Beyond a joke: Nick Griffin’s latest reinvention

Nick Griffin (above left) with his latest flag of convenience

Former BNP chairman Nick Griffin has in typically shameless fashion begun yet another reinvention.

Just seven months ago Griffin was guest speaker at a memorial rally in Dresden to mark the 75th anniversary of the city’s terror bombing by British and American air forces in February 1945.

As he had done when picketing Coventry Cathedral in 1996, Griffin was posing in Dresden as a ‘radical’ nationalist condemning wartime prime minister Winston Churchill and his Bomber Command chief Sir Arthur ‘Bomber’ Harris as war criminals.

A decade or so ago Griffin played a very different tune, losing no opportunity to associate himself with Churchillian and wartime images and stating in one video that his version of the BNP would have welcomed Churchill “with open arms” had he been alive today.

In recent years Griffin has again cynically toyed with the sort of anti-Zionist ‘radicalism’ that he embraced in the 1980s and early 1990s, but now it’s back to sub-Churchillian posturing.

The new context is that Griffin is joining the British Freedom Party, whose main organiser is his close business adviser Jim Dowson and whose leader (for the time being) is Jayda Fransen, formerly Paul Golding’s right-hand woman in the Islam-obsessed ‘Britain First’.

Ms Fransen has appointed Griffin as editor of the BFP’s newspaper The Britannia which practically worships Churchill and eagerly promotes every facet of Second World War mythology.

The sad thing is that Ms Fransen seems sincere if deluded: it’s tragic to see her being used as Griffin’s latest dupe.

No doubt Ms Fransen has no memory of the last time a political leader appointed Griffin as (deputy) editor of a nationalist journal. We can give her a clue – it didn’t end well for the leader concerned!

Griffin’s previous sub-Churchillian posturing was in 2009, though before and since that episode he portrayed Churchill and his wartime allies as criminals – now it’s time for yet another somersault

Today’s coup at Westminster: in whose interests?

Dr Julian Lewis

An unprecedented coup at Westminster today saw the blocking of the government’s preferred candidate to chair the super-sensitive Intelligence and Security Committee.

Former minister Chris Grayling was known to be the Prime Minister’s choice, but one Conservative MP on the committee – Dr Julian Lewis – broke ranks, voting alongside Labour and SNP members to instal himself as chairman.

He was immediately expelled from the Conservative parliamentary party for this conspiracy, having “worked with Labour and other opposition MPs for his own advantage.”

The Intelligence and Security Committee scrutinises MI5, MI6, GCHQ and other intelligence and security agencies. It was formed in 1994 as part of a series of reforms, which included the partial opening of historical documents relating to such matters.

While in one sense it is laudable for such a committee to assert its independence from government, Dr Lewis’s appointment might raise eyebrows in some quarters.

H&D readers might remember Dr Lewis best for his public resignation as a life member of the Oxford Union in November 2007, in protest at the Union’s invitation to historian David Irving and then BNP leader Nick Griffin.

In 2017 under the headline “Influential MPs to look out for”, the Jewish Chronicle analysed appointments to Westminster committees in terms of whether they were good news for “supporters of Israel”, highlighting Dr Lewis’s success in becoming chairman of the Commons Defence Committee.

Similarly in 2010 the Jewish Chronicle listed Dr Lewis’s re-election under the sub-heading “pro-Israel wins seal a good day”.

In February this year, Dr Lewis hosted a meeting at Westminster for the hardline Zionist Henry Jackson Society.

Many happy returns – John Bean

Bill Baillie on the left (his position in the photo not his politics!); the late Paul Barnes (centre), who shared John’s views on racial-nationalism and John Bean (definitely on the right!). When John informed H&D editor Mark Cotterill that he and Bill only shared around 50% of the views expressed in the magazine, Mark replied that was very good, and slightly more than he did! Mark explained that unlike a party-political magazine, H&D is here to represent a very broad cross section of nationalist opinion, not all of which everybody will agree with.

The editor, assistant editor and all the staff at H&D Towers, would like to wish our oldest subscriber (by two months) – John Bean – a very happy 93rd birthday.

John was born on June 27th, 1927 in Carshalton, Surrey. The family moved to Blackfen, near Sidcup in Kent, where at the age of 13 he suffered the trauma of being bombed out of the family home in February 1941.

Aged 18, John began his National Service in 1945. He was largely apolitical, although he had briefly flirted with communism whilst at school, calling for support for the Soviet Union. Initially he was a trainee navigator in the RAF Volunteer Reserve.

Later as a sailor in the Royal Navy. John became a radar mechanic and was placed on HMS Bulawayo, a fleet supply ship which made several visits to Trinidad until the end of his naval service in June 1948.

