Will the real Thomas Mair please stand up?

Todd Blodgett addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in July 1999.  Don Black the webmaster of Stormfront is seated to his left.

Todd Blodgett addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in July 1999. Don Black the webmaster of Stormfront is seated to his left.

Some of you may have seen the article – “Accused British Assassin Thomas Mair Attended Racists’ 2000 Meeting” on the SPLC (Southern Poverty Law Centre) website on June 19th.

The article was written by the SPLC’s top honcho Mark Potok but the story was provided by one Todd Blodgett, a former employee of the Reagan White House administration, John Whitehouse, Liberty Lobby, Resistance Records, and now it seems the FBI!

Blodgett – whom I once knew very well as my employer, friend and fellow racial-nationalist from 1998 to 2002 – has sadly sold his soul again to the SPLC: for money for a few more lines of cocaine no doubt.

Potok (who was never one to let truth get in the way of a good story) and Blodgett then came up with the tale of Thomas Mair’s supposed links to the nationalist movement in general and the National Alliance in particular, which it is claimed brought him down to London for a “racist meeting” in May 2000.

So desperate for a few more bucks to feed his habit(s), Blodgett has invented the whole story about Thomas Mair attending this racist meeting and how Todd met and talked to him there. And how I, with my vast network of racist contacts in the UK supposedly organised the whole event from my ground-floor apartment (flat) in Falls Church, Northern Virginia. A story which the SPLC bought (literally!) from him!

Now to give Blodgett some credit he did attend a meeting of some 15-20 racial nationalist activists near the Strand, in central London – but it was not organised by me and it was certainly not in May 2000. The meeting was in fact organised by Nick Griffin, then unofficial number two in the BNP to the late John Tyndall, and was held sometime during 1998.

At that time Blodgett was working for Willis Carto at Liberty Lobby, and not as he now claims for Dr. William Pierce of the National Alliance.  Carto had purchased Resistance Records from Jason Snow and George Burdi/Hawthorne a year or so beforehand but later wanted to sell it on. (I guess he did not wish his Spotlight newspaper to be associated with Skinheads anymore.)

Blodgett was in fact the middle man between Willis Carto and William Pierce (who by the way hated each other, so would not deal with each other directly – so they did the deal via Todd Blodgett, who may or may not have taken a small cut for his trouble).

Stevie Cartwright addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in March 1999.  Dr. Sam Francis, former columnist for the Washington Times is seated to his left.

Stevie Cartwright addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in March 1999. Dr. Sam Francis, former columnist for the Washington Times is seated to his left.

Griffin with the help of then Scottish BNP activist Stevie Cartwright (Blodgett got that bit right too) got together 15 to 20 of the main players in the Nationalist music scene, who were also sympathetic to Griffin and his future challenge for the BNP leadership, to meet Blodgett and hear his plans for expanding Resistance Records into Britain and the European Market.

Whether his FBI controllers were with Blodgett at the London meeting is unknown but if I were a gambling man I would say it was very, very doubtful because:
(a) I doubt very much that he was an FBI informant back in 1998 and
(b) the American Spooks did not really take that much notice or interest in us (what they would call the far-right) until after 9/11 – and after 9/11 of course it all went rather mental!

Anyway, back to the London meeting in the Strand in 1998 (not 2000). One thing is clear after 18 years: Thomas Mair was not at that meeting, he had not been invited, and in fact nobody had ever heard of him! The meeting was for the top / key players in the scene – Mair was not even IN the scene!

Blodgett made up the story that Mair was there and fed (sold) it to the SPLC, who in turn passed it on to news agencies around the world – including our very own BBC – who have now called me twice to find out more about this Thomas Mair chap.

Amongst his fairy tales Blodgett claims that Mair was “loosely affiliated with the Leeds chapter of the National Alliance”. The NA never had a Leeds Chapter – in fact they never even had a UK chapter, though a now deceased individual in the Leeds area ran a mail order book service with NA connections. Around that time – 1998-2000 – the NA may have had 20 to 30 members in the whole of the UK, and that’s tops. They were not organised as chapters and in most cases did not even know each other.

Dr. William Pierce addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in August 1999.   Don Wassall, editor of the Nationalist Times is seated to his left.

Dr. William Pierce addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in August 1999. Don Wassall, editor of the Nationalist Times is seated to his left.

My guess is (and I must stress this is only a guess) is that Mair knew somebody in the Batley area (maybe an NF or BNP member) who got him some flyers and/or catalogues from the NA. This person may have got these at a local NF/BNP meeting, where fringe literature from the USA was often (unofficially) passed around.

Potok goes on in his article about Mair subscribing to a “pro-apartheid South African publication”. The magazine that Mair did in fact subscribe to was South African Patriot In Exile (SAPIE) – published by one Alan Harvey, from his mother’s house in Herne Bay on the Kent coast – many, many miles away from South Africa.

Mair, in a letter he sent to SAPIE which was published in issue #31 in 1992, claimed he first got hold of their magazine via the NF. He did not say whether he wrote off to the NF and bought it from them (they did sell South African Patriot [the forerunner to SAPIE] at the time) or if he bought it at a local NF meeting in Yorkshire. Mair had a further letter published by SAPIE in issue #35 in 1995.

Strangely Potok does not mention that SAPIE was very pro-Zionist and very anti-Nazi (and still is as far as I’m aware) or that its editor Alan Harvey describes himself as “101% pro-Israel”. I guess that would not tie in well with his claims that Mair was a “neo-Nazi”.

Richard Barnbrook addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in August 2000.  He attended the meeting with his American wife and her family.

Richard Barnbrook addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in August 2000. He attended the meeting with his American wife and her family.

Further on in the article Blodgett claims that Richard Barnbrook was at this “secret meeting” supposedly held in May 2000. Barnbrook first appeared on the Nationalist scene in the summer of 2000 where he was the official cameraman at the BNP’s inaugural Red, White and Blue Festival near Oswestry. Barnbrook later came to fame when he became the first (and only) BNP member to be elected to the Greater London Assembly in 2008. As I pointed out earlier the London meeting was in fact held in 1998, and Barnbrook was not there. I doubt he was even a member of the BNP then.

Potok goes on in the next paragraph to say that I was “later deported (from the USA) for his activities”. Well as anybody with half a brain cell can find out by going online, I have never been deported from the USA – or any other country for that matter. But as I said earlier, Potok was never one to let the truth get in the way of a good story.

Just for the record I was handed a 10-year exclusion order from an immigration judge in Arlington County, Virginia in September 2002. The judge gave me three months to vacate the USA, as I had my home, job and wife there, so we needed plenty of time to sort things out. I vacated the USA with my wife Jenny at the start of November 2002 and have never returned since.

Ok, back to the “secret meeting”. Potok claims that Dr. William Pierce (leader of the NA) “had recently bought Resistance Records”. This is another lie: at the time of the meeting RR was still owned by Willis Carto.

Potok further states that he (Pierce) “would soon be releasing an electronic game to be called Ethnic Cleansing.” Another whopper of a lie here. That game was released in 2002, four years after that “secret meeting”. So ask yourself who could or would have been “giddy” (as Blodgett and Potok claim) about an electronic game that had not even been invented yet and was still four years from release?

After having spoken to Stevie Cartwright at some length about the “secret meeting” in London’s Strand back in 1998 (his memories of the era are a lot clearer than mine, well I am 55 going on 56 now!) he can categorically state that Blodgett knew no one personally at all who was invited to that meeting, either by name or by description. That being so he would not have known whether Thomas Mair had been there or not, which of course he wasn’t anyway.

Another fact exposing the lie that this meeting was held in 2000 was the fact that when Stevie Cartwright came to the USA in March 1999 to do a series of speeches and “house meetings” he also did some work in Todd Blodgett’s temporary Resistance Records office in the Woodley Park area of Washington DC. Stevie was renewing his acquaintance with Todd whom he had met before at that London meeting. So how on earth could that meeting have been in 2000? A complete nonsense!

If the truth be known, and that’s REAL truth – not some Cock and Bull Story made up by Potok and Blodgett – it might well be that Thomas Mair did have an interest in racial-nationalism, and that’s why he bought papers, magazines and books from a whole host of what the BBC would describe as “Far-Right” groups – including the National Alliance, South African Patriot and the National Front.

However, that does not make Mair a right-wing/nationalist/neo-Nazi (or whatever you want to call it) activist. Far from it, Mair was what some in our movement used to call an “arm-chair nationalist”, but now would more likely be called a “keyboard warrior”, i.e. he was the opposite of an activist – a non-activist in fact. He did nothing at all for the nationalist cause or movement in the past 15 to 20 years.

And the first time we hear of him is when he is accused of murdering the Labour MP Jo Cox on Thursday 16th June 2016.

