Fighting for race and nation at the ballot box

While the rest of Europe is engaged in elections for a ‘Parliament’ that has little genuine power over European institutions, nominations were published this weekend across the UK for the General Election on 4th July.

H&D readers will have varying views on the efficacy of contesting such elections, but we can all agree that the list of candidates reflects a slow but perceptible recovery from the disaster inflicted on our movement by Nick Griffin’s destruction of the BNP more than a decade ago.

There are two main groups of nationalist candidates. The British Democrats, who achieved a handful of strong results at the local council elections last month, are fighting four constituencies: Basildon & Billericay (where Chris Bateman is standing against Conservative Party chairman Richard Holden); Faversham & Mid Kent (Lawrence Rustem); Maidstone & Malling (Gary Butler); and Doncaster North (where Frank Calladine is up against former Labour leader Ed Miliband).

Mr Calladine is the only racial nationalist candidate in the UK who will not have a Reform UK opponent.

Three of the British Democrat candidates are already parish councillors. They understand that in present circumstances it’s difficult to contest parliamentary elections – party chairman and H&D patron Dr Jim Lewthwaite has emphasised that nationalism is a long-term project – but it’s important to offer the British people a genuine choice, and to take a step forward in rebuilding nationalism amid the collapse of the Tory party and the transformation of mainstream politics.

The English Democrats (unlike the Brit Dems) are primarily a civic nationalist party, but their candidates this year include several staunch racial nationalists, as well as others whose main focus is on constitutional reform. The party’s platform highlights a pledge to “end immigration now!”

The fifteen ED candidates nationwide include the well-known anti-immigration campaigner Steve Laws in Dover & Deal, and four members of Patriotic Alternative: Thomas Bryer in Makerfield, Craig Buckley in Leigh & Atherton, Patrick McGrath in Bolton West, and Matthew Darrington in Newark.

Also standing for the EDs are party chairman Robin Tilbrook (Brentwood & Ongar), former Brexit Party founding chairman Catherine Blaiklock (Great Yarmouth), and longstanding campaigners for an English Parliament such as Steve Morris (contesting Bury South for the first time, having earlier stood in many council elections).

Two former BNP activists are standing as independents on anti-immigration manifestos: Joe Owens in Liverpool Wavertree, and Dr Andrew Emerson in Chichester.

Later this week H&D will analyse the campaign so far, and examine potential benefits for our cause from the present political drama.

The exhausted volcanoes – Diane Abbott, Nigel Farage, and campaign u-turns

The General Election has already seen its first U-turns, as two headlines from the campaign’s first week were reversed.

But far from indicating genuine potential for change, these U-turns revealed the weakness of both the mainstream left and the mainstream civic nationalist ‘right’, which have long exhausted whatever radicalism they once possessed.

U-turn number one involved Diane Abbott, the first black woman elected to Parliament in 1987, who (as we discussed a few days ago) got herself suspended from the Labour Party for trying to claim a higher victim status for blacks – thus committing sacrilege against the ‘Holocaust’, liberal Europe’s only religious faith.

Supposedly the question was whether Abbott had done sufficient penance for this sin against the Holy Holocaust. But the real question was whether the Labour leadership’s Jewish friends felt they could risk offending both the black lobby and the feminist lobby.

One big risk was that Abbott might stand as an independent and make common cause with her old comrade Jeremy Corbyn.

So, on balance, Labour decided that an ageing and sick negress wasn’t a real danger to an imminent Labour government with a likely majority of more than 150.

Or to use a vulgar political cliché, that she was better “inside the tent p*****g out, than outside the tent p*****g in”.

So after briefing the press that Abbott would be prevented from standing as a Labour candidate, party bosses suddenly decided she remained a good comrade after all.

Naturally, the Tory press have argued that this long drawn out Abbott fiasco proves the strength and danger of the Labour ‘left’. In fact it proves the opposite.

Abbott’s type of ‘left’ is now toothless. Most of its once-‘radical’ demands are today’s woke orthodoxy. Palestine is pretty much the only exception, and Starmer’s party is confident that its Zionist policy will easily survive whatever rhetorical challenges the likes of Abbott can launch from the backbenches.

This week’s second U-turn was Nigel Farage’s decision that he would, after all, be a parliamentary candidate for Reform UK, a party he already effectively owned, and where he has now openly taken over as leader.

Just over a week after announcing that six weeks wasn’t long enough to fight a credible election campaign from scratch, Farage decided that in fact four and a half weeks was more than enough. The lucky voters are in one of England’s most deprived but Whitest constituencies, the Essex seaside resort of Clacton.

Douglas Carswell (above left), a former Tory, was re-elected twice in Clacton for UKIP, but soon fell out with its then leader Nigel Farage.

Perhaps Clacton’s residents will be gullible enough to believe Farage offers a genuine alternative to the Westminster gang politicians. Perhaps they will decide he is the best of a grim bunch.

But as with Abbott, the Farage u-turn actually demonstrates the weakness of Reform UK, not its strength.