He briefly lived in India during 1950, working as a chemist in a paint factory, although he failed to settle and returned to Britain six months later.

Upon his return, John began to attend meetings of the Union Movement, being attracted by the ‘Europe a Nation’ policy and by the time Oswald Mosley had spent in prison for his beliefs. John initially served as a member of the Special Propaganda Service, the main duty of which was to sell copies of the party’s newspaper Union.

Soon however he became a leading figure active on behalf of the UM in the East End of London, before being appointed to head a branch in Putney in 1952. Despite these advancements, John grew disillusioned of the UM’s chances of making any real headway and he left them altogether in February 1953. A brief stopover in the local Conservative Party in Barnes followed but lasted only two months.

After a spell on the side-lines he then linked up with Andrew Fountaine, who had been attempting to form his own party, the National Front, and began to produce a journal, National Unity.

His work attracted the attention of A.K. Chesterton and, with the National Front idea failing to get off the ground, he decided to join the League of Empire Loyalists, serving as its Northern Organiser and then in the HQ in London. Continuing to produce his paper, now called The Loyalist, John soon became frustrated at both the lack of political activity and the links to the Conservative Party that were the hallmarks of the LEL.

He left in 1957 to set up the National Labour Party with Fountaine. Fountaine, a Norfolk landowner from a rural landowning family, was officially President of the new group, but was largely a figurehead: control actually lay with John.

The NLP gained a few minor results in elections but was always destined to be a small fringe movement, and as a result John decided to merge his party with another LEL splinter group, the White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party.

John Bean was made leader of the party upon its foundation. Early in the group’s life, both John and former White Defence League leader Colin Jordan were approached by Oswald Mosley, who offered them roles in his Union Movement if they agreed to its subsuming the BNP, but both men rejected the offer.

Initially gaining some support in London, the party soon ran into trouble when it became clear that Colin Jordan was emerging as its spokesman. A journalist commented in 1962 that Jordan was becoming the British Adolf Hitler. John jokingly responded to the Daily Mail reporter that that made him “the British Joseph Goebbels”. Despite this, John soon clashed with Jordan over his extremism and before long Jordan had left to form the National Socialist Movement, taking emerging figures John Tyndall and Denis Pirie with him. Matters had come to a head at the party’s national council meeting in 1962 when John proposed a motion to condemn Jordan’s open support for National Socialism. It was passed 7 to 5, but the party immediately split as a result, albeit with around 80% of the membership remaining within the BNP. John had blamed the associations with National Socialism that Jordan and Tyndall brought for the party’s marginal position in British politics.

At the 1964 general election John Bean stood as BNP candidate in Southall and obtained 3,410 votes (9.3%), the highest post-war vote for a minority party at that time. Another BNP candidate picked up nearly 2,000 votes in Deptford. In 1966 he again stood in Southall, but his vote fell to 2,600. With BNP membership only marginally increasing, John felt the need to try to create a nationalist front with like groups and arranged, with the help of Ted Budden, a private meeting with his old mentor A.K. Chesterton and a spokesman of the Racial Preservation Society. The result of the meeting was the founding of the National Front in 1967.

John became something of a peripheral figure in the NF, as the BNP element was somewhat side-lined. He held the post of Deputy Chairman of the Executive Directorate, a body which was largely subordinate to the Policy Directorate and stood as second candidate for the Ealing constituency in the 1967 Greater London Council elections until resigning in 1968. Still an NF member, he was recalled to positions of minor influence from time to time until 1972 when he largely ceased active involvement. Retreating into political retirement, his membership lapsed in 1977

He emerged only briefly to lend some support to his old friend Andrew Fountaine’s NF Constitutional Movement and to take part in the Countryside Alliance March of 1st March 1998 – which was also attended by supporters of Nick Griffin, by then inside the BNP.

John eventually ended his retirement after the political fall of John Tyndall and joined the British National Party under the leadership of Nick Griffin. He became an active official of the BNP (mostly in administration) and was a candidate for the party in the 2004 European elections, where he was seventh on a list of seven candidates for the Scotland constituency.

He formerly ran his own website, but then wrote a regular column for the main BNP website, and served as editor of BNP magazine Identity until March 2010.

Due to dissatisfaction with his leadership, John demanded that Nick Griffin resign as National Chairman and focus more on representing the North West region as an MEP.

In May 2011, John endorsed Andrew Brons (the BNP MEP for Yorkshire and the Humber) in his challenge for the BNP leadership. He made significant contributions to the Brons team web site, including articles on ‘Genetics and Inheritance’ and ‘Nationalism and a European Confederation’. He subsequently became involved in Brons’s party the British Democratic Party, established in February 2013.