Mark Cotterill addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in July 1999.  Vincent Breeding, then election campaign manager for David Duke is seated to his left.

Mark Cotterill addressing an AF-BNP meeting in Arlington, Virginia in July 1999. Vincent Breeding, then election campaign manager for David Duke is seated to his left.

As Todd Blodgett has chosen to put himself at the centre of this ridiculous conspiracy, either for monetary gain or as a favour to his handlers, then surely any prosecuting lawyer worth his salt would call Blodgett as a witness to the character and alleged “prejudices” of Tommy Mair. However, once the details are looked into and examined at length it would be blatantly clear that this was simply a fiction from the fevered mind of a criminal liar, fantasist and traitor who has been egged on by his bosom buddies in the SPLC hate group.

Now as anybody in the movement who knows me can tell you, I’m not one for conspiracy theories and never have been: but something is just not right here. I can’t quite put my finger on it, but I – or somebody better than me – will. The real truth about Thomas Mair will come out. So Mark Potok – watch this space!

Mark Cotterill, editor, Heritage and Destiny

PS: In a few days time Heritage and Destiny will publish a further exposé of the SPLC/FBI hired liar and crook Todd Blodgett.

Keith “Beefy” Taylor R.I.P.


I received this email over the weekend from a comrade in Leeds.

Sad news today, that an old comrade and NS activist Beefy Taylor from Leeds died today of cancer. He’d been very ill for a while and this news has brought tears to my eyes as did seeing him when he was ill. I will not remember Beefy’s last few months, I will always remember him as a brave street fighter for the National Front, one who terrified the reds and flew our flag wherever he wanted to. Rest in peace comrade Beefy, see you in Valhalla!

KW – Leeds, Yorkshire.

“Beefy” died of cancer, in a hospice in Headingley, Leeds this weekend, aged only 52. He was an active nationalist in his native Leeds, for almost all his adult life.

Keith – known as Beefy to most of his friends (for obvious reasons if you knew him!) – was the younger brother of Pete, a former Leeds NF branch organizer in the 1980s, and came from a real family of nationalists. His father Bob (who will be better known to nationalists from outside Yorkshire) ran Leeds branch for many years and his mother, sister Karen, sister-in-law, and brother-in-law also served on the Leeds committee at times over the years – a real family of Leeds nationalists.

I knew Beefy’s brother Pete better, as for a couple of years Pete was stationed in Plymouth, with in the Royal Navy; at the time I was South West organizer for the NF. Pete would travel up from Plymouth to Torquay/Exeter to meet us for NF activities. Pete served in the Royal Navy for nine years and served in the Falklands War.

Beefy travelled down from Leeds to Exeter once to take us on at football! A Leeds NF XI played a Devon NF team. I can’t remember a whole lot about the game, which took place on a proper rented football pitch, apart from the fact that Leeds NF (like Leeds United!) were not the cleanest of teams, and not many of our side wanted to tackle Beefy! As you would expect Leeds NF won, but we didn’t hold that against them and enjoyed an enjoyable few drinks with them afterwards.

Beefy and Pete sold nationalist papers for many years in Leeds city centre and also at Elland Road, home of Leeds United F.C., every home game. And like many nationalists they were regulars at Elland Road until they started signing loads of black players and getting involved in anti-racism campaigns.

In fact Pete wrote to the club to object. The club said they didn’t want support like his and offered to refund his season ticket. A man of principle he took them up on their offer, but he couldn’t bring himself to support any of Leeds’ West Yorkshire rivals so he started travelling to Scarborough to support the local team there – Scarborough Athletic. Two years before he died he moved to Scarborough where he continued to support the football team and also helped the local BNP group to get off the ground.

Beefy however stayed in Leeds, and not being a big fan of Nick Griffin and his modernising, kept out of the post-John Tyndall BNP for the most part. He still supported JT and was there outside the Court, for the famous Race Hate trial in Leeds, shortly before JT died. I remember being in the pub afterwards with Beefy, JT, Richard Edmonds and myself all having a drink and going over the day’s events.

Beefy was a good nationalist. He will be sorely missed.

A full obituary to Keith Taylor will appear in a future issue of Heritage and Destiny magazine.

Mark Cotterill

Keith "Beefy" Taylor with John Tyndall and veteran Bradford nationalist and loyalist Dave Brown – sadly all three are now no longer with us.

Keith “Beefy” Taylor with John Tyndall and veteran Bradford nationalist and loyalist Dave Brown – sadly all three are now no longer with us.

Nationalist candidates nominated in London

GLA City Hall

Despite his party’s well-documented problems, the BNP’s David Furness will contest the London Mayoral election on May 5th. His nomination was officially confirmed this morning, as was the rival mayoral candidature of former BNP official Paul Golding, who now leads the anti-Islamic party Britain First.

Messrs Furness and Golding (and their campaign teams) are to be congratulated on completing the UK’s most arduous nomination process, which involved collecting signatures from each of London’s boroughs as well as the City of London.

This task proved beyond the financially secure but organisationally weak English Democrats, a civic nationalist party which recruited a few of the BNP’s best former activists in 2011 but seems now to be in decline.  ED mayoral candidate Winston McKenzie failed to submit valid nomination papers and has been disqualified from the election. (Similarly the National Liberal Party – co-founded by Patrick Harrington who now acts as the brains behind the BNP leadership – failed to nominate a mayoral candidate after previously announcing Upkar Singh Raj as their standard bearer.)

The BNP and Britain First will also have slates of candidates for the London-wide list section of the Greater London Assembly, headed by David Furness for the BNP and Jayda Franzen for Britain First. It is this list section which gives smaller parties (including nationalists) a realistic chance of winning a GLA seat: in practice the target is 5%, and with more than 6% there is a good chance of gaining a second seat.

The BNP’s Richard Barnbrook was elected in 2008 with 5.3%, the party’s best ever GLA vote, while Jason Douglas only just missed out in 2004 when the BNP polled 4.7%. In 2014 the BNP vote fell to 2.1%, its worst ever London result, and realistically the target this year will not be to win, but merely to increase that vote.

The BNP list includes East London sub-regional organiser Paul Sturdy, and organisers from three of the few remaining BNP branches in the capital: Croydon’s John Clarke, Bexley’s Michael Jones and next door Bromley’s Roger Tonks. Also from the Bexley branch are Peter and Nicola Finch and Philip Dalton.

At GLA constituency level, it is likely that the only nationalist candidate will be the National Front’s Richard Edmonds, in the Croydon & Sutton constituency – where to underline the state of our capital city, both the Liberal Democrat and Labour candidates are named Ahmad!

For the first time there will be no nationalist candidate in the City & East constituency, which includes the old and more recent BNP strongholds of Tower Hamlets and Barking & Dagenham. The BNP saved their deposit in City & East eight years ago with 9.8%, and even in 2012 managed a respectable 4.1% but will not be on that ballot paper this year.

In most of the rest of England, local council election candidates are still being nominated and final lists will not be confirmed until the end of next week: the same applies for the Welsh Assembly, and Police and Crime Commisioner elections which are taking place everywhere in England and Wales (except London and Greater Manchester).

Scottish Parliament nominations closed this afternoon, with the NF chairman Dave MacDonald expected to be the only racial nationalist candidate.

Nominations for the Northern Ireland Assembly have only just opened, and will not close until April 12th.

Former BNP activist back in Court

A 40-year old Blackburn man, described by his teenage girlfriend as ‘controlling’ subjected her to two brutal assaults in the space of two weeks. Earlier week Blackburn magistrates heard in the first attack the girl was punched in the face and grabbed round the throat.  In the second she was repeatedly punched and then kicked as she lay on the floor before being kneed in the crutch.

Former BNP activist, crack cocaine addict and sex offender Ian Hindle

Former BNP activist, crack cocaine addict and sex offender Ian Hindle

Ian Hindle, 40, of Church Walk, Blackburn, a former BNP activist pleaded guilty to two charges of assaulting Tania Derbyshire. He was remanded in custody for the preparation of a pre-sentence report.

Catherine Allan, prosecuting, said Miss Derbyshire had been in a relationship with Hindle since just after she turned 16 (sixteen) after meeting him through Facebook.

“The prosecution say he has groomed a vulnerable person who has only just turned 18,” said Miss Allan. “He introduced her to drugs and there has been a previous history of violence against her.”

Miss Allan said on the first occasion Miss Derbyshire had gone to his sister’s home and waited for him. “He arrived 30 minutes later, high on drugs, and accused her of cheating on him,” said Miss Allan.

“He punched her on the head and then grabbed her by the throat and pushed her against a wall.”

The second incident happened at Hindle’s home. He dragged Miss Derbyshire upstairs by her hair where he repeatedly kicked and punched her.

Jonathan Taylor, defending, said Hindle was addicted to crack cocaine and that impacted on his behaviour.

