The oppo just can’t stop lying…

Richard Edmonds, NF Directorate member and campaigner for historical truth and justice, whose death on December 23rd has sent our enemies into paroxysms of malice.

Within a day of the death of our great comrade Richard Edmonds (see online obituary here) our traditional enemies were unable to stop themselves descending into an online campaign of the grossest lies.

There’s usually no point engaging in ‘debate’ with such malicious creatures, but one such lie is so obscene, and so revealing of our enemies’ hate-filled agenda, that we must briefly deal with the matter here.

The professional liars and their echo chamber – which in this instance includes BBC Radio London historian Dr Louise Raw – are trying to smear Richard Edmonds even after his death!

Their utterly baseless claim is that Richard lay dead for two days before being found, a lie which they use to paint a picture of our movement as being so divided and selfish that its leading figure could be ignored in this fashion by his own comrades.

Richard devoted a large part of his life to exposing our opponents’ lies about major events (or non-events) in European history, so he would be amused to see that the lie machine is wheeled out so quickly in relation to his own death!

Richard Edmonds addressing a demonstration in Bielefeld in support of the jailed Ursula Haverbeck, November 2019 – his final visit to Germany.

For the truth is that Richard was found dead on the morning of December 23rd. The previous afternoon (December 22nd) he had been taken ill at his home. His comrade Paul Ballard visited him and they discussed whether Richard should go to hospital, but Richard refused, preferring to stay at home.

Soon after Paul went home, Richard was (characteristically) back at work! The last email we received from him was at 6.25 pm on December 22nd. Appropriately enough it concerned his translation of a poem by German attorney and nationalist Wolfram Nahrath, which Richard had completed the previous day and to which he was making a small amendment/correction.

Paul Ballard then returned and spent further time with Richard about 9 pm that evening: while it’s not possible to say for certain until the post mortem, it seems likely that Richard died from a heart attack late that night.

Far from lying dead, ignored for two days, Richard had been with a comrade until hours before his death; then had continued with correspondence including that last email to us; then was with a comrade again until probably an hour or two before his death; then was found that same morning.

Richard Edmonds speaking at a memorial event in Bad Kreuznach, November 2017

We should not be surprised at the deceitful malice of our enemies – including Dr Raw who seems to have a track record of expressing glee at the illness and death of “rich, white middle-aged men”.

Fortunately Richard was able to spend his final hours on a higher plane. Summoning his last reserves of strength, he focused on Wolfram Nahrath’s seasonal poem about our common destiny.

Wolfram replied that Richard’s translation was “an honour for me” – unaware of course that it was to be Richard’s last work, after so much dedication he had contributed over the years building Anglo-German solidarity and combatting the edifice of lies that have defaced our continent for 75 years.

The honour of Richard Edmonds is summed up in his valour when confronting death with such dignity and determination. While our enemies’ dishonour is reflected in their endless lies, Richard’s honour remained to the end rooted in truth and loyalty.

Click above to watch the video interview with Ursula Haverbeck conducted by Richard Edmonds and Lady Michèle Renouf.

Richard Edmonds: Racial Nationalist and Great Briton (1943-2020)

Richard Edmonds with the framed photograph of the 1977 Lewisham NF rally, presented by H&D in 2017 to mark his 45 years in nationalism

Heritage and Destiny is very sad to announce the death of our loyal friend, steadfast racial nationalist and campaigner for historical truth Richard Edmonds, who died this morning at his home in Sutton, South London, aged 77. He had been seriously ill with heart problems in recent weeks.

Richard was the backbone of British racial nationalism. A true Englishman but no Little Englander, much of Richard’s political energy was directed by his insight that historical truth was a prerequisite for political progress, and that the traducing of Germany for the past 75 years meant the shackling of the White Race worldwide. Indeed he came to believe that unless the edifice of lies about the Second World War is consistently and courageously challenged, as he put it to Prof. Robert Faurisson’s translator and assistant Guillaume Nichols a few years ago: “Everything else is a waste of time.”

This entailed travelling to address rallies in Germany and France as well as tireless activism in the UK. Richard joined the National Front soon after the Uxbridge by-election of 1972, which confirmed that the NF was a serious organisation worth the dedication and sacrifice that meaningful activism would require.

He soon became party organiser in the racial battleground of Lewisham and a member of the NF Directorate. In the complicated internal politics of British nationalism, Richard was a consistent and loyal supporter of John Tyndall, NF chairman during the party’s best years. He became a founder member of the New National Front and its successor the British National Party under JT’s leadership from 1982 to 1999, for most of those years as National Organiser – effectively the party’s deputy leader.