It’s unlikely that many Britons could name another Reform UK politician apart from Farage. And apart from Brexit (now yesterday’s issue) and immigration (where Farage continues to speak with forked tongue) few voters would be able to name a Reform UK policy. Since the party lacks any serious branch structure around the country, it’s unlikely that anyone will enlighten them.

The Farage campaign will be an extended con-trick, as Reform UK’s new/old leader pretends that a colour-blind policy can restrict immigration in any meaningful way, or that it can improve the many immigration-related crises of modern Britain.

Brexit resulted in increased rather then reduced immigration – and far more importantly it replaced European immigrants with African and Asian immigrants, the very opposite of what most pro-Brexit voters dreamed of.

This should have been no surprise to Farage.

Time and again in the European Parliament and elsewhere, sincere anti-immigration politicians such as Andrew Brons put Farage on the spot, eliciting confirmation that the former UKIP, former Brexit Party, and now Reform UK leader was not genuinely anti-immigration.

Farage and Reform UK are slavish devotees of ‘free market’ globalism. And it is global capitalism itself (not wokeism or some bogeyman like Klaus Schwab or George Soros) that is the engine of mass migration.

That’s why what Britain and Europe needs is not the moribund Marxism of Abbott and Corbyn, nor the fake ‘patriotism’ of Farage and Tice. These are what Disraeli (when speaking of the Victorian Liberal Party and his rival Gladstone) famously called: “a range of exhausted volcanoes. Not a flame flickers on a single pallid crest. But the situation is still dangerous. There are occasional earthquakes, and ever and anon the dark rumbling of the sea.

For Disraeli’s co-racialists today, the civic nationalist ‘right’ and the anti-Zionist ‘left’ are similarly capable of just the occasional rumble, and at most a minor earthquake.

Those of us looking for a revolutionary earthquake must instead build a movement that offers a true socialist nationalism that unites all true Europeans.

That’s our movement’s task for the next five years, whether or not the likes of Abbott and Farage are in Parliament playing their futile games for the television cameras.

Labour and the victim card

Diane Abbott addressing a rally in her Hackney constituency this week.

As the UK general election campaign ends its first week, Labour still looks a certain winner. But the party’s first stumble has illustrated the problem of victim culture in today’s woke world.

Veteran left-wing MP Diane Abbott was suspended from Labour more than a year ago, in one of the party’s many disputes over ‘anti-semitism’.

She had written a letter to The Observer (the UK’s oldest newspaper and traditionally linked to the liberal left) in which she tried to argue that only blacks suffer from “racism”.

Abbott (who was the UK’s first black female MP when elected for the North London constituency Hackney North & Stoke Newington in 1987) wrote that while other minorities such as Jews, Irish and “Travellers” (the obligatory woke term for gypsies) experience “prejudice”, which she defined as “similar to racism”, it was not the same as the black experience of racism, which she implied was something much worse.

“It is true that many types of white people with points of difference, such as redheads, can experience this prejudice. But they are not all their lives subject to racism.”

Also on Wednesday, Jeremy Corbyn launched his campaign to be re-elected as an Independent in Islington North, where has been a Labour MP since 1983.

As is inevitable in the 21st century, when any controversy over race arises, the question could not be debated in a normal manner and instead had to trigger an internal party “disciplinary procedure”, even after Abbott had apologised for her letter.

Disputes over whether this disciplinary process had concluded, and if so whether Abbott could now stand as a Labour candidate on 4th July, have become such a tangled affair that Abbott’s fate was twice the lead story for the BBC’s Newsnight on Tuesday and Wednesday this week.

Right now it looks as though Labour has tried to allow Abbott to retire with dignity after 37 years at Westminster, having been reinstated to the party, but they are determined not to allow her to stand again as a Labour candidate.

Setting all technicalities aside, what does it tell those of us outside Labour ranks about the state of today’s politics.

It’s interesting that the moment Abbott implied anything potentially anti-semitic (even if her implication was unintentional) she incurred the party leadership’s wrath – whereas her many anti-British and anti-White outbursts over the years were not only tolerated, but even won her promotion.

Diane Abbott’s pro-republican interview in 1984 where she explicitly linked the ‘Troops Out’ and ‘Black British’ causes.

In 1984, three years before she became an MP, Abbott told a pro-republican journal: “Ireland is our struggle – every defeat of the British state is a victory for all of us.” This was a time when republican terrorists were routinely shooting and bombing civilians as well as soldiers and policemen, across Ulster and the British mainland.

In 1996 Abbott said that her local hospital should not recruit “blonde, blue-eyed Finnish girls” as nurses because they had “never met a black person before”.

These are just two of a whole catalogue of extremist remarks made by Abbott throughout her career.

Turning to her letter to The Observer last April, the truth is that ‘racism’ and ‘anti-semitism’ are political positions which should be argued in a normal manner – but in the 2020s anything venturing onto such ground is treated as an allegation or scandal, requiring months of investigation (if the alleged ‘anti-semite’ is black), or instant defenestration (if the miscreant is White).

