Cameron lost the 2015 election yesterday
Posted by admin978 on August 6, 2014 · Leave a Comment
Baroness Warsi (second left) on BBC TV’s ‘Question Time’ with then BNP leader Nick Griffin.
Baroness Warsi has hitherto been a minor political figure: perhaps the highlight of her career until today was an appearance on BBC Television’s Question Time where she assisted in the general humiliation of then BNP leader Nick Griffin.
Yet her departure from David Cameron’s government yesterday morning might yet take its place alongside the most significant ministerial resignations in British political history, a contest whose palm is probably taken by Sir Geoffrey Howe’s adroit knifing of Margaret Thatcher.
Like Howe, Sayeeda Warsi might eventually bring down a Prime Minister, though in her case partly for indirect reasons that she would not fully appreciate.
A hallmark of Cameron’s leadership has been his obsession with ‘rebranding’ the Tories as an inclusive party, genuflecting to every politically correct obsession. Therefore his so-called ‘A-list’ of parliamentary candidates – to be foisted on often reluctant local Conservative associations – included enhanced quotas not only of women but of ethnic minorities, etc. As a Muslim woman from a relatively humble social background (her father was a millionaire but had arrived in England penniless) Sayeeda Warsi ticked several important boxes – and she was a predictably strong supporter of Cameron when he made his leadership bid.
Her elevation to Conservative Party chairman was a symbol of Cameron’s ambition to slay the ghost of Enoch Powell. Tory think tanks have repeatedly asserted that Asian immigrants, including many Muslims, ought to be natural Tories. (Conveniently forgetting that one aspect of their ‘natural’ Toryism is a social conservatism that recoils in horror at many of the liberal attitudes which Cameron eagerly embraces.)
By far the biggest contradiction in Cameron’s strategy was exposed yesterday. For all their concern with politically correct gestures, all such shallow posturing is inevitably outweighed by the modern Tories’ slavish devotion to the Zionist project.
Warsi’s main Cabinet opponent and arch-Zionist, Chancellor of the Exchequer George Osborne (right), seen at a banquet for the Jewish ‘defence’ force Community Security Trust with Metropolitan Police chief Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe (centre) and CST founder Gerald Ronson (left), convicted City fraudster and financier of the ‘anti-fascist’ magazine Searchlight and the violent ’62 Group’.
Baroness Warsi could have remained discreetly in office, assuring her Muslim friends that she was doing all she could behind closed doors, while continuing to enjoy her ministerial salary and other perquisites of office. She chose a more courageous option, and might yet cause further aftershocks by publishing a diary of her time in government, and/or defecting to Labour.
Why might we assume that the impact of Warsi’s resignation will be felt beyond the ‘Westminster village’ of politicos and journalists?
1) Until yesterday it remained likely that (even traditionally Labour) Muslim voters might have had doubts at next year’s general election about sending Ed Miliband to Downing Street. Despite all Miliband’s pro-Palestinian rhetoric, and his lack of any religious or even social connections with the mainstream of Anglo-Jewry, many Muslims might have held back from electing the first ethnic Jewish PM since Disraeli. Warsi’s resignation (especially if she actually defects to Labour) will remove any such concerns. Muslims had already begun to swing back to Labour in 2010 after their earlier defections in the Blair years. The salience of the Gaza issue, combined with other factors, will ensure that Muslims vote solidly for Labour in 2015, and turn out heavily.
2) Boris Johnson will play his hand very cleverly (though of course cynically) over the next year. He has already signalled support for Warsi, though in terms that will not discredit him among Tory friends of Israel. None of this will win over Muslim voters to the Tory fold, but it will leave Cameron and his ally George Osborne exposed to internal criticism during the pre-election period.
3) Cameron can do nothing to shift his government’s fundamental position on Israel/Palestine, and is likely to suffer further resignations and backbench criticism both within his own party and from his Lib Dem allies. But it is also far too late for him to amend his politically correct obsessions – indeed these will increase in a vain attempt to offset the Warsi/Gaza issue. Cameron will continue and increase his focus on “anti-racism” and will probably tone down the hardline immigration rhetoric that had recently been urged on him by campaign advisers. The result will be a continued haemmorhage of traditional Tory support to UKIP, even among voters who don’t care that much about UKIP’s core policies on Europe.
For nationalists, afflicted by the inevitably delayed recovery from our own self-inflicted wounds, there will be few short-term electoral advantages, but a hopeful prospect ahead: a weak Labour government, faced by a divided Tory opposition and a growing detachment from the traditional party system.