Hindle's mother Florence, a Blackburn BNP official who split the nationalist vote on Nick Griffin's orders to hand victory to Labour.

Hindle’s mother Florence, a Blackburn BNP official who split the nationalist vote on Nick Griffin’s orders to hand victory to Labour.

Hindle’s mother – Florence Hindle (who was a leading supporter of Nick Griffin) – was secretary of Blackburn BNP branch and stood as a BNP candidate in local elections on numerous occasions, including Mill Hill ward in 2007, where she stood against England First candidate Kevin Shaw.  Mr Shaw had been tipped by many to win, but acting on Nick Griffin’s instructions Ms Hindle split the nationalist vote and handed what should have been a nationalist victory to the Labour Party.

Ian Hindle’s first conviction for sex offences was in 2008, when he was given a three-year sentence for offences involving 14-year-old girls.  Also sentenced in this 2008 case was Hindle’s fellow BNP activist Andrew Wells, a well-known organised crime figure in the Blackburn area. Perhaps the most serious aspect of this case is that Wells was also involved in recruiting (among both nationalists and criminals) for a security company employed by NATO forces in Iraq and Afghanistan.

BNP mystery after failure to register


BNP treasurer Clive Jefferson and Merseyside Police putting on a good show for potential donors

BNP treasurer Clive Jefferson and Merseyside Police putting on a good show for potential donors

Anti-fascists and mainstream journalists have been celebrating the demise of the British National Party after it was struck off the Register of Political Parties a fortnight ago, apparently having failed to submit its registration fee of just £25.

These celebrations might be seen as belated – since in terms of serious politics the BNP ceased to exist some time ago.

Or they might be seen as premature – given that the party should be able to register in a few weeks time without difficulty.

It’s not yet clear whether such a re-registration would be in time for the BNP to stand candidates in the London Mayoral and Assembly elections and other local contests.  Nomination papers for the Mayoral election have to be submitted by March 31st – but that’s only one obstacle.  The deposit for this election is £10,000, and 330 signatures are required – ten from each of the 32 London boroughs and ten from the City of London.

This collection of signatures will be an immense administrative task for a party that now only has functioning branches in two or three of those boroughs.

All this raises a question more interesting than the confected media storm over the party’s failure to register.  Just what is going on inside the dying BNP?

As H&D explained some time ago, the BNP now exists not as a functioning political party but merely in the hope of collecting legacies from the wills of misguided patriots, no doubt including some tragic cases who made their wills back in the days when the BNP seemed a serious organisation and are now too enfeebled by age to change them.

In charge of the party’s finances is 49 year old Clive Jefferson, a man well known to the police and the criminal fraternity. A couple of years ago Jefferson joined forces with Patrick Harrington to oust Nick Griffin from the BNP leadership and instal Adam Walker.

Even some of those who were happy to see the back of Griffin and remained loyal to the Walker-Harrington BNP have since quit in despair, partly because of Jefferson’s pervasive influence. Among the most recent departures were long serving Leicestershire councillor Cathy Duffy and London organiser Steve Squire, who were among the BNP’s few remaining serious activists.

London BNP organiser Steve Squire, who quit at the end of November just after the BNP's proscription of three nationalists groups

London BNP organiser Steve Squire, who quit at the end of November just after the BNP’s proscription of three nationalist groups

Just at the time when they should have been ensuring that electoral registration was in the post before Christmas, BNP head office were busy “proscribing” several other nationalist organisations with links to Steve Squire and other respected figures in the movement. (“Proscription” is a Stalinist term employed by the BNP frequently since Nick Griffin’s time – it means that no BNP member is allowed to have any contact with a “proscribed” member or organisation.)

The proscription notices were for some reason not publicised but were issued on November 28th in an obscure section of the BNP website.  Newly proscribed organisations were:

  • British Renaissance, so far a mostly internet based umbrella group organised by Jack Sen, who organised a Sunday lunchtime conference in Southport, Lancashire attended by many movement veterans in the same week as the proscription
  • European Knights Project, an international body with ties to South African and American nationalists who had provided financial backing for Jack Sen during his much publicised split from UKIP, and had also supported Steve Squire’s London BNP campaigns
  • London Forum, one of the most successful nationalist ventures of recent years, organised by ex-serviceman Jez Turner and providing platforms for a wide range of nationalists and patriots including some in the BNP.

Earlier last year Jack Sen had briefly been a BNP member after his much publicised expulsion from UKIP for “anti-semitism” during the 2015 general election campaign, when he was UKIP parliamentary candidate for West Lancashire.  He left the party after a row with Jefferson’s trusted aide and webmaster Chris Barnett.


Jack Sen (right) meeting BNP chairman Adam Walker and treasurer Clive Jefferson at Yates’s in Preston city centre, May 2015

Despite this split Jack Sen remained on good terms with some of the last remaining loyal and active BNP organisers in the North West: his Southport event was attended by Eddy O’Sullivan from Manchester, Gary Tumulty and Kay Pollitt from Salford, and Alan Payne a veteran from NF days who was organiser of Manchester & Salford BNP in the John Tyndall era. All of these now face expulsion from the BNP if they remain in connect with British Renaissance – of which Eddy O’Sullivan and Gary Tumulty are executive board members.

The executive board of British Renaissance also includes some of the leading figures from the Griffin-era BNP such as Alwyn Deacon, former West Midlands regional organiser and National Elections Officer, and Paul Hilliard, the Derbyshire organiser who contested the BNP leadership against Adam Walker last year.

While Jack Sen was recruiting some of the party’s best activists, the Walker-Harrington BNP couldn’t even submit a simple registration form on time. However the rump BNP’s factotum Clive Jefferson did find time to register two new limited companies at the end of last year – he had no trouble filling in those forms and submitting the necessary fees to Companies House.

Jefferson is listed as sole director, company secretary and sole shareholder of two companies based at Garden Studios in Covent Garden, a firm which offers business addresses and mail forwarding for £50 a month.  The deposit for this service will have cost Jefferson £200 (or £400 if he also opted for telephone forwarding) – far more than the paltry £25 which he failed to pay for the BNP’s electoral registration.

These two new companies registered by Jefferson (more than 300 miles away from his home on Slatefell Drive, Cockermouth, Cumbria) are Freedom Promotions Ltd (registered on December 22nd) and Freedoms Publishing Ltd (registered on November 13th).  Conveniently no accounts will be due until the summer of 2017.

Clive Jefferson with Nick Griffin's son-in-law Angus Matthys (right), back in the days when they were BNP colleagues and business partners

Clive Jefferson with Nick Griffin’s son-in-law Angus Matthys (right), back in the days when they were BNP colleagues and business partners

It’s possible that these are intended to replace Jefferson’s previous front company Heritage Content Management Limited, which he set up with Nick Griffin’s son-in-law Angus Matthys in July 2013.  This was struck off in November 2015 after failing to submit any accounts. No doubt part of the problem was that the two directors Jefferson and Matthys were at loggerheads following the 2014 ousting of Griffin and his family.

Will the two new companies ever submit accounts? Are they designed to handle BNP assets, legacies and donations? And why can paid employees of the BNP find time to register front companies at posh London offices but not submit simple forms to keep the party in existence and enable it to fight elections? Watch this space…

Record attendance at John Tyndall Memorial Meeting

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135 nationalists from a wide spectrum of parties and movements attended the John Tyndall Memorial Meeting in Preston, Lancashire on October 10th 2015. All four nations of the United Kingdom were represented with speakers and audience members from England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, and we also welcomed visitors from the Irish Republic, Canada, Italy and the United States.

[Video links to follow.]

John Tyndall, former chairman of the National Front during its greatest era of the 1970s and founding chairman of the British National Party from 1982 to 1999, died ten years ago on 19th July 2005.  The meeting opened with a minute’s silence in memory of JT and nationalist comrades who have died during the past 12 months, including H&D subscribers Walter Carr (a veteran colleague of JT’s in the NF and BNP) from the West Midlands, and Leslie Brannan from Basingstoke, Hampshire.

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Meeting chairman Keith Axon opened the proceedings with a call for nationalist unity, and the rebuilding of the ‘broad church’ nationalism represented during the best years of both the NF and BNP. This call for unity was picked up by several speakers, and indeed embodied in the composition of the audience, which included a broader range of nationalist comrades than ever before.

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Our opening speaker was Andrew Brons, presently chairman of the British Democratic Party, who was Member of the European Parliament for Yorkshire & Humber from 2009 to 2014 and chairman of the NF from 1980 to 1984.  Andrew reminded us that JT had not only forged two political movements shaking the political establishment, and edited the monthly nationalist journal Spearhead for 35 years – a prodigious feat of energy and organisation, but also had produced original insight into political philosophy and economics.  Andrew drew our attention to JT’s book Beyond Capitalism and Socialism, which offered insights and remedies for Britain’s national crisis. Later in life JT regretted certain errors of his earliest years in politics, such as adopting (illegal) political uniforms, which many years earlier Benito Mussolini had warned Sir Oswald Mosley would be a mistake in Britain.

