‘Post-fascist’ party wins Italian election

Liberal and leftist commentators around the world have been horrified this week by the victory of Fratelli d’Italia (‘Brothers of Italy’) in Italy’s parliamentary elections and the imminent elevation of Fratelli‘s leader Giorgia Meloni to become her country’s first female prime minister.

Fratelli polled 26% of the vote (up from 4.4% in 2018 – one of the most rapid electoral advances in European history), winning 119 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 65 in the Senate.

Meloni will now form a government at the head of a ‘right-wing’ coalition that includes Matteo Salvini’s anti-immigration party Lega (formerly the regionalist Lega Nord) who polled 8.8%; Silvio Berlusconi’s right-wing conservative party Forza Italia who polled 8.1%; and the ‘Moderates’, an alliance of small conservative factions, who polled only 0.9% nationwide but won seven seats in constituencies.

This is more than simply a pendulum swing between ‘right-wing’ and ‘left-wing’ coalitions. The true significance of the result is the changing balance of forces within the ‘right’ and the fact that the most ‘extreme’ of its four components is now by far the largest. At the 2018 election Salvini overtook Berlusconi to become leader of the ‘right’, but now Meloni has overtaken Salvini.

Fratelli was founded in 2012 as part of the restructuring of ‘right-wing’ politics in Italy, but its origins are in the ‘neo-fascist’ Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI – Italian Social Movement), whose youth wing Meloni joined in 1992.

MSI in turn grew out of Mussolini’s fascist party and (as its name implied) out of the German-backed Italian Social Republic during the last days of the Second World War.

The extent to which Meloni’s politics still resembles racial nationalism, or is simply anti-immigration conservatism, is debatable. Undoubtedly she benefited from having distanced Fratelli from Russian dictator Vladimir Putin since his invasion of Ukraine. Salvini had been much closer to Putin and his credibility has been damaged by that association, to such an extent that his continued leadership of Lega is in question.

Some H&D readers will undoubtedly regard Meloni as a traitor to our cause for having trimmed in the direction of mainstream conservatism. However her own and her party’s ideological roots mean that Fratelli‘s victory is potentially more significant than other European populist successes of recent years.

This is not (yet) a victory for racial nationalism, but it is a giant step in the right direction, in the process of freeing European minds from their post-1945 paralysis.

Civic nationalism crashes to defeat in Yorkshire by-election

Parts of the Batley & Spen constituency in West Yorkshire were among the strongest racial nationalist areas in Britain during the first decade of the 21st century. The BNP’s David Exley won the mainly White working-class Heckmondwike ward at a by-election in August 2003 – one of a series of BNP victories either side of the Pennines, triggered by the Oldham riots of May 2001. Cllr Exley retained his seat in 2004 and a second Heckmondwike councillor was gained in 2005. Even as late as 2010 when the local BNP fought its last campaign, they managed 17.6%.

Admittedly this is just one of the six wards that make up Batley & Spen, but the party also polled very well elsewhere in the constituency in the 2000s, including the Tory wards Liversedge & Gomersal and Birstall & Birkenshaw. Any parliamentary by-election in Batley & Spen should have been (and should still be) good news for any serious pro-White nationalist party.

Yet when such a by-election first occurred here, it was in dramatic circumstances that made racial nationalist campaigning appear distasteful. A week before the Brexit referendum in June 2016, Batley & Spen’s Labour MP Jo Cox was murdered by a deranged Heckmondwike resident who was quickly labelled a ‘far right terrorist’ by the media. Despite living in Heckmondwike, Thomas Mair had no connection whatever with the BNP and was totally unknown to any other British nationalists, apart from the eccentric Alan Harvey (a former NF member long resident in South Africa) to whose newsletter South African Patriot Mair subscribed.

The other mainstream parties gave Labour a clear run in the ensuing by-election held in October 2016 and Labour’s Tracy Brabin won a majority of more than 16,000, with the civic nationalist English Democrats in second place on 4.8% and a much-diminished BNP third on 2.7%.