After his place of work was exposed by Sunday Times journalists in 1988, Richard lost his job with Cable & Wireless but the company was forced to pay him a financial settlement as he had done nothing to warrant dismissal. With this money Richard purchased a bookshop in Welling, SE London, which became the famous BNP bookshop/headquarters.

Richard Edmonds campaigning for the National Front in Eltham, SE London

Richard lived above the shop at Upper Wickham Lane. Those were times when physical attacks by violent anti-fascists were an expected part of life for active nationalists, and Richard was one of the prime targets. A letter bomb exploded at the premises in 1994, and the ongoing enquiry into Metropolitan Police undercover operations is expected to reveal further details of how state operatives targeted both the BNP HQ and its opponents.

It was a tribute to Richard Edmonds that the state and ‘antifascists’ combined to set him up for several months imprisonment at a crucial moment in late 1993 and early 1994. Three days after the election of Derek Beackon – the first BNP councillor – in September 1993, Richard was falsely identified and arrested at a BNP event in Brick Lane, East London. During his months on remand, state operatives advanced their plan to disrupt and divide the party.

During the 1980s and 1990s Richard was the main distributor of Holocaust News, a tabloid-style popular introduction to historical revisionism that reached a worldwide audience. He was always ready to travel across Europe to campaign for truth and justice, including the trial of David Irving in Vienna, the release of Ernst Zündel in Mannheim, and demonstrations in support of Ursula Haverbeck, Horst Mahler and Sylvia Stolz.

Richard Edmonds with fellow speakers at the 2014 John Tyndall Memorial Meeting (back left to right) Jez Turner, H&D editor Mark Cotterill, Simon Sheppard and Ken Shapcott; (front left to right) former MEP Andrew Brons, Richard Edmonds, Keith Axon, Jim Lewthwaite, H&D assistant editor Peter Rushton and Alex Davies.

Richard was unusual in combining active historical revisionism with tireless electoral activism: first with the NF, then with the BNP, then back with the NF during the past decade, when he again served on the Directorate. Despite the ever-changing fortunes of nationalist parties, Richard was always prepared to travel to support branch activists, whether their meeting numbered a dozen or several hundred.

At the 1992 General Election, Richard achieved the BNP’s best result that year – 1,310 votes (3.6%) in Bethnal Green & Stepney; while in October 1974 he polled 1,731 votes (4.5%) in Deptford. It was in Clifton Rise, Deptford, that NF marchers assembled for what became known as the Battle of Lewisham on 13th August 1977.

As the NF’s Lewisham organiser, Richard knew the stakes, telling the press that the party did not recognise any “no go areas”:

“Clifton Rise is part of Britain, and we will march anywhere in Britain. This march is deliberately provocative. We are standing up for White people.”

Richard and the NF publicised an official police survey of street crime in South London which showed that 80% of the attackers were Black, and 85% of the victims were White.

Had he lived, Richard would again have been a National Front candidate at the Greater London Assembly elections, postponed from May this year to May 2021.

Richard Edmonds addresses the NF’s anti-immigration demo in Dover, 2015

In 2018 – alongside Lady Michèle Renouf and H&D assistant editor Peter Rushton – Richard organised and spoke at a revisionist conference in Shepperton, West London, which turned out to be the final speech by the great revisionist scholar Prof. Robert Faurisson. Earlier that year he had been a scheduled guest speaker at the February 2018 Dresden commemoration where Lady Renouf was arrested. The text of the speech he would have given that day was published by H&D here.

Richard paid tribute to Lady Renouf’s courage in Dresden that day. Following her victory over the German prosecutors a few weeks ago, Richard wrote: “Brilliant. You faced the music, Michèle and you won. Wonderful.”

At the 2019 NF Remembrance Day march to the Cenotaph, Richard completed a remarkable trek across Europe. Having spoken at a rally in Germany on the Saturday, supporting the jailed revisionist Ursula Haverbeck, he made it back to London in time to address the NF’s post-Cenotaph rally just off Whitehall the next day!

Richard Edmonds with megaphone addressing a demonstration outside the German Embassy in London, calling for the release of jailed revisionist publisher Ernst Zündel

Very rarely for an Englishman, Richard was able to address a French audience in French and a German audience in German! In January 2020 he spoke in Vichy at the conference marking what would have been Prof. Robert Faurisson’s 91st birthday, delivering the Robert Faurisson International Prize to exiled French scholar Vincent Reynouard, and he was planning to record an update to his highly informative video made at the spot in Westminster where Zionist lobbyists plan to build a gigantic ‘Holocaust memorial’. Our commentary on this memorial (still being opposed at a planning enquiry) will continue Richard’s work for posterity.