Nevertheless the core of John Tyndall’s political ideology remains embodied in today’s British Democratic Party – the perception that different cultures are created by different peoples, as opposed to the opposite and politically correct deception that peoples are formed by cultures.

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Our second speaker was Max Musson, co-founder of the Western Spring website.  Max was a long serving activist and organiser in the NF and BNP, previously in Stoke-on-Trent and latterly in the Bedfordshire area. He worked closely with JT in organising venues for the BNP’s annual rallies, a tremendous task due to determined efforts by opposition forces to deny the party access to hotels and conference halls.  Despite electoral experience dating back to the mid-1970s, Max now sees elections as a waste of time, given the huge disparity in resources between nationalists and our opponents.  The Western Spring project involves not only inculcating nationalist ideas but building an economically viable and self-sufficient structure which will allow us to be a credible alternative to the establishment.  Check the website for details! (Max has now posted parts of his speech online, including apposite quotations from John Tyndall’s The Eleventh Hour.)


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Tess Culnane was unfortunately prevented by illness from attending, so our next speaker was Francesco Fontana, a veteran Italian racial nationalist from Turin who volunteered to fight with the Ukrainian independence movement Pravi Sektor (Right Sector).  Francesco gave a controversial account of the anti-imperialist struggle: he sees Putin as an ally in fighting Islamic State and bolstering the Assad government in Syria, but as the enemy of European resistance in the Ukraine.  Moreover from a racial point of view the old Soviet Union encompassed many non-Europeans from Central Asia, many of whom are still around in today’s Russian Federation.  Ethnic Russians are of course our fellow Europeans; Asiatics are not!  H&D has previously published articles from a pro-Putin standpoint so were happy to redress the balance.  We can see that the Ukraine issue, and the broader question of Putin’s Russia and its influence, can prompt different views among nationalists and are happy to present the full range of opinion in our movement.


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    Northern Patriotic Front

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We then took a lunch break, allowing our audience to browse among many stalls from organisations including Heritage and Destiny, British Voice, British Democratic Party, British Movement, A.K. Chesterton Trust / Candour, Western Spring, Preston Loyal, New British Union, Northern Patriotic Front, Church of the Creator, Telling Films, Counter-Currents / Arktos Press, Blood & Honour, Yorkshire Forum and Heretical Press / Historical Review Press.  Thank you to our hosts for providing an excellent buffet.

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After lunch our meeting chairman Keith Axon conducted an auction of nationalist literature and memorabilia donated by H&D subscribers and supporters.  We then heard brief speeches from three guests: Gordon Wilson from Glasgow, national officer of New British Union, the organisation taking the ideas of Sir Oswald Mosley into the 21st century; Michael Cook from Pennsylvania, USA, who brought us greetings from the great European diaspora across the Atlantic, and revealed the truly shocking oppression exercised by the government in the “land of the free” against racial nationalists, notably the imprisoned Rev. Matt Hale of the World Church of the Creator, now the Creativity Movement; and Benny Bullman representing the world-renowned nationalist music organisation Blood & Honour, founded by the great Ian Stuart from Poulton-le-Fylde, just a few miles from our meeting venue in Preston.

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Our next speaker was Richard Edmonds, a senior colleague of John Tyndall on the Directorate of the National Front and later as National Activities Organiser of the BNP – most famously as proprietor of the BNP’s bookshop and headquarters in Welling, Kent which was received worldwide publicity after the party’s first councillor Derek Beackon was elected in 1993.  Richard Edmonds is now a member of the National Front Directorate.

Richard quoted the French dystopian novel Camp of the Saints by Jean Raspail, which forty years ago predicted the tide of alien refugees now threatening to overwhelm Europe.  Only last week the British Home Secretary Theresa May described the threat to Britain from mass immigration: as Richard pointed out, she and other mainstream politicians have been rather slow to recognise this threat, which the NF has been warning about for decades.

The challenge to our corrupt establishment from newly elected Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn was seen by Richard as another positive development: in particular the long overdue call for withdrawal from NATO, whose incessant interventions and provocations in wars around the world have helped create the 21st century refugee crisis.

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Next up was another movement veteran – Steve Frost of British Movement, who was right-hand man to the late Colin Jordan, Britain’s foremost national socialist.  Steve recalled that Colin Jordan and John Tyndall had been close colleagues for many years, and remained in regular communication long after they had moved into separate areas of political struggle: JT involved with successive political parties, while after a brief appearance in the electoral arena, CJ concentrated on the development of a national socialist ideology.  This ideological challenge has never been more relevant, with the very existence of Europe and Europeans now under threat from cultural pollution, racial miscegenation and literal physical invasion. BM stands for uncomprising resistance to this betrayal.


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Jez Turner of London Forum was our penultimate speaker.  He reviewed an exciting year for nationalists, which included the two White Man Marches in Newcastle and Liverpool, and the outstanding victory over the ‘anti-fascist’ mob in Dover, at a rally organised by the National Front and supported by several other groups.  Jez’s own London Forum came under a remarkably hyped level of attack from the Mail on Sunday and Searchlight magazine, a curious alliance of the Tory press and old-style Jewish Communists.  He has also built international contacts and spoke at a recent Golden Dawn rally in Greece.  Closer to home, an example of the treacherous double standard that we face was exposed by the march against the Shomrim, an officially recognised and sponsored Jewish police force.


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After his address to the meeting, Jez was presented with a commemorative badge by a fellow veteran of the Royal Corps of Signals.  While veterans were celebrated inside the meeting, assorted friends of IRA terrorism were making threatening phone calls and using social media to put pressure on the meeting venue.  One renowned ‘anti-fascist’ / Irish Republican keyboard warrior even took time to publish news on Twitter about H&D‘s Peter Rushton collecting guests in a car from Preston station.  Quite why this was regarded as an important item of news to be broadcast on the World Wide Web is a mystery!


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Mark Cotterill was then called by meeting chairman Keith Axon to say a few words of thanks to all those who had helped make the event possible, especially our very efficient security team from the British Movement.  Lancashire Police had done their best to sabotage the event and provoke violence and disorder, by deliberately placing another group of demonstrators in a pub on the same street only 200 yards from our venue.  As anticipated, this event which was deliberately staged in the same area of the same city on the same day provoked considerable unrest, but our meeting was able to proceed unimpeded and with no danger to our audience – no thanks to Lancashire Police.  Mark thanked everybody for attending and supporting this year’s event, which was a great success and had attracted yet another record attendance.


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Peter Rushton was the meeting’s concluding speaker.  He paid tribute to two welcome legal victories for nationalists in the past few weeks: the dropping of all charges against the Newcastle marchers who were disgracefully arrested for burning an Israeli flag in March this year (two of whom, Michael Woodbridge and Garron Helm, were present at the meeting); and the long overdue release of the German lawyer and political philosopher Horst Mahler, who has at last been freed after serving more than six years in prison for political crimes.

The Orwellian suppression of truth and justice across Britain and Europe is finally being challenged. Moreover the destructive liberal “consensus” represented by David Cameron’s ruling Conservative Party is increasingly exposed as a betrayal of Britain’s heritage: social liberalism’s cancer has eaten away or moral and cultural foundations, most obviously through mass immigration, while the simultaneous “free market” liberalism of deregulated international capitalism has subverted our economic foundations.


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Meeting steward Ken Shapcott then conducted a raffle, assisted by a young lady from the audience, and drew the meeting to a close.  He thanked all those comrades who even if unable to attend had sent donations and/or raffle prizes to help make the John Tyndall Memorial Meeting 2015 such a great success.


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Check back here soon for links to video from the meetings speeches, which in a week or two’s time will also be available on DVD.


John Tyndall Died 10 Years Ago Today


Ten years ago – on 19th July 2005 – John Tyndall, editor of Spearhead, founder of the British National Party and chairman of the National Front during its most successful era, died at his home in Hove aged 71.

With hindsight we can see that the last chance of rescuing the BNP died with John Tyndall.  The tragedy of the BNP’s multiple splits and factional bitterness has recently been replayed as tawdry farce, with the former girlfriend of one of the party’s drug-dealing leaders giving sordid revelations to ‘anti-fascists’ about cocaine abuse and fraud at the BNP’s national headquarters.

Let us instead remember the BNP built up by John Tyndall, which for a brief moment promised to arrest our nation’s decline into decadence, multiculturalism and alien domination.

John Tyndall’s memory stands as a beacon of hope for nationalists, long after those who seized control of his party have passed into tragicomic irrelevance.