Reaction to Jo Cox’s murder only briefly disguised an anti-Labour trend among White voters. As in neighbouring Dewsbury, many White voters have been repelled by what they see as an Asian takeover of the local Labour party and by policies of the Asian Labour-led Kirklees council. To some extent these voters (using Brexit as a proxy issue for unmentionable racial concerns) have drifted to the Tories in recent elections. Even though UKIP and the Brexit Party failed to make much progress here, a former UKIP activist formed a populist movement called the Heavy Woollen Independents (a reference to the former staple industry of this area) who polled 12.2% at the 2019 general election, leaving Labour even more dependent on the presumed loyalty of Asian voters, concentrated in the Batley part of the constituency.

So when Tracy Brabin won the inaugural mayoral election for West Yorkshire in May this year, causing a second Batley & Spen parliamentary by-election in five years, one can understand eyes lighting up across various populist and broadly nationalist movements. All the more so because of a mini-scandal that pushed Batley into nationwide headlines in March this year, when a teacher at Batley Grammar School was briefly suspended for showing his pupils a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed.

A crowded ballot paper of sixteen candidates for the by-election – held on July 1st – included several from the spectrum of pro-Brexit, populist, Islam-obsessed or broadly civic nationalism. Perhaps the best known to H&D readers were Anne-Marie Waters – the multiracialist but Islam-obsessed leader of the For Britain Movement, whose party includes several experienced racial nationalists even though its leader and her coterie are sincerely ‘anti-racist’; and Jayda Fransen, the anti-Islam campaigner and former deputy leader of Britain First who is nominal leader of Jim Dowson’s donation-hunting enterprise that calls itself the British Freedom Party (even though it isn’t and perhaps never will be a registered political party – so Ms Fransen had to stand as an Independent).

At the start of her campaign Ms Waters publicised an endorsement from ‘Tommy Robinson’, an ultra-Zionist career criminal who founded the English Defence League. Perhaps she hoped For Britain could become the political wing of the now defunct EDL – if so it was a foolish ambition.

The results declared early on the morning of July 2nd told their own story. Ms Waters finished twelfth of sixteen candidates with 97 votes (0.3%), while Ms Fransen was fifteenth with 50 votes (0.1%). This was little short of a disaster for civic, Islam-obsessed nationalism – especially since unlike Ms Fransen and her paymaster Dowson, Ms Waters and For Britain had attempted to fight a serious campaign, with seasoned political veterans including Eddy Butler and his wife Sue travelling from Essex, and former BNP activist Gary Bergin travelling from the Wirral.

Nor can they point to any other candidate from the same spectrum having cornered the White vote, as this entire spectrum polled poorly. The English Democrats (who at least had a relatively local candidate) fared best of a bad bunch with 207 votes (0.5%), followed by UKIP on 0.4%, the anti-lockdown Freedom Alliance on 0.3%, the SDP (once a centrist party but now pro-Brexit populists) on 0.1% a fraction ahead of Ms Fransen, and the ex-UKIP splinter Heritage Party (absolutely no connection to H&D!) polling even worse than Ms Fransen with a truly microscopic 0.05%.

Unlike the May local elections covered in Issue 102, one cannot explain these results in terms of a resurgent Tory Party taking the votes of pro-Brexit, racially conscious Whites. Contrary to expectations, the Tory vote actually fell here compared to 2019, and despite maverick charlatan George Galloway taking most of the Muslim vote, Labour managed to hold the seat, confounding pundits and bookmakers’ odds. The Tory campaign in the final few days was handicapped by the scandal that forced health minister Matt Hancock to resign last weekend, but almost every observer assumed this would merely reduce the size of an expected Tory victory.

I’m writing this article within hours of the result, so this is very much an instant analysis, but these are some of the lessons I think we can draw from what was surely the most significant by-election in years for our broadly-defined movement.