John lived in London, and later Suffolk, before retiring to Yorkshire to live nearer his expanding family – three grandchildren, and five great grandchildren (so far!).

During periods away from politics John wrote four books.

Ten Miles from Anywhere (Hedgerow Publishing 1995), looked at the changes in a Suffolk village from the beginning of the 20th century.

Many Shades of Black, (New Millennium 1999), was Bean’s political memoirs up to that date.

His first novel Blood in the Square, which fictionalized some of his political experiences in the 1960s.

And in August 2016 his historical novel Trail of the Viking Finger (Troubador Publications).

Eddy Morrison 1949-2020

Eddy Morrison 1949-2020

H&D greatly regret to announce the death of Eddy Morrison: proud Yorkshireman, veteran national socialist and a contributor to our magazine for many years. Eddy died on Wednesday following a fall at his home, a month before his 71st birthday which would have been 16th July.

A reprint of Eddy’s 2003 autobiography Memoirs of a Street Soldier was being launched to coincide with his birthday, but very sadly it now coincides with his death.

Educated at St Michael’s College, a Catholic grammar school in Leeds, Eddy Morrison had to leave school at 15 to earn a wage and support his family after his father was crippled in an industrial accident. Following teenage service with the RAF, he became an active racial nationalist in 1967 with the newly formed National Front, attending the NF’s first annual meeting at Conway Hall, Westminster in October that year. Though he had a great deal in common ideologically with the NF’s future leader John Tyndall, Eddy had been too young to be involved in the national socialist schisms of the early ’60s, so he was able to join the NF as an 18-year-old without any factional baggage.

In 1968 he succeeded Phil Stone as the NF’s Leeds branch organiser. Though he was to be a member – and indeed founder! – of numerous different parties and movements, Eddy’s ideology was to remain consistent for more than half a century. As he put it, he regarded national socialism and White racial nationalism as interchangeable terms.

In fact though he would often joke about the myriad organisations he had joined or founded, this is very much a reflection of our movement’s history. Unlike some other leading movement personalities such as Nick Griffin, Eddy did not blow with the prevailing wind, changing his ideological colours to suit personal advancement. Eddy remained Eddy.

In 1972 Eddy organised the Leeds branch of Colin Jordan’s British Movement, breaking away at the end of 1973 with a small group who formed the National Democratic Freedom Movement. Essentially Yorkshire-based, the NDFM quickly attracted a reputation for highly effective street activity. At a time when political violence was commonplace throughout the White world – often with the far left gaining the upper hand – Eddy’s street soldiers made much of West Yorkshire a “red-free zone”.

During 1975 the NDFM expanded, as Eddy recruited other national socialists from outside Yorkshire to expand the movement into a new British National Party. Though he was also to become a prominent organiser in John Tyndall’s BNP a few years later, this 1970s version was a completely different party.

During this period John Tyndall was engaged in a struggle for control of the NF, for a time losing the leadership to a Strasserite/populist faction led by former Conservative activist John Kingsley Read, so Eddy’s BNP attracted support from numerous national socialists who had quit the NF during this period.

The Morrison BNP continued and built on the NDFM’s fearsome reputation for taking control of the streets. It also became part of a growing national socialist network in Europe. German attorney Manfred Roeder was guest speaker at the BNP’s annual congress.

Once John Tyndall and Martin Webster had re-established control of the NF, it wasn’t long before Eddy Morrison and his BNP were invited to merge into the Front, and Eddy became the NF’s Yorkshire regional organiser. This period coincided with the international phenomenon of ‘punk rock’, in which Eddy had taken an early interest, attending early punk gigs including memorable appearances by the Sex Pistols in Manchester and Leeds.

He was quick to see the potential of this angry movement of working class rebellion (though of course it shocked more ‘respectable’ nationalists). As Eddy later wrote:
We either had to condemn Punk or use it. I chose the latter option and started a spoof fanzine called Punk Front which featured a NF logo with a safety pin in it. To my great surprise, Punk Front was a huge success and soon, especially in Leeds, NF members and supporters were going to the biggest Punk club around — the infamous F Club. I started to regularly go to the club and NF Punks were recruiting other punks. In a few months, the NF was the dominant political force on the big punk scene in Leeds. Music papers such as Sounds and the New Musical Express were taking an interest in us. Gary Bushell was sent up to look into the phenomenon. We had pro-NF letters published in many music papers and other punks started bringing out pro-NF fanzines. We even started two bands — the Ventz and the Dentists. Both these bands were to feature later on in the start of ‘Rock Against Communism.’

Eddy Morrison with Simon Sheppard at one of the latter’s many court appearances

Eddy Morrison could justifiably claim to have been the founder of the White racial nationalist music scene, which was later to expand under the late Ian Stuart into Blood & Honour.