John Tyndall Obituary from H&D Issue 22 (Oct. 2005)

This Obituary appeared in Issue 22 of Heritage and Destiny, Oct-Dec 2005. We reprint it to mark the 10th anniversary of JT’s death.



John Tyndall – founder of the British National Party, editor of Spearhead and chairman of the National Front during its most successful era – died on July 19th a few days after his 71st birthday. His shockingly premature death leaves the racial nationalist movement reeling at the loss of its most astute and courageous leader.

There could never be a good time to endure such a loss, but it seems particularly tragic that we have lost JT precisely at the moment when the ideas to which he devoted his life have been most thoroughly vindicated, while the party he created remains in crisis.

Born in Exeter on July 14th 1934, John Tyndall spent his childhood in the London area and was educated at Beckenham & Penge Grammar School. Devoting his earliest years to sport, he had trials as a fast bowler with Kent County Cricket Club before national service in Germany with the Royal Horse Artillery.

The Tyndall family was descended from William Tyndale, the pioneer translator of the Bible into English, who was a persistent irritant to the political authorities of his time and was burned at the stake in 1536. A more recent ancestor was JT’s namesake and great-great-uncle Professor John Tyndall, one of Britain’s greatest scientists.

JT’s political odyssey began in the Britain of the mid-1950s. The multi-racial experiment was in its infancy, and the racial nationalist movement was still in the shadow of the notorious Regulation 18b, which had jailed its most prominent leaders and activists without trial in May 1940. Sir Oswald Mosley had by this stage returned to the political arena with the Union Movement, but as he later wrote in The Eleventh Hour JT was put off joining this organisation by Mosley’s new ‘Europe a Nation’ policy:

I had certainly come to believe that the policies of the pre-war gang of British leaders leading to the division of Europe and then to war had been disastrously wrong …and that a more enlightened foreign policy would have been directed towards achieving a state of European harmony which would have spared us the 1939-45 conflict, at least in the West. Harmony among the nations of Europe remained, and still remains, a good thing – though it ill becomes the Common Marketeers to talk of the need to unite Europe now, when these people are the direct political descendents of the generation that divided Europe in the 1930s.
But a single European nation was, and is, out of the question, being wholly undesirable and not remotely possible. Any thought, therefore, of support for Mosley in respect of his post-war politics was killed at birth.

This rejection of Mosley’s European policy was an early indication of a lifelong element in John Tyndall’s political outlook – his insistence on the maintenance of the United Kingdom’s independence and integrity. Later in his career he firmly rejected the various regionalist and devolution schemes embraced by some self-styled nationalist ‘modernisers’ and ‘radicals’. In particular he was a staunch defender of the Union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Ulster’s unionists had no more loyal friend in British politics than John Tyndall – scarcely surprising given his family’s history. JT’s grandfather and great-grandfather were both officers in the pre-1922 Royal Irish Constabulary, while his Uncle Charles became Bishop of Londonderry.

This did not mean that John Tyndall was a blinkered ‘Little Englander’. Far from it. He was fully aware of the worldwide implications of our struggle, and maintained close links with activists worldwide who were dedicated to white racial survival. JT was a welcome guest at international racial nationalist gatherings, speaking in France, Germany, the USA and elsewhere. His American friends included Dr Ed Fields, Sam Dickson and David Duke, whose conference he addressed in 2004.
In 1956 (the year of Britain’s humiliation at Suez) JT joined the League of Empire Loyalists. It was as an LEL member that he made his first public speeches on street corners in East London, learning the art of political oratory, of which he was to become such an exceptional practitioner, in a hard school.

Though he continued to respect the LEL’s leader A.K. Chesterton, later the first chairman of the National Front, and was considerably influenced by Chesterton’s journal Candour, he soon found that the LEL as an organisation was inadequate to meet the rapidly escalating racial threat to Britain. Another young LEL member, industrial chemist John Bean, held similar views and in 1958 Bean formed the National Labour Party, with John Tyndall as a founder member. The NLP’s figurehead was Andrew Fountaine, a Norfolk country squire who had in a sense pioneered post-war British racial nationalism as a dissident Conservative candidate in Chorley, Lancashire, in 1950.

At this very early stage of his career in politics, JT committed himself to the idea that a political party was necessary for the advancement of racial nationalism, a commitment from which he never wavered, while others over the years have preferred to operate in pressure groups, believing that they could either influence establishment Conservatives (as Chesterton and the LEL sought to do) or cultivate revolutionary racial nationalist sentiment among disillusioned youth subcultures.
The NLP had two years of activity, recruited 500-600 members, and gained a very respectable vote in its one parliamentary contest in the north London constituency of St Pancras North at the 1959 general election, when William Webster took 1,685 votes (4.1%). It then merged with one of those racial pressure groups, the White Defence League, to create the British National Party. This 1960 BNP is not connected to the modern party of the same name. Fountaine acted as president, and Bean as deputy to its leader Colin Jordan, whose WDL was the heir to the pre-war racial nationalist tradition of Mosley’s rival Arnold Leese.

In effect this BNP was a doomed attempt to bring together different strands of racial nationalism under one umbrella. John Tyndall always believed in the absolute necessity of this strategy and successfully implemented it twice more with the National Front in the 1970s and the later BNP in the 1980s and 1990s. In this early BNP he found himself occupying a middle ground between the hardline national socialism of Jordan, who succeeded in grabbing significant media attention with a number of stunts as well as large scale public demonstrations, and the more ‘respectable’ ambitions of Fountaine and Bean, who were determined not to scare off potential voters in what would now be termed ‘Middle England’. Despite this moderate outlook, Fountaine and Bean were happy to endorse the nationalist camp held by the BNP in May 1961, which reflected continuing links with hardline racial nationalist and national socialist organisations in Europe and America.
The BNP had an early success at the 1960 London County Council elections, scoring 8.1% in south London’s Deptford constituency, but internal dissent soon exploded over the question of how the party should respond to the violence of its (mostly Communist and Jewish) opponents. From his earliest days as an LEL street corner orator, John Tyndall had been made acutely aware of these opponents’ intentions to shut down our activities by whatever means necessary. While it was all well and good to preach about our commitment to respectability and democracy, the ‘democratic’ rights of racial nationalists could only be sustained by physical force commensurate with the communist-zionist threat.

To this end BNP leader Colin Jordan decided that the party should create a disciplined self-defence force, and John Tyndall backed this decision. Fountaine, Bean and others felt otherwise and their faction launched a coup in the spring of 1962, expelling the Jordan-Tyndall faction and seizing the party’s membership files. In later years JT felt that they may have been right to oppose the formation of this self-defence force, but he could not forgive the underhand and probably illegal methods used by the ‘moderates’ to take control of the BNP, which were to be repeated several times in later years!


John Tyndall (right) with Colin Jordan at the famous Cotswolds camp in 1962.

The rump of the BNP achieved good election results in parts of London in 1963-4 but then rapidly faded, struggling on for another five years before merging into the National Front at its creation in 1967. Meanwhile John Tyndall now made what he later regarded as his greatest political mistake. Along with Colin Jordan, he formed the National Socialist Movement which allied itself closely with George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi Party. In August 1962 the NSM invited Rockwell to a summer camp in Gloucestershire, England, and the resulting Cotswolds Declaration set up a World Union of National Socialists.

Looking back on this period, John Tyndall made the following assessment of his years with the NSM and WUNS:

Having made a thorough study of the forces dedicated to destroying my own country, and knowing that Hitler faced very similar forces in his, I have come to believe that many of his intentions were good ones and many of his achievements admirable. I do not propose to budge from that point of view, because to do so would be to be guilty of a dishonesty which I thoroughly despise in politicians. Of this dishonesty we have had far too much. If truth be known, there are probably millions of people in the world today, including many who gave their best years fighting Hitler, who now feel in their bones that in a great many respects he was right; they simply believe (and not without good reason) that it is not yet expedient or safe to state such views openly. But times will change, and yesterday’s heresy will become tomorrow’s truth.
But that does not mean that it is right for a British movement belonging to an entirely different phase of history to model itself on the movement of Hitler to the extent of adopting identical nomenclature and symbolism and acknowledging itself as being in direct line of descent. We are a different country, with our own proud past and traditions, and these – not the traditions of foreigners – should be our source of inspiration. We may indeed study reforming movements in all parts of the world and at all junctures of history, and learn something from their achievements as well as from their mistakes. But nothing in history ever repeats itself exactly. There was only one Hitler and only one National Socialism. They belonged to Germany between 1919 and 1945. Our task in this age is to build a 100 percent British movement that is its own original, not a photocopy of another.