• Lunatic acts of political violence are a disaster for every wing of our movement, since even the most moderate civic nationalists are tarred by association in the minds of many potentially sympathetic voters. I’ve no doubt that many racially conscious folk cast their votes for Labour’s Kim Leadbeater because she is the sister of murdered MP Jo Cox.
• Outside Northern Ireland and some Scottish islands, very few Whites in the UK now define their politics in religious terms – and they regard those who do as a bit mad. No offence to those H&D readers who are religious believers and for whom this is the centre of their lives, but we should not fool ourselves about faith’s lack of electoral impact. Even racially conscious voters do not respond well to a campaign that is ‘over the top’ in shrill references to Islam. We can imply such things in sensibly worded racial nationalist leaflets, but hysterical ‘Islamophobia’ is not a vote-winner.
• George Galloway won most of the Muslim vote in Batley by campaigning on issues related to Palestine and Kashmir; but there is no equivalent bonus to be won among White voters by wrapping oneself in the Israeli flag. Aggressive Zionism is not a vote-winner among non-Jewish Britons, neither does it serve as an alibi for ‘racism’ as some former BNP veteran campaigners seem to believe.
• While Kim Leadbeater undoubtedly lost many Muslim votes because she is a lesbian (in addition to other factors depressing the Asian Labour vote), and Anne-Marie Waters perhaps lost a few socially conservative White voters for the same reason, homosexuality is no longer an issue for the vast majority of White voters, though the ‘trans’ nonsense is another matter.
• There continues to be no electoral benefit in campaigning against the government’s handling of the pandemic. Several parties focused on anti-lockdown policies all polled very poorly, especially the one for whom Covid-scepticism is its raison d’être, the Freedom Alliance whose candidate attracted only 100 votes (0.3%).
• Brexit’s electoral relevance is at last fading, and the Tory party’s hold over sections of the White working class is a lot weaker than many pundits have assumed. It’s Hartlepool (the ultra-Brexity constituency that fell to the Tories by a big majority two months ago) that’s the exceptional ‘outlier’; there are far more constituencies broadly similar to Batley & Spen, including neighbouring Dewsbury, presently held by the Tories.
• Kim Leadbeater won mainly due to White voters retaining (or returning to) traditional Labour loyalties. She lost most of the Muslim vote to George Galloway. In the probably unlikely event that Galloway can recruit high quality Muslim candidates to his new ‘Workers Party’, Labour might have difficulties in some other seats, but it’s more likely that they will just have problems turning out their Muslim voters after Keir Starmer’s shift of Labour policy away from hardline anti-Zionism. Most especially the modern left’s obsession with issues such as ‘trans rights’ will be a handicap in Muslim areas across Britain.
• The many and various consequences of multiracialism continue to provide rich electoral potential for racial nationalists, if and when we get our own act together. Many For Britain activists logically belong in the same party as British Democrats leader Dr Jim Lewthwaite and Patriotic Alternative leaders Mark Collett and Laura Towler, as well as many other movement activists and veterans of the old BNP who are (temporarily?) in political retirement.

All of these questions and more will be the background to a discussion of nationalist strategy post-Brexit and post-Covid. We look forward to hearing readers’ views in forthcoming editions of H&D.

Early results from ‘Super Thursday’ elections

This week saw the largest set of local and regional elections in the UK since the reorganisation of local government almost half a century ago.

Most counts will take place during Friday or Saturday, but a few were counted overnight.

As H&D has previously explained, the 2021 elections mark the end of the Nigel Farage era: his old party UKIP is now almost extinct, and the Brexit Party which he launched in 2019 has been rebranded (ineffectively) as Reform UK.

Racial nationalist parties are still in the process of reviving and reorganising themselves after a decade in Brexit’s shadow, but we expect a handful of strong results for several nationalist/populist candidates.

H&D editor Mark Cotterill is contesting Preston City Council and Lancashire County Council seats: when not involved in counts we shall be reporting here on these and other results.

Overnight the biggest breaking news was the defeat of Oldham Council leader Sean Fielding (Labour), who lost his seat to former police officer Mark Wilkinson, leader of the Failsworth Independent Party. Perhaps even more sensational for those of our readers who remember the glory days of Oldham BNP was that young Conservative candidate Beth Sharp defeated Labour in St James ward. In the old days this was the top BNP target and a no hope area for the Tories.

Ms Sharp’s victory is an early sign of what will surely be the main narrative of this week’s elections: the continuing success of Boris Johnson’s Conservative Party in areas that were once solidly Labour. This fragmentation could in the long-term be good news for nationalist parties, if we can get our act together.