Around the time of Eddy’s 30th birthday in 1979, British nationalism had one of its watershed moments when the National Front began to fall apart following disappointing election results. A large part of the last forty years of Eddy Morrison’s life was to involve his attempts to navigate treacherous political waters and maintain uncompromising national socialism in the UK.

This included years of activism in the BNP and later NF, punctuated by attempts to form breakaway movements such as the National Action Party, White Nationalist Party and British People’s Party. At other times Eddy attempted to build cross-factional alliances, and at one stage was a leading figure in the Spearhead Support Group, formed to build support for John Tyndall in his quest to recapture the BNP from Nick Griffin.

In these many activities Eddy could count on a loyal cadre of supporters, notably his Bradford-based comrade Kev Watmough – and it’s fair to say that Eddy was shocked to have outlived numerous fellow streetfighters such as Dave Brown and Chris ‘Weasel’ Ledger.

Eddy Morrison (far right!) at an H&D event in Blackburn, Lancashire: also in this photo (blue shirt, centre left) is his late comrade Dave Brown.

Latterly Eddy published the online magazine White Voice, as well as contributing to H&D – both as author, reviewer and quizmaster at social events! It is impossible in one brief online article to encompass the life of this uncompromising national socialist warrior, and for obvious reasons we have avoided speaking about Eddy’s family, of whom he was so proud and who will miss him greatly.

Needless to say, the next edition of H&D will contain a full obituary of our friend and comrade Eddy Morrison.

Cattle die, and kinsmen die. And so one dies oneself. One thing I know that never dies: The fame of a dead man’s deeds

14/88 Eddy!

(above and below) Eddy Morrison with H&D editor Mark Cotterill and fellow nationalists at a Remembrance Day ceremony in Darwen, Lancashire, 2006

Carl Harley: 70+ years in British nationalism!

Carl Harley (1930-2020)

We greatly regret to inform readers that H&D‘s second-eldest subscriber Carl Harley died on Saturday 22nd February, aged 89.

Carl Harley, who lived in Highgate, North London, was a long-standing H&D subscriber. He was not afraid to put his hand in his pocket, and sent H&D a donation a couple of times to help us keep going.

Cattle die, and kinsmen die,
And so one dies oneself;
One thing I know that never dies:
The fame of a dead man’s deeds.

We are grateful to Bill Baillie of the Nation Revisited and European Outlook blogs for this memory of Carl Harley’s lifelong commitment to our cause, first published in 2016.

Carl Harley – the man who recruited John Bean

I first encountered Carl Harley and John Bean at a National Labour Party meeting in Trafalgar Square in 1959. I was there as a schoolboy, on a bicycle, with my mate Paul Barnes. But I didn’t get to know them properly until the BNP camp held in Norfolk in 1962.

Carl Harley was born in Greenwich on 26 June 1930. He was a member of the Mosley Book Club in 1947 and joined Union Movement on its foundation in 1948. He did his National Service in the Royal Army Ordnance Corps from 1948 to 1950. When he came out of the army he was appointed organiser of the Lewisham branch of Union Movement, where he signed up a young man called John Bean before going to Manchester to help Jeffrey Hamm.

He fondly remembers his old comrades; Alexander Raven Thomson, Victor Burgess, Peter Lesley-Jones and Pat Dunigan; but he disliked Alf Flockhart. In 1958 he joined John Bean’s National Labour Party which merged with Colin Jordan’s White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party. In 1962 Colin Jordan broke away to form the National Socialist Movement. Carl tried to persuade John Tyndall to stay with the BNP but he decided to join Colin Jordan. Thirty-five years later, whilst writing to thank Carl for a donation, JT acknowledged his mistake.

Carl was a founder member of the National Front in 1967. He followed Andrew Fountaine into the NF Constitutional Movement in 1979. The NFCM was absorbed into John Tyndall’s British National Party in 1984. Carl stayed with the BNP until John Tyndall was ousted as leader in 1999.

Today he subscribes to Heritage and Destiny and keeps in touch with old friends all over the world. When I interviewed him for this article he was reading Jewish Supremacism by David Duke.

Carl Harley was not an armchair patriot. He was an organiser of branches, a public speaker, a builder of platforms and scenery, a painter of banners, a printer and distributor of leaflets, a campfire cook, a writer of letters, a security guard, a receptionist and a willing helper. I am glad to call him my friend.

As BNP members pose outside their Princedale Rd headquarters, Carl Harley is busy upstairs cleaning the windows.

Brexit dominates General Election – racial nationalist parties stand aside

Nominations closed today for the UK General Election on December 12th, and H&D readers will not be surprised to learn that there are very few candidates from racial nationalist parties.