While acknowledging this early political error, JT never apologised for seeking to defend racial nationalist meetings from violent opponents, who by this time had coalesced as the 62 Group and Yellow Star Movement. These attempts at self-defence via the NSM’s ‘Spearhead’ self-defence force led to the trial of four of its activists in October 1962. Colin Jordan received a nine month sentence and JT six months. NSM activity resumed in 1963 when a London rally at Caxton Hall was successfully defended against a 62 Group mob. However in the summer of 1964 JT’s reservations over the ‘un-British’ aspect of some of the NSM’s activities led him and his supporters (including a young Martin Webster) to break away and form the Greater Britain Movement.

Both the NSM and the GBM were very small organisations and for a couple of years in the mid-1960s the racial nationalist movement was in a parlous state, divided between Tyndall’s GBM, Jordan’s NSM, Bean and Fountaine’s BNP, Chesterton’s LEL and Mosley’s Union Movement. By far the most significant legacy of those years is Spearhead, the magazine founded by John Tyndall in 1964 and published for the next forty-one years without a break (other than that enforced by JT’s prison sentence in 1986). Spearhead was a shining beacon of truth lighting the way for many British and other English-speaking racial nationalists through four often dark decades. It is difficult to credit that the voice of John Tyndall’s Spearhead will not be heard with its pungent commentary on the next stages of our struggle.

JT was under no illusions that the GBM was anything more than a temporary stopgap solution to the leadership vacuum on the British nationalist scene. Throughout 1965 and 1966 he and his supporters maintained liaison with like-minded comrades in other groups with a view to reuniting as a credible political force. When the National Front was finally formed as a merger of the BNP and LEL under A.K. Chesterton’s leadership in 1967, it was to a large extent the result of negotiations instigated by John Tyndall, but the Tyndallites were initially excluded from the new party because of objections from some LEL ‘moderates’.

At the end of 1967, at Chesterton’s invitation, JT joined the NF. (The GBM had been wound up earlier that year.) Over the next few years it became obvious that he was the most credible eventual successor to Chesterton, whose health was not good. At the end of 1970 Chesterton resigned in despair at the activities of dissident elements in the party, some of whom JT suspected of being deliberate state-sponsored agents of disruption.

At the start of 1971 John Tyndall became deputy leader of the National Front, and during that year he struggled to keep the NF together. The new chairman John O’Brien was used as figurehead by a ‘populist’ faction which ultimately broke away from the Front in 1972, leaving John Tyndall as chairman.

Today’s BNP leadership contends that John Tyndall’s ‘extremism’ held our movement back, while their populism has allowed it to flourish. Were this argument valid one would expect John O’Brien’s populists, who formed the National Independence Party in 1972, to have succeeded at the expense of the NF under its new Tyndall-Webster leadership. The opposite was the case! The NIP made no impact and soon disappeared, while the Tyndall-led NF went from strength to strength.

Boosted by a massive public reaction against Edward Heath’s admission of Ugandan Asians, the NF’s John Clifton won 2,960 votes (8.2%) at the Uxbridge parliamentary by-election in December 1972. Martin Webster went on to take 16% at the West Bromwich by-election in April 1973, followed by huge NF votes in Leicester at the 1973 council elections and 11.5% for Mike Lobb at the Newham by-election in May 1974.

These successes built up exaggerated expectations among some NF members as to how well the party would perform at the two general elections which were held in February and October 1974. The elections were dominated by economic crisis coupled with the effects of strike action by coalminers, somewhat overshadowing racial issues. Moreover, the improvements to the party organisation set in motion after JT took over the NF in 1972 had little more than a year to take effect before the huge logistical challenge of fighting two general elections in one year. Undoubtedly many voters still saw the NF as a protest vote rather than a realistic challenger for power.

In these circumstances the NF was doing exceptionally well to contest more than fifty seats at the February 1974 election (thus qualifying for television and radio broadcasts) and ninety seats in October. Unfortunately the party was then stymied by internal dissent along the familiar pattern. This time the populists’ figurehead was John Kingsley Read, a recent ex-Tory recruit from Blackburn. Throughout 1975 the party was effectively crippled, as the Kingsley Read faction first succeeded in seizing the leadership, then failed in an attempt to expel the Tyndall faction altogether.


John Tyndall (centre) with his wife Valerie and their NF / BNP comrade Kenneth McKilliam

In February 1976 John Tyndall regained the NF leadership (for the time being supported by his former and future rival Andrew Fountaine who became deputy chairman) and Kingsley Read and his supporters left to form the short-lived National Party, taking with them 29 of the NF’s branches. The NF rapidly recovered, again proving the populists and their modern equivalents wrong. At the 1976 local elections Leicester was again the most successful area, with the NF almost gaining a city council seat and polling 43,000 votes across the city. The 1977 Greater London Council elections saw arguably the most impressive racial nationalist election results in British history with the NF gaining more than 119,000 votes.

An NF march through Lewisham in 1977 attracted the biggest ever mob of leftist opponents, leading to a major riot. In retrospect this can be seen as one of two significant turning points in the late 1970s. Significant numbers of voters (and especially potential members / activists) were put off by the extreme violence displayed at Lewisham, even though this was instigated by the left not by the NF. They were thus ripe for picking by the new ‘right-wing’ leadership of the Conservative Party. In January 1978 Conservative leader Margaret Thatcher made her famous comments in a radio interview:
“People are really rather afraid that this country might be swamped by people of a different culture.”

Voters erroneously concluded that Mrs Thatcher’s Tories would reverse the multiracialist tide, and the stage was set for the Conservative success and NF failure at the 1979 general election. The NF managed to field no fewer than 301 candidates at this election, an achievement which no other racial nationalist party in Britain before or since has come close to matching. But the results disappointed those members who again had built up unrealistic expectations.

For the third time a populist faction challenged John Tyndall’s leadership, this time headed by Andrew Fountaine and the suspected MI5 agent Paul Kavanagh, and for the third time this faction was eventually defeated and dwindled to nothing, this time as the short lived ‘Constitutional Movement’. Yet another faction, almost entirely Midlands based, then broke away to form the even shorter lived British Democratic Party.

By now JT was convinced that the NF’s constitution, with its elected Directorate, was a standing invitation to factionalism which could be exploited by misguided or treacherous elements. He therefore presented an ultimatum to the Directorate in January 1980, demanding that the party’s internal democracy should end and a new constitution should be imposed which vested ultimate power in the leader. When the Directorate rejected this idea, he resigned the leadership, though retaining a position on the Directorate and hoping that matters could be resolved without a split.

Within a few months it became obvious that no reconciliation was possible and the Tyndall faction resigned, launching the New National Front in June 1980.

John Tyndall speaking to a nationalist gathering in the USA

John Tyndall speaking to a nationalist gathering in the USA

As most readers will know, the 1980s were a terrible decade for British racial nationalism. John Tyndall was forced to rebuild a movement virtually from scratch while the NF spiralled into a rapid decline with split after split. The NNF soon merged with members from several small racial nationalist groups to form a new British National Party in April 1982, the same BNP which continues to this day. After contesting 53 seats at the 1983 general election with negligible success, the BNP sat out the 1987 election but by the late 1980s was emerging as the largest of the several small racial nationalist parties.

At the height of the NF’s success JT married Valerie, the daughter of the NF’s Sussex regional organiser Charles Parker and herself an NF parliamentary candidate. Valerie and their daughter Marina provided a domestic haven of civilisation for JT amid the political chaos of the 1980s wilderness years and the challenges of the 1990s BNP revival. Racial nationalists should be grateful for the sacrifices made by the Tyndall family in supporting JT’s career through the years, even to the point of Valerie being attacked by communist barbarians outside a meeting in Stratford in 1997.

In 1986 John Tyndall and his ally John Morse, then editor of the BNP journal British Nationalist, were jailed after falling foul of Britain’s notorious race laws. They were convicted of having “conspired . . . to publish divers items of written matter which were threatening, abusive or insulting in cases where . . . hatred was likely to be stirred up against racial groups . . . .”

During their imprisonment, Messrs Tyndall and Morse were entertained by reading the ludicrous and paranoid attacks and counterattacks published by two of the main rivals in the latest National Front split, Nick Griffin and Martin Wingfield. Though these two are now back in the same party, namely the BNP, their squabbles can now be studied on the internet.

On the release of Tyndall and Morse the BNP found that at last there was fertile ground for the party’s growth. In particular, racial problems in East London were once again dominating local voters’ concerns. An exceptionally able local organiser, Eddy Butler, helped to mobilise these concerns and built up regular sales of British Nationalist.

At the 1992 general election John Tyndall won 1,107 votes (3.0%) in the East London constituency of Bow & Poplar, while in next door Bethnal Green & Stepney his national organiser Richard Edmonds won 1,310 votes (3.6%). This was the start of the BNP’s emergence as a serious political force, coinciding with the virtual disappearance of the NF. In October 1992 the 20% vote won by Barry Osborne at a local by-election in Millwall ward, Tower Hamlets, was the real breakthrough. Less than a year later Derek Beackon famously won the same ward for the BNP in a second by-election.