Abbott’s real problem is not ‘anti-semitism’ but incoherence. Her mind is so muddled and her self-obsession as a black woman so complete, that she didn’t pause to consider the implications of what she was writing.

The important unwritten and unaddressed question behind Abbott’s letter is whether the orthodox account of ‘Holocaust’ history is correct.

In other words, were millions of Jews murdered in homicidal gas chambers during the Second World War as part of a planned programme of extermination ordered by Adolf Hitler?

If they were, then Abbott’s equation of this experience with school playground abuse suffered by redheads was either monstrously ignorant or deliberately ‘anti-semitic’. If orthodox ‘Holocaust’ history is even broadly accurate, then nothing ever experienced by blacks comes close to what was experienced by Jews. The only times when black people have been the target of planned campaigns of ethnic extermination, have been at the hands of other blacks.

Stephen Pollard was one of many prominent Jewish journalists who called for Abbott’s expulsion from Labour.

But if the ‘Holocaust’ narrative is fundamentally wrong, then Abbott’s elevation of the black experience as a ‘victim card’ trumping anything experienced by Jews, Irish or other minorities, becomes more understandable and credible from her point of view – whatever we might think from our standpoint as White racial nationalists.

Inevitably, however, in all of the media hype around Diane Abbott, the fundamental question has not been considered. And if she chooses to stand again as an Independent, as her old comrade Jeremy Corbyn is doing, we can again expect that the underlying issues will be ignored.

Instead the media and fellow politicians will obsess over whether Diane Abbott has been shown sufficient ‘respect’ as a black woman. Or conversely whether she has shown enough ‘respect’ to Britain’s Jewish community.

We shouldn’t care a damn about these issues of ‘respect’. We shouldn’t care a damn about the ‘feelings’ of blacks, Jews, or any other minority group.

If politicians wish to play a part in governing the United Kingdom – once the centre of the greatest Empire the world has ever known – they should be capable of addressing issues in a responsible and adult manner, without having tantrums about the status of their particular ethnic group or gender. And the same applies to voters.

UK’s latest failed Prime Minister triggers election

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak announced this afternoon that there will be a general election on 4th July. This will almost certainly result in a Labour government, leaving Sunak as the 14th shortest serving PM in our nation’s history.

His Labour opponents are doubtless correct that one reason for calling an election now was fear that during the summer a new immigration crisis, involving yet more ‘small boats’ crossing the Channel, would prove the government’s impotence.

But few H&D readers will expect anything better from Labour once they return to office. The nationalist movement remains in a state of transition, as we have explained in our analysis of the local elections earlier this month. It’s unlikely that there will be more than a handful of nationalist candidates on 4th July, but as ever we shall provide detailed coverage of the campaign and its implications for our cause, including a close look at the ‘civic nationalist’ party Reform UK and its imitators.

Despite frequent rhetoric, Sunak’s Tories have proved incapable of halting the flow of illegal immigrants crossing the English Channel in ‘small boats’.

Most importantly, the likely destruction of the Tory Party at the polls in six weeks time, where Sunak will probably go down to a defeat as bad as (or worse than) the landslide suffered by John Major in 1997, will change the UK’s political landscape in ways that ought to create new opportunities for nascent nationalist parties such as the British Democrats, Homeland Party, and (if and when it registers for electoral purposes) Patriotic Alternative.

H&D will continue to be the only credible, factionally independent source for news about nationalism in the UK, including electoral aspects in the coming weeks. Our next print edition will appear very soon after next month’s European elections.

Six of those who served shorter terms than Sunak were obscure 18th century PMs, dating from an era when politics was more a matter of court factions than ‘parliamentary democracy’.

And two of the more recent PMs to serve very short terms were men who had the misfortune to die or become fatally ill while in office, including one of the best PMs in our history, Bonar Law.

Sunak’s impending defeat will allow him to spend more time with his wife and their billionaire family: his father-in-law is one of the wealthiest men in India.

Sunak’s situation most closely resembles Sir Alec Douglas-Home, who had the misfortune to become Prime Minister at the tail end of a long period of Tory rule when there was a general mood of “time for a change”. But in 1964 Douglas-Home managed a far closer result than Sunak will be capable of in 2024.

For racial nationalists, another interesting aspect of this year’s general election will be how far George Galloway’s Workers Party, or independent candidates (mainly Asians) challenging Labour in Muslim areas, will succeed in damaging Labour over its pro-Zionist stance.

This evening we have already seen what is arguably the first Galloway ‘scalp’ of the campaign. Halifax MP Holly Lynch has retired at the very young age of 37. Though she claims this is due to having a young child and another baby on the way, she is almost certainly running scared of a Galloway-backed campaign in a seat that has been marginal at some previous elections, and which has a large Muslim minority.

Halifax was one of only three boroughs where Galloway’s party won a council seat this month.

By retiring at this very late stage, just before a general election, Ms Lynch has effectively allowed Labour’s leadership to impose a chosen candidate – a fact that Galloway will doubtless exploit by pointing out the ways in which Labour has taken Muslim voters for granted.

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