Both the National Front and the British Democratic Party have agreed to stand aside from this General Election, recognising that it will be dominated by the Brexit issue and that most racial nationalists will wish to use their votes to support a pro-Brexit candidate. (Though there is of course a minority of our movement that takes an anti-Brexit line, following the tradition of Sir Oswald Mosley’s post-war Union Movement.)

For the BNP, David Furness will be contesting the Hornchurch & Upminster constituency in outer East London, where he seems to be the only non-Tory, pro-Brexit candidate. He is the only BNP candidate nationwide: this is the tenth general election that the BNP has contested since it was founded in 1982, and its lowest-ever number of candidates.

Former BNP activist Dr Andrew Emerson is contesting his home constituency of Chichester for the Patria party which he formed with LEL, NF and BNP veteran Dennis Whiting and fellow nationalists who broke away from the BNP some years ago. This will be Dr Emerson’s third parliamentary campaign in Chichester during the past four years: this time he has no opponent from UKIP or the Brexit Party.

Gary Butler, who was NF candidate for Maidstone & the Weald in 2010 and English Democrat candidate for Faversham & Mid Kent in 2015, is an Independent candidate this year, again for Faversham & Mid Kent.

Meanwhile in the Liverpool West Derby constituency, veteran nationalist activist Joe Owens appears as proposer on the nomination papers of Brexit Party candidate Ray Pearson – though Mr Owens has recently posted a YouTube video criticising party leader Nigel Farage for striking a deal to stand down 317 candidates in Tory-held constituencies.

Vicky Felton – councillor for the Democrats & Veterans Party in Monk Bretton ward, Barnsley – is the Brexit Party candidate for Barnsley Central. There has not been any announcement of a merger between D&V and the Brexit Party, and Mrs Felton’s husband Gavin remains D&V Party chairman, so this might be a temporary arrangement just for this election. Similarly Rebecca Rees-Evans, husband of D&V founder and leader Jonathan Rees-Evans, is Brexit Party candidate for Cynon Valley, where she was UKIP candidate in 2015.

There are five English Democrat candidates this year (only one of whom has a Brexit Party opponent and none of whom have UKIP opponents); while the Veterans and People’s Party is contesting Great Yarmouth, without Brexit Party or UKIP opposition, and Linlithgow & East Falkirk, where it has a Brexit Party opponent.

There are only 44 UKIP candidates nationwide (down from 467 just two years ago) – including two in Northern Ireland and seven in Scotland – but in thirteen of these constituencies UKIP and the Brexit Party are standing against each other, including two in Sunderland, two in Sheffield, and Oldham West & Royton.

There are ex-UKIP independents standing in several constituencies, including former party leader Henry Bolton, who will be Independent candidate for his home constituency Folkestone & Hythe. His splinter party Our Nation was deregistered last month after only a year in existence.

H&D will feature reports and analysis on the UK General Election during the next few weeks, and our January 2020 edition will examine future strategies for our movement once the Brexit issue has (one way or another) been resolved.

Gross dishonesty of Murdoch press attack on British nationalist

We have become used to the gross dishonesty of the British press when attacking racial nationalists. A prize example is in today’s Sunday Times, which devotes half a page to the supposed ‘scandal’ that Mark Collett, a former BNP official now prominent in the ‘Alt Right’, has made money from YouTube videos.

The fact that these profits were entirely legal and normal makes no difference to Rupert Murdoch’s scandalmongers.

Today’s Sunday Times attack on Mark Collett

Typical of their sly distortion is a passage towards the end of the article:

He was tried over race-hate claims in 2006. He had reportedly said Asian men “are trying to destroy us” and had pledged to “show these ethnics the door”. The jury failed to reach a verdict.

Collett was later arrested for threatening to kill Griffin as part of a “failed coup” in 2010, but again walked free.

The truth is that the British state twice brought Mark Collett to trial at Leeds Crown Court under the race laws, in relation to secret recordings made with the help of BNP turncoat Andy Sykes for a BBC programme, The Secret Agent, but both prosecutions failed.

In the alleged ‘Griffin murder plot’ case in 2010, Mr Collett was never even charged. This arrest again stemmed from a secret recording: Mr Collett’s fellow BNP official David Hannam – a tragically weak and easily manipulated individual – recorded his telephone calls as part of an internal BNP feud. No charges were brought against Mr Collett because police forensic experts quickly discovered that the tapes had been edited, and Mr Hannam refused to provide the unedited originals.

(The reason being that the unedited originals revealed evidence of financial corruption inside Nick Griffin’s BNP.)

Titanic elects new Captain

Adam Walker won this month’s BNP leadership election, unsurprisingly as he had many life member proxy votes in his pocket!