The BNP was now a nationally known political force, even though its organisational infrastructure was still far too weak to meet increased expectations. Yet again John Tyndall’s enemies attempted to subvert his party through internal division. Their first attempt failed when the Combat 18 organisation was proscribed from the BNP, though it caused serious damage in parts of London. This split distracted the party for much of 1994 and 1995, so that many organisers were incredulous when JT announced the ambitious target of contesting more than fifty seats at the 1997 election. That this target was met reflects great credit on John Tyndall and his principal lieutenants: Richard Edmonds, John Morse, Dave Bruce and John Peacock.

By now Nick Griffin, the former NF chairman and leader of the doomed ‘political soldier’ faction, had been recruited to the BNP and given paid employment by John Tyndall as assistant editor of Spearhead, where Griffin used the pseudonym ‘Tom North’.

As several of JT’s allies had warned, Griffin almost immediately began plotting to seize control of the BNP, but until early 1999 JT believed that the members would see off such a challenge, and he believed that the benefit of uniting the movement was worth the risk of Griffin indulging in his usual disruptive tactics. During 1998-9 JT devoted most of his time to the forthcoming challenge of contesting every English region at the 1999 European elections. His cause was also seriously weakened in this period by the premature deaths of Dave Bruce and John Peacock.
It became clear during the summer of 1999 that JT would lose the leadership, and he resolved that he would not launch or support any breakaway movement.

As previous Heritage & Destiny articles have documented, many of Nick Griffin’s most prominent supporters rapidly became disillusioned and regretted the change of leadership. It is highly significant that despite periods of considerable election success Griffin’s grip on the party was never secure.

Far from being able to dismiss John Tyndall as yesterday’s man, the Griffinites remained obsessed by the threat of a new leadership challenge. Purges of known or suspected Tyndallites began as early as 2001, becoming more paranoid with each passing year.

JT’s last great service to the party which he hoped and expected to lead once again in due course was the derailing of a concerted Griffinite bid to change the party constitution and make the BNP formally a multiracial party. Carefully crafted remarks to journalists about “salt in the soup” and “time to turn the tanker around” signalled Nick Griffin’s intention to alter the fundamental direction of the party. The most explicit calls for the adoption of multiracialist policies and non-white membership came from arch-Griffinites such as Colin Smith.

Through the columns of Spearhead and a network of allies across the BNP’s regions, JT fought back and denounced this outright betrayal. The new leadership backed away from the challenge of putting their views openly before the members and quickly dumped the proposed changes.

Afraid to conduct an open debate on policy, the Griffin-Lecomber leadership resorted to the time-honoured tactics of character assassination. Rigged tribunals twice expelled JT from the BNP. After being reinstated following court action on the first occasion in 2003, he was in the process of a second legal action at the time of his death.

The hypocritical obituary tributes from the current party leadership must be judged against the fact that JT was still officially proscribed from the party when he died. In other words BNP members were banned from associating with John Tyndall in any way, on pain of expulsion, though many courageously defied this ban.

As is well known, John Tyndall was also involved in a second legal action at the time of his death, namely a further prosecution under the tyrannical race laws, resulting from secret BBC filming of a speech at a private meeting in Burnley. JT was arrested on leaving a Christmas social in Blackburn organised by the Spearhead Group and Heritage & Destiny in December last year. He was confident of victory in both the criminal and civil cases.


John Tyndall (far right) at his last meeting in Brighton in 2005, with (left to right) Tess Culnane, John Wood and Sid Williamson.

It was only to be expected that JT would still be in the front line at the time of his death, though no one expected it would come so soon. No doubt he would have been amused by the Guardian’s headline: “A racist, violent neo-nazi to the end”.

As British politics moves into the post-Tyndall era, it is becoming clear that events have thoroughly vindicated the political vision which he ceaselessly sustained for half a century. The July 7th bombings were the final confirmation that decades of propaganda have failed to integrate alien elements into British culture. Meanwhile the May 5th general election result demonstrated that the Conservative Party offers no solution to Britain’s crisis.

In one of his final Spearhead articles, John Tyndall described the party he hoped to see rising to this challenge:
“We must make the BNP a ‘broad church’ for nationalists. It must become capable of uniting under a single banner all those in Britain who, excluding a small number of misfits and undesirables, at present embrace the ideals of nationalism. At the moment it is not doing so. Such an aim calls for intelligent politics, as well as a decidedly ‘bigger’ attitude and outlook than is presently evident in the upper circles of the party, where the spirit seems to be one devoted to alienation and exclusion, and where the result is a tragic wastage of resources, dedication and talent that should be harnessed to the party’s cause.”

Can the BNP become such a party? Only time will tell – and time is running out! It has been an honour and privilege to have fought alongside John Tyndall as a friend and comrade in the frontline of British racial nationalism. Just a few weeks before his death, we spoke at a Friends of Spearhead meeting in Milton Keynes to an audience including BNP candidates from recent council, European and general elections. Most BNP members and activists are agreed on the core principles of our movement. We must now honour John Tyndall’s memory by moving forward together.

Peter Rushton, Manchester, England

This article was first published in the October-December 2005 issue of Heritage and Destiny magazine (#22). All back issues are still available – click here for more details.

British nationalists fail in a Disunited Kingdom

New BNP chairman Adam Walker (left) with the party's puppet master Patrick Harrington: they bear a heavy responsibility for the worst ever nationalist general election.

New BNP chairman Adam Walker (left) with the party’s puppet master Patrick Harrington: they bear a heavy responsibility for the worst ever nationalist general election.

Click here for full nationalist local election results

2015 was always going to be a bad year for the British nationalist movement: in the event it was an utter catastrophe.

The BNP had already shocked nationalists by standing only eight parliamentary candidates – but they reassured anxious members and donors that this year the party had chosen to concentrate on just a handful of its strongest areas.

In the event the party’s results were the worst in its history, with every single candidate polling below 1% – even having concentrated on those supposedly best constituencies. Party chairman Adam Walker, who succeeded Nick Griffin last summer, managed only 0.6% in the racial battleground of Rotherham – down from 10.4% in 2010.

Three party leaders have already resigned after taking responsibility for disappointing results: if he has a shred of honour and decency Mr Walker must surely resign within the next 24 hours. To his credit, BNP London organiser Steve Squire has honestly admitted to the Daily Express that the party might never again contest a general election.

Cathy Duffy – one of only two BNP councillors nationwide – was defeated in the council seat that she had held for the past eight years, and earlier lost her deposit with a feeble 0.9% as General Election candidate in Charnwood (down from 5.8% last time).

Only four nationalist parliamentary candidates achieved over 1%. National Front chairman Kevin Bryan polled 1.0% in Rochdale, while three English Democrat candidates in South Yorkshire managed semi-respectable votes: 1.3% for Ian Sutton in Barnsley Central; 1.1% for his colleague Kevin Riddiough in Barnsley East; and 1.1% for David Allen in the former ED stronghold of Doncaster North.

The sole parliamentary candidate for the British Democratic Party – Dr Jim Lewthwaite – took only 0.5% in Bradford East, even though (like the NF’s Kevin Bryan in Rochdale) he had the advantage of facing an Asian UKIP candidate. The two candidates for Patria each received only 0.2%: Dr Andrew Emerson in Chichester and ex-NF Directorate member Dick Franklin in Bournemouth West.

The various tiny nationalist splinter groups polled miserably: even the well-publicised Islamophobe Paul Weston, standing for his Liberty GB party in Luton South – birthplace of the EDL – scored only 0.4%. In this context 0.9% for Craig Pond – a brave independent nationalist voice in Stoke North – was one of the night’s brighter moments.

Fuller analysis of the state of play for nationalism will appear here and in the next edition of Heritage and Destiny.