The day before his death, Richard completed translation of a Yuletide poem by the German patriot and attorney Wolfram Nahrath, renowned for his defence of political clients including Monika Schaefer, Ursula Haverbeck, Horst Mahler, Bishop Richard Williamson and Lady Michèle Renouf.

Here at H&D we knew Richard Edmonds as a loyal friend – but he was more than just a friend to us, he was a loyal friend of the British people and of the broader White cause.

We had a comrade, you will find no better.

H&D‘s Issue 100 to be published in a fortnight’s time will include a full obituary for our friend and comrade Richard Edmonds.

Richard Edmonds presents the 2020 Robert Faurisson International Prize to exiled French revisionist Vincent Reynouard

An archive of interviews with Richard Edmonds is at Sven Longshanks’ Radio Albion site.

German patriot and attorney Wolfram Nahrath writes:

I‘m terribly sad.

It was a great experience to meet him, listen to him, talk to him, standing with him in front of a German prison, where he gave his legendary speech for the rights of freedom and free opinion.

In the name of my people, I have to thank him for his courage to raise his voice for us beaten and suppressed Germans.

I‘m glad having had him in my house as a very special guest. A clear mind in a gloomy and dangerous time for all the European People. His constant demands to be awake, to look behind the ugly mask of the destroyers of the variety of cultures and people (the Bishop blamed them as “the enemies of God”), to learn about history in order to avoid any further wars in Europe and to stand together for a living future, now became an order of conscience for us all.

Wherever a place for the braves might be: You‘ll meet him there.

We’ll march on, although your flag in life has to be pulled down now. Rest In Peace, Richard. With deference, Wolfram Nahrath, Germany

Undercover policing of ‘extremists’: will we ever know the truth?

Police battle ‘anti-racist’ demonstrators during the Welling riot of 1993, when it now appears that undercover policemen were operating on both sides.

An official Undercover Policing Inquiry is under way in London, following a series of revelations about the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), an undercover unit of Metropolitan Police officers that operated against various radical political groups and individuals from 1968 to 2008.

Today’s hearings focused on famous Marxist activist Tariq Ali, born to a wealthy family in what is now Pakistan, but mainly based in England since his student days. Undercover police and MI5 officers monitored Ali going back to 1965 when he was President of the Oxford Union. Most famous for organising protests against the Vietnam War, Ali was one of the leaders of the International Marxist Group (IMG).

In relation to Tariq Ali and other less well-known targets, it has become obvious that the SDS had long-term agents inside militant ‘anti-racist’ and ‘anti-fascist’ groups. For example one heavily-redacted Special Branch document released today gave nine pages of names of anti-NF demonstrators at a march in Southwark, South London, in March 1980.

The Inquiry will later discuss SDS infiltration of anti-BNP groups in the 1990s. Earlier press revelations have included interviews with an officer who infiltrated ‘Youth Against Racism in Europe’, a front for the Trotskyist group Militant Tendency, who held one of several violent protests against the BNP bookshop in Welling, SE London.

Some accounts have suggested that undercover Met officers were present both outside the bookshop among the demonstrators, and inside the bookshop among a small group of nationalists defending the premises.

So far just two such police infiltrators inside the BNP have been named. One used the name Alan ‘Nick’ Nicholson and was supposedly active in BNP circles during 1990 and 1991. The other used the name Darren Prowse and supposedly attempted to join the BNP in 2007 before his mission was aborted.

We expect to hear more as the Inquiry progresses about the SDS role in targeting both the far left and racial nationalists. However the Inquiry is likely to ignore or hush up suggestions that the authorities deliberately stirred up violence between ‘anti-racists’ and the BNP, as well as between nominally radical racial nationalist groups and the BNP during the 1990s.

Beyond a joke: Nick Griffin’s latest reinvention

Nick Griffin (above left) with his latest flag of convenience

Former BNP chairman Nick Griffin has in typically shameless fashion begun yet another reinvention.

Just seven months ago Griffin was guest speaker at a memorial rally in Dresden to mark the 75th anniversary of the city’s terror bombing by British and American air forces in February 1945.

As he had done when picketing Coventry Cathedral in 1996, Griffin was posing in Dresden as a ‘radical’ nationalist condemning wartime prime minister Winston Churchill and his Bomber Command chief Sir Arthur ‘Bomber’ Harris as war criminals.