It would once have been big news for H&D readers that both UKIP and the BNP held leadership elections this week. The fact that many readers wouldn’t even have known these elections were happening is testimony to these parties having sunk into irrelevance.

The decline of these two parties has taken two very different forms. The BNP now exists only as a means of obtaining legacies from the wills of elderly patriots, many of whom would have drawn up their wills at a time when the BNP seemed a genuine challenge to the multiracial establishment.

Cynical BNP chairman Adam Walker and his right-hand man, party treasurer Clive Jefferson, have faced two challenges this year.

One is a continuing court case seeking to reverse their abuse of the party constitution: this case is continuing and it would not be appropriate for H&D to comment further.

Those BNP activists who still want to see a campaigning political party backed David Furness’s dommed challenge for the leadership.

The other was a leadership election, in which North London activist and former mayoral candidate David Furness challenged Walker. It was obvious that Mr Furness had the backing of almost all the party’s remaining serious activists, including Brian Parker (the longest serving councillor in the party’s history); East London organiser Paul Sturdy; and Bexley activists Mike Jones and Nicola Finch.

Yet his campaign was crippled by two factors. Firstly, many who would have backed Mr Furness have already quit the BNP in despair. Secondly, it seems that Walker and Jefferson had the proxy votes of unknown numbers of life members safely tucked in their pockets.

The official result was 308 votes for Adam Walker and 161 votes for Mr Furness. This in itself indicates a significant decline in membership since the previous leadership election in 2015, when Mr Walker polled 523 votes to Paul Hilliard’s 145.

And of course if you go back to the 2011 election (only eight years ago) the BNP was unrecognisably larger: at that very close contest Nick Griffin polled 1,157 votes to 1,148 for Andrew Brons.

What now for those few true patriots in the BNP? Logically they should be seeking a new political home, perhaps in alliance with the National Front.

This week’s other leadership election was in UKIP, whose decline has been due to general crankiness and simple lack of ability, rather than the cynicism and corruption that have pervaded the BNP’s hierarchy since the Griffin years.

UKIP ex-leader Gerard Batten (left) with EDL founder Stephen Yaxley-Lennon (alias ‘Tommy Robinson’) whose increasingly close relationship with the party prompted Nigel Farage to resign.

Under outgoing leader Gerard Batten, UKIP drove away Nigel Farage and many other former MEPs and senior activists by pursuing an extreme and obsessive form of anti-Islam campaigning, and by building alliances with eccentric YouTube ‘stars’ such as Carl Benjamin, aka ‘Sargon of Akkad’.

Batten had promised only to be a caretaker leader after the scandal that ousted his predecessor Henry Bolton, but despite disastrous local and European election results he tried to seek a new mandate by standing in this year’s leadership election.

UKIP’s national executive refused to allow the retiring leader to stand. In a circular to members issued on July 30th, they wrote:

The NEC’s decision to exclude Gerard Batten from the ballot paper was a difficult one, and one which the NEC members knew would cause controversy whichever way they voted, and I have been asked to provide this explanation to our members.

All candidates for the leadership election were required to attend a vetting interview after which any recommendations and observations may be passed onto the NEC. The NEC had hoped to receive assurances from Gerard over his engagement with Tommy Robinson, over future “personal advisors” unapproved by the party’s governing board, whether he would be willing to engage with television and radio stations to get our message across, and whether he was willing to stand for more than a single year. Gerard knew that his candidacy would be challenged, but nevertheless chose not to attend the interview. The NEC found that Gerard had brought the party into disrepute and had failed the vetting element of the candidate requirements.

Against the NEC’s advice and wishes, he associated the party with people who did the party great electoral harm, and had, in effect silenced UKIP at a time when Brexit is and was the most pressing political issue of the day. Everyone tasked with getting the party’s message out in the European elections was stifled by questions about Gerard’s appointees. It was clear that we would be further marginalised in the future while the Party’s direction was turned from Brexit and was being dominated by people like Tommy Robinson. So unequal was that relationship, that the leader did not distance himself from Tommy Robinson, even when he stood against UKIP in the European elections.

Gerard’s strategy gave others the excuse needed to found the Brexit Party. The Brexit Party has since drawn not only millions of voters away from us, but also many of our longstanding members and elected representatives. This year might have been UKIP’s year had it not been for this leadership decision made in defiance and against the advice of the NEC. The result was that UKIP, the original party of Brexit, suffered its worst ever election defeat in recent years.

Further, it was felt that the party had greatly suffered from Gerard’s refusal to engage with TV, radio and press, thereby denying us a voice.