Nationalist general election results


BNP results:

Hornchurch & Upminster – Paul Borg 0.3% (-6.1)
Old Bexley & Sidcup – Nicola Finch 0.5% (-4.2)
Dagenham & Rainham – Tess Culnane 0.4% (-10.8)
Rotherham – Adam Walker 0.6% (-9.8)
Charnwood – Cathy Duffy 0.9% (-4.9)
Boston & Skegness – Robert West 0.3% (-5.0)
Kingswood – Julie Lake 0.3% (-2.4)
Braintree – Paul Hooks 0.2% (-2.0)


NF results:

Rochdale – Kevin Bryan 1.0% (-3.9)
Carshalton & Wallington – Richard Edmonds 0.1% (+0.1)
Hull East – Mike Cooper 0.2% (-2.3)
Linlithgow & East Falkirk – Neil McIvor 0.2% (+0.2)
Aberdeen North – Chris Willett 0.4% (+0.4)
Bridgend – Adam Lloyd 0.2% (+0.2)
North Tyneside – Rob Batten 0.4% (-0.9)


BDP result:

Bradford East – Dr Jim Lewthwaite 0.5% (+0.5)


Independent nationalist result:

Stoke North – Craig Pond 0.9% (+0.9)


Patria results:

Bournemouth West – Dick Franklin 0.2% (+0.2)
Chichester – Dr Andrew Emerson 0.2% (+0.2)


Liberty GB results

Birmingham Ladywood – Timothy Burton 0.6% (+0.6)
Lewisham West & Penge – George Whale 0.1% (+0.1)
Luton South – Paul Weston 0.4% (+0.4)


English Democrat results

Barnsley Central – Ian Sutton 1.3% (+1.3)
Barnsley East – Kevin Riddiough 1.1% (+1.1)
Bath – Jenny Knight 0.1% (+0.1)
Berwick-upon-Tweed – Neil Humphrey 0.2% (+0.2)
Bexleyheath & Crayford – Maggi Young 0.3% (-0.7)
Bradford West – Therese Hirst 0.2% (+0.2)
Brentwood & Ongar – Robin Tilbrook 0.3% (-0.6)
Bury South – Valerie Morris 0.4% (-0.7)
Central Suffolk & North Ipswich – Tony Holyoak 0.3% (+0.3)
Dagenham & Rainham – Kim Gandy 0.2% (+0.2)
Dartford – Steve Uncles 0.4% (-3.9)
Don Valley – Louise Dutton 0.6% (-3.5)
Doncaster Central – Dean Walker 0.8% (-3.6)
Doncaster North – David Allen 1.1% (-4.0)
Erith & Thamesmead – Graham Moore 0.4% (-0.7)
Faversham & Mid Kent – Gary Butler 0.3% (+0.3)
Harlow – Eddy Butler 0.3% (+0.3)
Kettering – Derek Hilling 0.3% (-1.7)
Monmouth – Stephen Morris 0.2% (+0.2)
Nuneaton – Steve Paxton 0.2% (+0.2)
Penistone & Stocksbridge – Colin Porter 1.1% (no change)
Rother Valley – Sharon Pilling 0.8% (+0.8)
Rotherham – Dean Walker 0.4% (+0.4)
Sheffield Brightside & Hillsborough – Justin Saxton 0.4% (+0.4)
Sheffield Central – Elizabeth Breed 0.2% (+0.2)
Sheffield Hallam – Steve Clegg 0.3% (-0.8)
Sheffield Heeley – David Haslett 0.3% (+0.3)
Sheffield South East – Matthew Roberts 0.3% (+0.3)
Southend West – Jeremy Moss 0.4% (-0.9)
Stevenage – Charles Vickers 0.2% (-0.6)
Wentworth & Dearne – Alan England 0.7% (+0.7)
Weston-super-Mare – Clive Lavelle 0.6% (+0.1)

Local Elections 2015 – nationalist results

Cathy Duffy of the BNP lost the council seat in East Goscote ward, Charnwood, that she had held for the past eight years, as 2015’s local elections proved another disaster for nationalist parties.  The British National Party has effectively ceased to exist as an electoral force.

At least Mrs Duffy’s years of service were rewarded by a respectable vote: she polled 36.0% to finish runner-up (down 6.3% from the previous contest here in 2011).

Elsewhere the BNP’s collapse was best summed up by the shocking 1.6% vote for John Rowe, the sole BNP candidate in Burnley, who was fighting Rosegrove with Lowerhouse ward. This is a town where the BNP were once the official opposition on the local council and had won numerous seats beginning in 2002.

In occasional wards that had no UKIP candidate, the BNP votes were less embarrassing: for example Wayne Tomlinson in Barton ward, Salford, polled 5.9%.  But even in Worcester, pretty much the only area with a functioning BNP branch this year, the party’s vote in its main target ward Nunnery fell from 13% to 1%.

Former BNP activists repelled by years of cronyism and corruption have sought refuge in several different nationalist parties.  None achieved anything approaching success this year, all overshadowed by UKIP.  However one or two candidates who did not have UKIP opponents showed that well organised campaigns can achieve decent results.  Former BNP councillor Graham Partner secured 12.7% for the British Democratic Party in Hugglescote St Johns ward, NW Leicestershire.  His BDP colleagues in Thurmaston ward, Charnwood, put up a full slate of candidates in a three-member ward with no UKIP opposition and took 11.5%, while the party’s sole Lancastrian candidate Gary Topping managed 10.2% in Waterside ward, Pendle.  Predictably the best English Democrat results were in Barnsley, where former BNP organiser Ian Sutton polled 16.3% in Darton West, and two of his colleagues also managed votes above 10%, but elsewhere EDs struggled to establish an electoral appeal distinct from UKIP.

Two parties were newly registered with the Electoral Commission and had limited campaigns. The National Front managed two candidates, including former North West BNP organiser Chris Jackson, who polled 2.5% in Todmorden ward, Calderdale.  A faction of former Griffinites reorganised as British Voice had a single candidate in Bentilee & Ubberley ward, Stoke, where David Leese polled 2.8%.


Full nationalist results from the 2015 local elections


British Democrats

Wyke ward, Bradford
Liam Kernaghan : 0.6%

Loughborough Ashby ward, Charnwood
Kevan Stafford : 1.8%

Thurmaston ward, Charnwood
Chris Canham, Julia Green, Paul Newman : 11.5%

Hugglescote St Johns ward, NW Leics
Graham Partner : 12.7%

Waterside ward, Pendle
Gary Topping : 10.2%


British National Party

Rosegrove with Lowerhouse ward, Burnley
John Rowe : 1.6% (-20.3)

East Goscote ward, Charnwood
Cathy Duffy : 36.0% (-6.3)

Chaddesden ward, Derby
Paul Hilliard : 1.6% (-2.4)

Irthlingborough Waterloo ward, East Northamptonshire
Marc Whitestone : 9.4% (+9.4)

Moston ward, Manchester
Gareth Black : 1.0% (-3.2)

Vivary Bridge ward, Pendle
John Rowe : 6.8% (-4.6)

Barton ward, Salford
Wayne Tomlinson : 5.9% (+5.9)

Irwell Riverside ward, Salford
Carl Lawson : 1.0% (-2.4)

Bedwardine ward, Worcester
Jennifer Whitwam : 0.5% (-1.0)

Cathedral ward, Worcester
Andrew North : 0.4% (-0.4)

Nunnery ward, Worcester
Carl Mason : 1.0% (-12.0)

St John ward, Worcester
Alan Draper : 0.4% (-1.2)


National Front

Todmorden ward, Calderdale
Chris Jackson : 2.5% (+2.5)

Howdon ward, North Tyneside
Bob Batten : 2.4% (+2.4)


British Voice

Bentilee & Ubberley ward, Stoke
David Leese : 2.8% (+2.8)


English Democrats

Central ward, Barnsley
Colin Porter : 11.2%

Darfield ward, Barnsley
David Burnett : 4.1%

Darton East ward, Barnsley
Sharon Sutton : 7.2%

Darton West ward, Barnsley
Ian Sutton : 16.3%

Hoyland Milton ward, Barnsley
Justin Saxton : 1.9%

Rockingham ward, Barnsley
Kevin Riddiough : 3.8%

St Helen’s ward, Barnsley
Dean Walker : 11.2%

Besses ward, Bury
Stephen Morris : 1.1%

Bentley ward, Doncaster
Keith Hewitt : 7.5%

Bessacarr ward, Doncaster
Barbara Hewitt : 4.2%

Conisbrough ward, Doncaster
John Brennan : 5.2%

Dewsbury South ward, Kirklees
Shaun Maddox : 10.0%

Braunstone Park & Rowley Fields ward, Leicester
Oliver Healey : 3.5%

Thurncourt ward, Leicester
David Haslett : 1.1%

Knotty Ash ward, Liverpool
Derek Grue : 0.2%

Princes Park ward, Liverpool
Steven Greenhalgh : 0.3%

Riverside ward, Liverpool
Michael Lane : 1.5%

St Michaels ward, Liverpool
Paul Rimmer : 0.1%

Warbreck ward, Liverpool
Steven McEllenborough : 0.4%

Stanground Central ward, Peterborough
Nick Capp : 6.2%

Blakenall ward, Walsall
Chris Newey : 1.0%


Patriotic Socialist

Nechells ward, Birmingham
John McAuliffe : 1.0%

Marfleet ward, Hull
Ben Hutchinson : 0.7%

Heckmondwike ward, Kirklees
Karl Varley : 0.1%

Kintbury ward, West Berkshire
Andrew Stott : 1.6%

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