A decade or so ago Griffin played a very different tune, losing no opportunity to associate himself with Churchillian and wartime images and stating in one video that his version of the BNP would have welcomed Churchill “with open arms” had he been alive today.

In recent years Griffin has again cynically toyed with the sort of anti-Zionist ‘radicalism’ that he embraced in the 1980s and early 1990s, but now it’s back to sub-Churchillian posturing.

The new context is that Griffin is joining the British Freedom Party, whose main organiser is his close business adviser Jim Dowson and whose leader (for the time being) is Jayda Fransen, formerly Paul Golding’s right-hand woman in the Islam-obsessed ‘Britain First’.

Ms Fransen has appointed Griffin as editor of the BFP’s newspaper The Britannia which practically worships Churchill and eagerly promotes every facet of Second World War mythology.

The sad thing is that Ms Fransen seems sincere if deluded: it’s tragic to see her being used as Griffin’s latest dupe.

No doubt Ms Fransen has no memory of the last time a political leader appointed Griffin as (deputy) editor of a nationalist journal. We can give her a clue – it didn’t end well for the leader concerned!

Griffin’s previous sub-Churchillian posturing was in 2009, though before and since that episode he portrayed Churchill and his wartime allies as criminals – now it’s time for yet another somersault

Today’s coup at Westminster: in whose interests?

Dr Julian Lewis

An unprecedented coup at Westminster today saw the blocking of the government’s preferred candidate to chair the super-sensitive Intelligence and Security Committee.

Former minister Chris Grayling was known to be the Prime Minister’s choice, but one Conservative MP on the committee – Dr Julian Lewis – broke ranks, voting alongside Labour and SNP members to instal himself as chairman.

He was immediately expelled from the Conservative parliamentary party for this conspiracy, having “worked with Labour and other opposition MPs for his own advantage.”

The Intelligence and Security Committee scrutinises MI5, MI6, GCHQ and other intelligence and security agencies. It was formed in 1994 as part of a series of reforms, which included the partial opening of historical documents relating to such matters.

While in one sense it is laudable for such a committee to assert its independence from government, Dr Lewis’s appointment might raise eyebrows in some quarters.

H&D readers might remember Dr Lewis best for his public resignation as a life member of the Oxford Union in November 2007, in protest at the Union’s invitation to historian David Irving and then BNP leader Nick Griffin.

In 2017 under the headline “Influential MPs to look out for”, the Jewish Chronicle analysed appointments to Westminster committees in terms of whether they were good news for “supporters of Israel”, highlighting Dr Lewis’s success in becoming chairman of the Commons Defence Committee.

Similarly in 2010 the Jewish Chronicle listed Dr Lewis’s re-election under the sub-heading “pro-Israel wins seal a good day”.

In February this year, Dr Lewis hosted a meeting at Westminster for the hardline Zionist Henry Jackson Society.

Many happy returns – John Bean

Bill Baillie on the left (his position in the photo not his politics!); the late Paul Barnes (centre), who shared John’s views on racial-nationalism and John Bean (definitely on the right!). When John informed H&D editor Mark Cotterill that he and Bill only shared around 50% of the views expressed in the magazine, Mark replied that was very good, and slightly more than he did! Mark explained that unlike a party-political magazine, H&D is here to represent a very broad cross section of nationalist opinion, not all of which everybody will agree with.

The editor, assistant editor and all the staff at H&D Towers, would like to wish our oldest subscriber (by two months) – John Bean – a very happy 93rd birthday.

John was born on June 27th, 1927 in Carshalton, Surrey. The family moved to Blackfen, near Sidcup in Kent, where at the age of 13 he suffered the trauma of being bombed out of the family home in February 1941.

Aged 18, John began his National Service in 1945. He was largely apolitical, although he had briefly flirted with communism whilst at school, calling for support for the Soviet Union. Initially he was a trainee navigator in the RAF Volunteer Reserve.

Later as a sailor in the Royal Navy. John became a radar mechanic and was placed on HMS Bulawayo, a fleet supply ship which made several visits to Trinidad until the end of his naval service in June 1948.

He briefly lived in India during 1950, working as a chemist in a paint factory, although he failed to settle and returned to Britain six months later.

Upon his return, John began to attend meetings of the Union Movement, being attracted by the ‘Europe a Nation’ policy and by the time Oswald Mosley had spent in prison for his beliefs. John initially served as a member of the Special Propaganda Service, the main duty of which was to sell copies of the party’s newspaper Union.