Finally, there was no confidence that Gerard would continue to stand as leader, having since the European elections repeatedly said that he would not, having had both his deposit paid and his nomination papers completed by Tommy Robinson supporters, and having made it clear, even at the time of the vetting interview, that he was still uncertain as to whether he would withdraw his application to stand in the election.

As is manifestly clear from our constitution, the NEC has a clear duty to safeguard the long term future of UKIP. That was the NEC’s sole intention.

These are important times for us, and the political climate is changing rapidly. UKIP needs a fresh start which will begin with the leadership election.

Alan Craig outside one of ‘Tommy Robinson’s court appearances. Craig was the main backer of former UKIP leader Batten and newly elected leader Richard Braine

At first Batten’s fellow anti-Islamist Alan Craig (former leader of the Christian Peoples Alliance) threatened to bring a legal action against the national executive on the former leader’s behalf. However this was soon dropped. Batten and Craig changed their strategy to endorse West London UKIP branch chairman Richard Braine.

And UKIP’s members went on to slap their own executive in the face and endorse Batten’s failed strategy! Braine was elected with more than 50% of the vote, ahead of three rival candidates. The full result was:

Richard Braine 2,935 votes (53%)

Freddy Vachha [London regional chairman] 1,184 (20%)

Ben Walker [Royal Navy veteran and former South Gloucs councillor] 753 (14%)

Mike Hookem [former deputy leader and ex-MEP for Yorkshire & Humber] 717 (13%)

The UKIP Titanic’s new captain is likely to order full steam ahead, and will probably appoint Batten as his deputy, surrounding himself with many of the same anti-Islam obsessives who courted disaster at the polls earlier this year.

No doubt the big winners from all this will be Nigel Farage and the Brexit Party, who can expect many new recruits from the anti-Batten wing of UKIP, though if the Conservative Party will accept them, many might prefer to join up with Prime Minister Boris and his new, supposedly pro-Brexit party.

Julian Assange – no friend of Nationalism – no champion of free speech

It’s a little disappointing that some nationalists (including Pauline Hanson, leader of One Nation party in Australia – who compared him to a latter-day Ned Kelly!) who should really know better, have come out in support of the mega-loon Julian Assange, who is currently being held in HMP Belmarsh – along with Stephen Yaxley-Lennon (AKA Tommy), young members of National Action, and Islamic Terrorists.

A small number of misguided nationalists have associated themselves with campaigns on behalf of the imprisoned Julian Assange.

Do these well-meaning, but silly nationalists not understand that Assange, apart from being a sexual deviant (although not a rapist) is (or was – as now as he’s banged up) an active anti-racist/anti-nationalist campaigner, back in his native Australia, where he made a point of attacking “racism” in general and nationalists in particular? He stood for almost everything that we as nationalists are fighting against!

And do these well-meaning nationalists defend what Assange did to the British National Party (BNP) just over a decade ago in 2008, when he hacked into their (the BNP’s) computers and stole their entire membership list of around 13,500 people?

And did these same well-meaning nationalists support Assange when he uploaded the said BNP membership list (full names/home addresses/phone numbers etc.) onto his own Wikileaks website for all the world to see/read?

And finally, do they know (and support) what happened to many of these BNP members, once their names and home addresses were leaked? Many of them were physically attacked, and/or had their homes attacked (by extreme left-winger anti-fascist activists), and many of them lost their jobs (including policemen, soldiers, teachers, and even nurses) after they were “outed” in the left-wing UK press.

After that, many professional people thought twice about joining parties such as the BNP, as they had no wish to be “outed” themselves at some later date. This helped destroy the BNP (although it must be pointed out that there were a lot of other factors that led to the BNP’s demise, some not a million miles away from Welshpool!).

Assange on the balcony of Ecuador’s London embassy where he took refuge from June 2012 until April 2019

Around the time or just after the BNP membership leak, Assange entertained the idea of “a broad Jewish conspiracy out to subvert him and to block his work.” He described discovering the “real” reason for the BBC broadcasting a flagship Panorama news programme on his company – Wikileaks: The Secret Story in 2011: “We finally found out that the producer’s wife for this show was part of the Zionist movement in London.” This was news to the producer and his wife, neither of which were Jewish, and had no connection with Zionism or Israel or Tottenham Hotspur FC for that matter!

Assange told Agoravox, a French news site, that he believed that the BBC’s rationale for making the program was to influence the UK judges who would decide his fate – whether or not he should be extradited to Sweden.

We at H&D, as nationalists, and I think we speak for 99% of other nationalists, are very pleased that Assange has been arrested and locked up. And whether it be in Sweden, the UK or the USA, we hope he spends the rest of his life behind bars.