An extraordinary civil war within Oldham’s Asian community saw Asian Labour candidates lose one Asian ghetto (St Mary’s) and almost lose another (Coldhurst) to Asian independents, while losing the racially split Medlock Vale ward to an Asian Conservative! (This is partly a consequence of local Labour bosses choosing to defy Muslim elders in a row over an Asian feminist councillor.)

In Oldham, UKIP and Reform UK did at least manage to avoid standing against each other, but nevertheless obtained appalling results with all four of their respective candidates finishing bottom of the poll: their votes ranged from 0.8% to 3.8%.

Elsewhere early results mostly confirmed that Reform UK (the rebranded Brexit Party) will fizzle out within months of its launch. Overnight there were just two Reform UK victories, both in Derby, with Tim Prosser elected in a freak result for Boulton ward, after the Conservative candidate withdrew to give him a free run against Labour; and John Evans retaining the Alvaston ward seat that he first won for UKIP in 2016 before his move first to the Brexit Party and now to Reform UK. The party’s other Derby candidates were heavily defeated.

Most other Reform UK results were very poor indeed: notably in the Hartlepool parliamentary by-election. This had been the Brexit Party’s main target seat only seventeen months ago at the 2019 General Election, where their candidate was Richard Tice, now leader of the rebranded party.

Yet Reform UK polled only 1.2% yesterday, down from Tice’s 25.8% in 2019. Almost all of those pro-Brexit voters swung behind the Conservatives, whose candidate won a historic victory. Most humiliating for Reform UK was that Claire Martin, candidate of the tiny UKIP splinter Heritage Party, polled 468 votes (1.6%) to push Reform UK into fifth place.

Those in our movement who believed that anti-lockdown or Covid-sceptic politics would prove an effective electoral strategy will be sobered by the mere 72 votes (0.2%) won by the Freedom Alliance candidate who finished bottom of a sixteen-strong field in Hartlepool.

In the old UKIP stronghold of Thurrock, two Reform UK candidates finished bottom of the poll, and their rival ex-colleagues from the old UKIP, now standing as Thurrock Independents, lost all the seats they were defending.

Sunderland is one of the few UKIP branches that has remained largely intact with few activists defecting to Farage’s Brexit/Reform, and UKIP managed a substantial local slate of 19 candidates. However they were all heavily defeated: their best result was 18.4% in Redhill ward, which they had won in 2019. The two other Sunderland wards that UKIP won in 2019 were Tory gains from Labour this year, in one case electing an Asian Tory councillor, with UKIP polling 8.1% and 8.8%.

We expect the For Britain Movement (an anti-Islamist party whose leader Anne-Marie Waters is ‘anti-racist’ but whose candidates include high-profile BNP veterans) to poll very well in some areas. However the party’s overnight results were poor, including heavy defeats in two eastern Newcastle wards – 3.5% in Walker and 1.7% in Walkergate.

Three members of the same family contesting Southend wards as For Britain candidates polled 4%, 2.3% and 2.1% respectively.

Public inquiry reveals police infiltration of 1970s National Front

Documents released this morning as part of a public inquiry into undercover policing reveal that an officer codenamed ‘Peter Collins’ infiltrated the National Front during 1975 and 1976.

Strangely this infiltration occurred not on the orders of his police superiors, but as an indirect consequence of his deployment to infiltrate a Trotskyist organisation, the Workers Revolutionary Party.

As with many far left groups, the WRP tried to latch on to any militant street activity, ranging from anti-war protests to the campaigns of vandalism launched by friends and family of armed robber George Davis.

An undercover police unit – the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS) – was created in 1968 in response to concerns about public order threats from a new generation of far left and ‘counterculture’ groups that had little or no connection to the old-style communist parties and fronts that MI5 and Special Branch had previously monitored.

The SDS recruited young police officers to work as long-term informants but about a decade ago these plans ended in scandal after it was revealed that some officers had fathered children with young women inside the groups they were infiltrating. Hence the present inquiry.

‘Peter Collins’ was infiltrated into the WRP in 1974, and a year later (by an extraordinary Chestertonian irony) the WRP themselves asked ‘Collins’ to infiltrate the NF on their behalf!

For a year or so ‘Collins’ therefore reported to his SDS handlers both on the WRP and on the NF.