Soon however he became a leading figure active on behalf of the UM in the East End of London, before being appointed to head a branch in Putney in 1952. Despite these advancements, John grew disillusioned of the UM’s chances of making any real headway and he left them altogether in February 1953. A brief stopover in the local Conservative Party in Barnes followed but lasted only two months.

After a spell on the side-lines he then linked up with Andrew Fountaine, who had been attempting to form his own party, the National Front, and began to produce a journal, National Unity.

His work attracted the attention of A.K. Chesterton and, with the National Front idea failing to get off the ground, he decided to join the League of Empire Loyalists, serving as its Northern Organiser and then in the HQ in London. Continuing to produce his paper, now called The Loyalist, John soon became frustrated at both the lack of political activity and the links to the Conservative Party that were the hallmarks of the LEL.

He left in 1957 to set up the National Labour Party with Fountaine. Fountaine, a Norfolk landowner from a rural landowning family, was officially President of the new group, but was largely a figurehead: control actually lay with John.

The NLP gained a few minor results in elections but was always destined to be a small fringe movement, and as a result John decided to merge his party with another LEL splinter group, the White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party.

John Bean was made leader of the party upon its foundation. Early in the group’s life, both John and former White Defence League leader Colin Jordan were approached by Oswald Mosley, who offered them roles in his Union Movement if they agreed to its subsuming the BNP, but both men rejected the offer.

Initially gaining some support in London, the party soon ran into trouble when it became clear that Colin Jordan was emerging as its spokesman. A journalist commented in 1962 that Jordan was becoming the British Adolf Hitler. John jokingly responded to the Daily Mail reporter that that made him “the British Joseph Goebbels”. Despite this, John soon clashed with Jordan over his extremism and before long Jordan had left to form the National Socialist Movement, taking emerging figures John Tyndall and Denis Pirie with him. Matters had come to a head at the party’s national council meeting in 1962 when John proposed a motion to condemn Jordan’s open support for National Socialism. It was passed 7 to 5, but the party immediately split as a result, albeit with around 80% of the membership remaining within the BNP. John had blamed the associations with National Socialism that Jordan and Tyndall brought for the party’s marginal position in British politics.

At the 1964 general election John Bean stood as BNP candidate in Southall and obtained 3,410 votes (9.3%), the highest post-war vote for a minority party at that time. Another BNP candidate picked up nearly 2,000 votes in Deptford. In 1966 he again stood in Southall, but his vote fell to 2,600. With BNP membership only marginally increasing, John felt the need to try to create a nationalist front with like groups and arranged, with the help of Ted Budden, a private meeting with his old mentor A.K. Chesterton and a spokesman of the Racial Preservation Society. The result of the meeting was the founding of the National Front in 1967.

John became something of a peripheral figure in the NF, as the BNP element was somewhat side-lined. He held the post of Deputy Chairman of the Executive Directorate, a body which was largely subordinate to the Policy Directorate and stood as second candidate for the Ealing constituency in the 1967 Greater London Council elections until resigning in 1968. Still an NF member, he was recalled to positions of minor influence from time to time until 1972 when he largely ceased active involvement. Retreating into political retirement, his membership lapsed in 1977

He emerged only briefly to lend some support to his old friend Andrew Fountaine’s NF Constitutional Movement and to take part in the Countryside Alliance March of 1st March 1998 – which was also attended by supporters of Nick Griffin, by then inside the BNP.

John eventually ended his retirement after the political fall of John Tyndall and joined the British National Party under the leadership of Nick Griffin. He became an active official of the BNP (mostly in administration) and was a candidate for the party in the 2004 European elections, where he was seventh on a list of seven candidates for the Scotland constituency.

He formerly ran his own website, but then wrote a regular column for the main BNP website, and served as editor of BNP magazine Identity until March 2010.

Due to dissatisfaction with his leadership, John demanded that Nick Griffin resign as National Chairman and focus more on representing the North West region as an MEP.

In May 2011, John endorsed Andrew Brons (the BNP MEP for Yorkshire and the Humber) in his challenge for the BNP leadership. He made significant contributions to the Brons team web site, including articles on ‘Genetics and Inheritance’ and ‘Nationalism and a European Confederation’. He subsequently became involved in Brons’s party the British Democratic Party, established in February 2013.

John lived in London, and later Suffolk, before retiring to Yorkshire to live nearer his expanding family – three grandchildren, and five great grandchildren (so far!).

During periods away from politics John wrote four books.

Ten Miles from Anywhere (Hedgerow Publishing 1995), looked at the changes in a Suffolk village from the beginning of the 20th century.

Many Shades of Black, (New Millennium 1999), was Bean’s political memoirs up to that date.

