trump supporters (taking their cue from the President himself) were so quick to take refuge in impotent rage about ‘fraud’ indicates the futility of their conspiracist, paranoid political strategy. Trump spent much of his presidency tweeting about the evils of the political establishment – despite controlling both the White House and Senate. The sad truth is that Trump didn’t have much of a concrete agenda and leaves behind little concrete legacy aside from a conservative majority on the Supreme Court – and even that becomes less tangible the closer one examines the meaning of ‘conservatism’.

The President’s devotion to Israel won him little support among Jewish voters, 77% of whom backed his opponent Joe Biden. For all the campaign rhetoric, US policy in the Middle East will change very little under Biden – US-sponsored efforts to build bridges between Israel and Arab dictatorships will continue, with the ultimate objective of a de facto Saudi-Israeli alliance against Iran. Just like Trump (but with less inflammatory tweeting) President Biden will seek a ‘tougher’ form of nuclear deal with Iran, though he might be more open than his predecessor to realistic voices in London, Paris and Berlin who favour something closer to the Obama-era deal with Tehran.

Trump was a modest improvement on the 2001-2009, neocon-dominated Bush Administration. Yet from day one his senior appointments lacked quality, integrity or ideological backbone: the Reagan era was a halcyon age by contrast. While Reagan Republicanism was a long way from the ideological spectrum of H&D‘s readership, the Reagan White House included some pretty solid paleoconservatives, and even those who weren’t on our ideological wavelength were generally a class above their Trump-era counterparts.

As in the UK, the US political scene is marked by an obvious racial consciousness among White working/middle-class voters, but lack of a serious political infrastructure giving those voters a voice. Following Trump’s defeat, the Republican party establishment will seek to reassert control and ensure selection of a more ‘moderate’ presidential candidate in 2024. Trump himself was sui generis, and there is no new Pat Buchanan or Ron Paul on the horizon. Even at humbler levels of the political system, it’s difficult to find high-quality defenders of White America. So-called ‘right-wingers’ are more likely to be crank conspiracy theorists such as newly elected Republican Congresswomen Lauren Boebert (Colorado) and Marjorie Taylor Greene (Georgia), who support the frankly weird and amorphous ‘QAnon’ theory. One factor this year (which alert readers will have deduced from statistics quoted earlier) was the almost total disappearance of third party candidates. Libertarian Party candidate Jo Jorgensen was on the ballot in every state but generally polled only 1% compared to 3.3% for Libertarian candidate Gary Johnson in 2016.