H&D has today obtained copies of SDS and Special Branch documents released by the Inquiry. Unlike the rather confused Guardian reporter who tried to make sense of the story earlier today, we have specialist knowledge of the people and factions concerned, and will in due course publish an analysis of what ‘Collins’ was reporting on during 1975-76: what he thought was happening in the NF, and what was actually happening.

By 1976 the SDS allegedly gave up on infiltrating the ‘far right’, because the longer-established security agencies – Special Branch and MI5 – already had sufficient sources of information on the racial nationalist movement.

Much of this Special Branch and MI5 information would have come from Jewish anti-fascist organisations: the Searchlight intelligence organisation run by Gerry Gable and Harry Bidney that had grown out of the violent 62 Group, and the more ‘establishment’ intelligence arm of the Board of Deputies of British Jews.

‘Peter Collins’ reported to the SDS on aspects of the 1975-6 split within the NF that spawned the National Party, and on the objectives of a small group of NF radicals who sought to use the NP split as part of a longer-term strategy for their own takeover of the movement on the back of a temporary alliance with conservative elements.

Election Campaign Update

H&D Editor Mark Cotterill, aims to bring down Labour’s “Red Wall” in Ribbleton!

On Saturday (May 1st) we had two leafleting teams out. Team one completed Ribbleton (City Council) ward with our second election leaflet, and team two got a good chunk of Preston South East (Lancashire County Council) Division, with the second election leaflet done – see copy attached.

In Ribbleton Ward we finished off both the Brockholes Bow/Fishwick area and the Farrington Park/Bowness Estates. And in Preston South East Division we leafleted all of the massive Callon Estate (a White working class area – right next to a very enriched area).

Afterwards both teams met up, to leaflet the final couple of streets around the Blessed Sacrament /Farringdon Road area of Ribbleton ward.

Team One finished up having a few well deserved pints in the local ward pub, where H&D Assistant editor Peter Rushton got the first round in!

We will be going out leafleting again in Ribbleton ward/ Preston South East Division on Tuesday/Wednesday – depending on the weather, with our final “reminder” leaflet – see attached. So if you can spare a couple of hours and give us a hand, it would be very much appreciated. Just let us know which day/time you can help.

You can email me us at – heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com – or ring Mark on – 07833 677484. Please try and help if you can.

It’s looking very close now in Ribbleton Ward, with Labour just about in front, but with one more push we can bring that “Red Wall” tumbling down! However, in Preston South East, its going to be much harder as three-quarters of the Division is now very enriched now, with English being the second language on many streets. Still we are giving it a good go.

More or less all the pubs in Preston South East have now closed down, with the famous Acregate Hotel, on New Hall Lane, a former Boddingtons alehouse, closed down in 2010, set to become an Islamic Education centre. Just down the road towards the city centre, the former Belle Vue Hotel is now an East European super market.

The other parties (Conservative, Lib-Dem and Green) have not put out a single leaflet (as far as we can tell) in either Ribbleton or Preston South East – or even set foot – in the ward/division – incredible, but sadly true. They just take their voters for granted.

If you can’t help out with our campaign physically, for whatever reason (job, family, or you just live too far away) then you can still help the campaign by sending a donation towards the campaign costs (send to; Mark Cotterill, 40 Birkett Drive, Ribbleton, Preston, PR2 6HE – write on the back of the cheque/postal order – Election donation – if you wish to send a donation by Bank transfer thats fine too – call (07833 6774840 or email (heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com) us for the details.) Every pound helps.

The election count for Ribbleton Ward (Preston City council) will be held on Friday morning/lunchtime. And the count for Preston South East Division will be held on Saturday morning. As soon as we get the results, we will post them up on the H&D website.

Thanks in advance for your help and support, it’s very much appreciated.

Ulster’s uncertain future as Northern Ireland marks centenary

One hundred years ago today Ireland was partitioned with six of Ulster’s nine counties becoming the new province of Northern Ireland.

While the terms “Ulster” and “Northern Ireland” are often loosely treated as synonymous, the sad truth is of course that three Ulster counties – Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan – were consigned to rule from Dublin a century ago.