His first novel Blood in the Square, which fictionalized some of his political experiences in the 1960s.

And in August 2016 his historical novel Trail of the Viking Finger (Troubador Publications).

Eddy Morrison 1949-2020

Eddy Morrison 1949-2020

H&D greatly regret to announce the death of Eddy Morrison: proud Yorkshireman, veteran national socialist and a contributor to our magazine for many years. Eddy died on Wednesday following a fall at his home, a month before his 71st birthday which would have been 16th July.

A reprint of Eddy’s 2003 autobiography Memoirs of a Street Soldier was being launched to coincide with his birthday, but very sadly it now coincides with his death.

Educated at St Michael’s College, a Catholic grammar school in Leeds, Eddy Morrison had to leave school at 15 to earn a wage and support his family after his father was crippled in an industrial accident. Following teenage service with the RAF, he became an active racial nationalist in 1967 with the newly formed National Front, attending the NF’s first annual meeting at Conway Hall, Westminster in October that year. Though he had a great deal in common ideologically with the NF’s future leader John Tyndall, Eddy had been too young to be involved in the national socialist schisms of the early ’60s, so he was able to join the NF as an 18-year-old without any factional baggage.

In 1968 he succeeded Phil Stone as the NF’s Leeds branch organiser. Though he was to be a member – and indeed founder! – of numerous different parties and movements, Eddy’s ideology was to remain consistent for more than half a century. As he put it, he regarded national socialism and White racial nationalism as interchangeable terms.

In fact though he would often joke about the myriad organisations he had joined or founded, this is very much a reflection of our movement’s history. Unlike some other leading movement personalities such as Nick Griffin, Eddy did not blow with the prevailing wind, changing his ideological colours to suit personal advancement. Eddy remained Eddy.

In 1972 Eddy organised the Leeds branch of Colin Jordan’s British Movement, breaking away at the end of 1973 with a small group who formed the National Democratic Freedom Movement. Essentially Yorkshire-based, the NDFM quickly attracted a reputation for highly effective street activity. At a time when political violence was commonplace throughout the White world – often with the far left gaining the upper hand – Eddy’s street soldiers made much of West Yorkshire a “red-free zone”.

During 1975 the NDFM expanded, as Eddy recruited other national socialists from outside Yorkshire to expand the movement into a new British National Party. Though he was also to become a prominent organiser in John Tyndall’s BNP a few years later, this 1970s version was a completely different party.

During this period John Tyndall was engaged in a struggle for control of the NF, for a time losing the leadership to a Strasserite/populist faction led by former Conservative activist John Kingsley Read, so Eddy’s BNP attracted support from numerous national socialists who had quit the NF during this period.

The Morrison BNP continued and built on the NDFM’s fearsome reputation for taking control of the streets. It also became part of a growing national socialist network in Europe. German attorney Manfred Roeder was guest speaker at the BNP’s annual congress.

Once John Tyndall and Martin Webster had re-established control of the NF, it wasn’t long before Eddy Morrison and his BNP were invited to merge into the Front, and Eddy became the NF’s Yorkshire regional organiser. This period coincided with the international phenomenon of ‘punk rock’, in which Eddy had taken an early interest, attending early punk gigs including memorable appearances by the Sex Pistols in Manchester and Leeds.

He was quick to see the potential of this angry movement of working class rebellion (though of course it shocked more ‘respectable’ nationalists). As Eddy later wrote:
We either had to condemn Punk or use it. I chose the latter option and started a spoof fanzine called Punk Front which featured a NF logo with a safety pin in it. To my great surprise, Punk Front was a huge success and soon, especially in Leeds, NF members and supporters were going to the biggest Punk club around — the infamous F Club. I started to regularly go to the club and NF Punks were recruiting other punks. In a few months, the NF was the dominant political force on the big punk scene in Leeds. Music papers such as Sounds and the New Musical Express were taking an interest in us. Gary Bushell was sent up to look into the phenomenon. We had pro-NF letters published in many music papers and other punks started bringing out pro-NF fanzines. We even started two bands — the Ventz and the Dentists. Both these bands were to feature later on in the start of ‘Rock Against Communism.’

Eddy Morrison with Simon Sheppard at one of the latter’s many court appearances

Eddy Morrison could justifiably claim to have been the founder of the White racial nationalist music scene, which was later to expand under the late Ian Stuart into Blood & Honour.

Around the time of Eddy’s 30th birthday in 1979, British nationalism had one of its watershed moments when the National Front began to fall apart following disappointing election results. A large part of the last forty years of Eddy Morrison’s life was to involve his attempts to navigate treacherous political waters and maintain uncompromising national socialism in the UK.