Nationalists banned from Facebook

The following is a statement by long-standing nationalist activist Richard Edmonds, taken from from the National Front web-site:

Richard Edmonds – a Directorate member of the National Front, a party now banned from Facebook

The private company that manages the social-media site Facebook, has just announced that the National Front and its chairman, Tony Martin, together with a number of other nationalist spokespersons and nationalist organisations, BNP, etc. have been banned from the social-media platform.

The pretext given by Facebook is that the Nationalists named and their organisations have spread “hatred”, and have proclaimed “a violent and hateful mission.” This is all lies. It has always been a criminal offence to incite violence and for the last forty years, ever since the Race Act, it has been a criminal offence to promote racial hatred. If any of the individuals named were guilty of either offence then they would have been charged by the judicial authorities, which is not the case. And if any of the nationalist organisations, NF, BNP, etc, had been found to promote violence then they would have been closed down as was National Action, But none of the organisations named by Facebook have been closed down by the Authorities.

Tony Martin (right) – the NF Chairman now banned from Facebook – at a recent event with former chairman Andrew Brons (centre) and present deputy chairman Jordan Pont (left),

This action by the private company which owns and manages Facebook, and which has a near monopoly of the social-media, represents a tyranny answerable to nobody. The older ones of us can remember a time when we were told that Britain fought two world wars to guarantee Freedom of Speech. Not any more.

But friends, take heart. This banning is a form of back-handed compliment. Clearly it is recognised that Nationalists and only Nationalists are the true and only opposition to Mass-immigration and to the multi-criminal nightmare-society being forced onto us.

H&D comments:

Apart from the NF and BNP, Facebook have also banned (yet again) former BNP leader Nick Griffin, and his former young friend Paul Golding (now leader of the tiny Britain First group), and Paul’s former girlfriend/deputy leader Jayda Fransen; Paul Ray, a founder member of the a nut-group called Knights Templar International; former fundraiser for the BNP and Britain First Jim Dowson; Jack Renshaw, a former BNP Youth leader, who was linked to the proscribed NS Youth organisation National Action (although how young Jack can get onto Facebook to chat to his young friends from solitary confinement in HMP Belmarsh is not known!) and last but surely not least former BNP member and EDL leader Steven Yaxley-Lennon (AKA Tommy Robinson).

Nick Griffin modelling Knight Templar merchandise – both Griffin and the Knights Templar have now been banned from Facebook, whose policies mirror Griffin’s own attempts to silence racial nationalists more than a decade ago.

All very sad – right? But why on earth should this come as a shock to nationalists? Facebook is well and truly part (and a big part at that) of the liberal, multi-racial liberal establishment, who are our enemies, they are against everything we stand for and hold dear, so why would they give us a platform on THEIR social-media?

Although most nationalists will probably not agree with us now, these bans may be a good thing – in the long term anyway – if they get our young (and not so young) would-be activists away from their bedrooms and their computers, laptops and smart phones, where they spend so much time on social-media, talking to people who all agree with them anyway, and back onto the streets to do some real political work. Work rebuilding the former nationalist strongholds on the council estates of Burnley, Blackburn, Stoke, Sandwell, Essex and many others, which Griffin and co destroyed ten years ago.

One last interesting point regarding Facebook’s statement of the bans on British nationalists – and I quote:
“Individuals and organisations who spread hate, or attack or call for the exclusion of others on the basis of who they are, have no place on Facebook. Under our dangerous individuals and organisations policy, we ban those who proclaim a violent or hateful mission or are engaged in acts of hate or violence. The individuals and organisations we have banned today violate this policy, and they will no longer be allowed a presence on Facebook or Instagram. Posts and other content which expresses praise or support for these figures and groups will also be banned. Our work against organised hate is ongoing and we will continue to review individuals, organisations, pages, groups and content against our community standards.”

If this is the case, then why has Facebook not banned the pages of Sinn Fein – the political wing of the terrorist IRA? Or the Irish Republican Socialist Party – the political wing of the terrorist INLA who murdered Tory MP Airey Neave amongst many others; the 32 County Sovereignty Movement – the political wing of the terrorist group Real IRA – and dozens of other Irish Republican/Marxist hate groups?

Members of the Real IRA – whose political front the 32 County Sovereignty Movement is not banned from Facebook

Why indeed, we may well ask. These are real hate groups – groups who hate everything British and English. Groups who hate with a passion our Ulster-Scots cousins and have carried out a murderous campaign against them and us since the late 1960s. These are hate groups who still carry out real acts of violence (as was seen in Londonderry yesterday).

Yet just like with the many hateful Wahhabi Muslim / Jihadist pages that Facebook lets continue without any problem, they refuse to ban any of these Irish Republican terror groups. It makes you think, don’t it.

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