This included years of activism in the BNP and later NF, punctuated by attempts to form breakaway movements such as the National Action Party, White Nationalist Party and British People’s Party. At other times Eddy attempted to build cross-factional alliances, and at one stage was a leading figure in the Spearhead Support Group, formed to build support for John Tyndall in his quest to recapture the BNP from Nick Griffin.

In these many activities Eddy could count on a loyal cadre of supporters, notably his Bradford-based comrade Kev Watmough – and it’s fair to say that Eddy was shocked to have outlived numerous fellow streetfighters such as Dave Brown and Chris ‘Weasel’ Ledger.

Eddy Morrison (far right!) at an H&D event in Blackburn, Lancashire: also in this photo (blue shirt, centre left) is his late comrade Dave Brown.

Latterly Eddy published the online magazine White Voice, as well as contributing to H&D – both as author, reviewer and quizmaster at social events! It is impossible in one brief online article to encompass the life of this uncompromising national socialist warrior, and for obvious reasons we have avoided speaking about Eddy’s family, of whom he was so proud and who will miss him greatly.

Needless to say, the next edition of H&D will contain a full obituary of our friend and comrade Eddy Morrison.

Cattle die, and kinsmen die. And so one dies oneself. One thing I know that never dies: The fame of a dead man’s deeds

14/88 Eddy!

(above and below) Eddy Morrison with H&D editor Mark Cotterill and fellow nationalists at a Remembrance Day ceremony in Darwen, Lancashire, 2006

Carl Harley: 70+ years in British nationalism!

Carl Harley (1930-2020)

We greatly regret to inform readers that H&D‘s second-eldest subscriber Carl Harley died on Saturday 22nd February, aged 89.

Carl Harley, who lived in Highgate, North London, was a long-standing H&D subscriber. He was not afraid to put his hand in his pocket, and sent H&D a donation a couple of times to help us keep going.

Cattle die, and kinsmen die,
And so one dies oneself;
One thing I know that never dies:
The fame of a dead man’s deeds.

We are grateful to Bill Baillie of the Nation Revisited and European Outlook blogs for this memory of Carl Harley’s lifelong commitment to our cause, first published in 2016.

Carl Harley – the man who recruited John Bean

I first encountered Carl Harley and John Bean at a National Labour Party meeting in Trafalgar Square in 1959. I was there as a schoolboy, on a bicycle, with my mate Paul Barnes. But I didn’t get to know them properly until the BNP camp held in Norfolk in 1962.

Carl Harley was born in Greenwich on 26 June 1930. He was a member of the Mosley Book Club in 1947 and joined Union Movement on its foundation in 1948. He did his National Service in the Royal Army Ordnance Corps from 1948 to 1950. When he came out of the army he was appointed organiser of the Lewisham branch of Union Movement, where he signed up a young man called John Bean before going to Manchester to help Jeffrey Hamm.

He fondly remembers his old comrades; Alexander Raven Thomson, Victor Burgess, Peter Lesley-Jones and Pat Dunigan; but he disliked Alf Flockhart. In 1958 he joined John Bean’s National Labour Party which merged with Colin Jordan’s White Defence League in 1960 to form the British National Party. In 1962 Colin Jordan broke away to form the National Socialist Movement. Carl tried to persuade John Tyndall to stay with the BNP but he decided to join Colin Jordan. Thirty-five years later, whilst writing to thank Carl for a donation, JT acknowledged his mistake.

Carl was a founder member of the National Front in 1967. He followed Andrew Fountaine into the NF Constitutional Movement in 1979. The NFCM was absorbed into John Tyndall’s British National Party in 1984. Carl stayed with the BNP until John Tyndall was ousted as leader in 1999.

Today he subscribes to Heritage and Destiny and keeps in touch with old friends all over the world. When I interviewed him for this article he was reading Jewish Supremacism by David Duke.

Carl Harley was not an armchair patriot. He was an organiser of branches, a public speaker, a builder of platforms and scenery, a painter of banners, a printer and distributor of leaflets, a campfire cook, a writer of letters, a security guard, a receptionist and a willing helper. I am glad to call him my friend.

As BNP members pose outside their Princedale Rd headquarters, Carl Harley is busy upstairs cleaning the windows.

Brexit dominates General Election – racial nationalist parties stand aside

Nominations closed today for the UK General Election on December 12th, and H&D readers will not be surprised to learn that there are very few candidates from racial nationalist parties.

Both the National Front and the British Democratic Party have agreed to stand aside from this General Election, recognising that it will be dominated by the Brexit issue and that most racial nationalists will wish to use their votes to support a pro-Brexit candidate. (Though there is of course a minority of our movement that takes an anti-Brexit line, following the tradition of Sir Oswald Mosley’s post-war Union Movement.)

For the BNP, David Furness will be contesting the Hornchurch & Upminster constituency in outer East London, where he seems to be the only non-Tory, pro-Brexit candidate. He is the only BNP candidate nationwide: this is the tenth general election that the BNP has contested since it was founded in 1982, and its lowest-ever number of candidates.

Former BNP activist Dr Andrew Emerson is contesting his home constituency of Chichester for the Patria party which he formed with LEL, NF and BNP veteran Dennis Whiting and fellow nationalists who broke away from the BNP some years ago. This will be Dr Emerson’s third parliamentary campaign in Chichester during the past four years: this time he has no opponent from UKIP or the Brexit Party.

Gary Butler, who was NF candidate for Maidstone & the Weald in 2010 and English Democrat candidate for Faversham & Mid Kent in 2015, is an Independent candidate this year, again for Faversham & Mid Kent.

Meanwhile in the Liverpool West Derby constituency, veteran nationalist activist Joe Owens appears as proposer on the nomination papers of Brexit Party candidate Ray Pearson – though Mr Owens has recently posted a YouTube video criticising party leader Nigel Farage for striking a deal to stand down 317 candidates in Tory-held constituencies.

Vicky Felton – councillor for the Democrats & Veterans Party in Monk Bretton ward, Barnsley – is the Brexit Party candidate for Barnsley Central. There has not been any announcement of a merger between D&V and the Brexit Party, and Mrs Felton’s husband Gavin remains D&V Party chairman, so this might be a temporary arrangement just for this election. Similarly Rebecca Rees-Evans, husband of D&V founder and leader Jonathan Rees-Evans, is Brexit Party candidate for Cynon Valley, where she was UKIP candidate in 2015.

There are five English Democrat candidates this year (only one of whom has a Brexit Party opponent and none of whom have UKIP opponents); while the Veterans and People’s Party is contesting Great Yarmouth, without Brexit Party or UKIP opposition, and Linlithgow & East Falkirk, where it has a Brexit Party opponent.

There are only 44 UKIP candidates nationwide (down from 467 just two years ago) – including two in Northern Ireland and seven in Scotland – but in thirteen of these constituencies UKIP and the Brexit Party are standing against each other, including two in Sunderland, two in Sheffield, and Oldham West & Royton.

There are ex-UKIP independents standing in several constituencies, including former party leader Henry Bolton, who will be Independent candidate for his home constituency Folkestone & Hythe. His splinter party Our Nation was deregistered last month after only a year in existence.

H&D will feature reports and analysis on the UK General Election during the next few weeks, and our January 2020 edition will examine future strategies for our movement once the Brexit issue has (one way or another) been resolved.

Gross dishonesty of Murdoch press attack on British nationalist

We have become used to the gross dishonesty of the British press when attacking racial nationalists. A prize example is in today’s Sunday Times, which devotes half a page to the supposed ‘scandal’ that Mark Collett, a former BNP official now prominent in the ‘Alt Right’, has made money from YouTube videos.

The fact that these profits were entirely legal and normal makes no difference to Rupert Murdoch’s scandalmongers.

Today’s Sunday Times attack on Mark Collett

Typical of their sly distortion is a passage towards the end of the article:

He was tried over race-hate claims in 2006. He had reportedly said Asian men “are trying to destroy us” and had pledged to “show these ethnics the door”. The jury failed to reach a verdict.

Collett was later arrested for threatening to kill Griffin as part of a “failed coup” in 2010, but again walked free.

The truth is that the British state twice brought Mark Collett to trial at Leeds Crown Court under the race laws, in relation to secret recordings made with the help of BNP turncoat Andy Sykes for a BBC programme, The Secret Agent, but both prosecutions failed.

In the alleged ‘Griffin murder plot’ case in 2010, Mr Collett was never even charged. This arrest again stemmed from a secret recording: Mr Collett’s fellow BNP official David Hannam – a tragically weak and easily manipulated individual – recorded his telephone calls as part of an internal BNP feud. No charges were brought against Mr Collett because police forensic experts quickly discovered that the tapes had been edited, and Mr Hannam refused to provide the unedited originals.

(The reason being that the unedited originals revealed evidence of financial corruption inside Nick Griffin’s BNP.)

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