Ulstermen in these three counties who remained loyal to the United Kingdom – as well as their fellow loyalists in the three other Irish provinces of Connaught, Leinster and Munster – were abandoned by the London government for whom they had fought in the Flanders mud just a few years earlier.

Nor was this a straightforward religious divide. Many Catholics across Ireland remained loyal to the Crown, a topic that will be discussed in a forthcoming H&D book review. While today’s anniversary partly represents the successful resistance by generations of Ulstermen to malign plots by 20th and 21st century liberals and trans-Atlantic “new world order” advocates, it also reminds us of that original betrayal of loyalists abandoned (often to a bloody fate) south of the border.

Ironically the centenary of Northern Ireland coincides with a political crisis in Ulster’s largest political party – the Democratic Unionist Party. Whoever becomes DUP leader will have to negotiate treacherous political waters during the Brexit transition process.

Though Boris Johnson is technically leader of the “Conservative & Unionist Party”, the latter half of his party’s name seems to have been forgotten in Westminster and Whitehall.

It will be the job of loyal Ulstermen and their friends on the mainland to remind Johnson (and if necessary his successor) that the “sovereignty” supposedly regained by Brexit is meaningless if accompanied by the betrayal of almost two million of our compatriots, and the surrender of sovereignty over more than 5,000 square miles of Northern Ireland.

We look forward to the day when the British Isles are again reunited in some form of federal structure, when England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland (north and south) stand together in the common struggle for racial and cultural survival.

Northern Ireland (at the 2011 census) was 98.2% White – by far the Whitest component of the British Isles. For all its founders’ pretence of ‘nationalism’, the Irish Republic is by contrast only 92% White and getting darker every day, especially in Dublin; Wales and Scotland are roughly 96% White; and England is of course the most multi-ethnic part of the UK – roughly 85% White.

Disloyalty, greed and cowardice: rootless tycoons betray English football, then back down within 24 hours!

A tiny clique of globalist billionaires attempted to destroy the traditions of England’s national sport yesterday. Their attempted coup collapsed within hours, demonstrating that despite the apparent great power of the global greed machine, its controllers’ greed and disloyalty is equalled by their cowardice.

The so-called “big six” clubs of English football shocked the nation this week by announcing plans for a new “European Super League”.

This would have a disastrous effect on our national game, and no one with genuine roots in English life would ever contemplate such a plan.

As has rightly been mentioned even by ex-footballers of well-known leftwing sympathies such as Gary Neville and Gary Lineker, those behind the plan self-evidently have “no loyalty to this country” and no roots in our traditions and heritage.

A fans’ backlash, and the unprecedented response by a Conservative government threatening to “drop a legislative bomb” on capitalist conspirators, led to the six English clubs withdrawing from the scheme within 24 hours and desperately trying to cover their tracks. It is to be hoped that the billionaire cabal will still face punishment, and reforms to the structure of football ownership that will prevent any similar future plot.

Should we really be surprised?

Let us look at those involved,

The mastermind of the entire project is Sir Len Blavatnik, a Ukrainian-Jewish oligarch who was for many years a close friend of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The key men at the six English clubs involved include the following:

Chelsea owner Roman Abramovich, a very controversial Russian-Israeli tycoon.

Tottenham Hotspur chairman Daniel Levy and his business partner, Spurs owner Joe Lewis – an East End Jew, currency trader, tax exile, and close associate of George Soros.

Manchester United chairman Joel Glazer, part of an American-Jewish family who bought the club in 2005, with consequences viewed as disastrous by many United fans. (The Glazer family’s right-hand man Ed Woodward resigned as United’s vice-chairman as the ‘Super League’ began to collapse. Characteristically the club lied about the reasons for his resignation, pretending that Woodward’s departure had nothing to do with the Blavatnik conspiracy.)

Liverpool chairman Tom Werner, Jewish-American television executive and since 2010 co-owner of Liverpool alongside the non-Jewish American tycoon John W. Henry.

American (non-Jewish) billionaire Stan Kroenke, owner of Arsenal. The former chief executive of Arsenal, South African born Ivan Gazidis, now at AC Milan, is another key player in the European Super League scheme.

Manchester City chairman Khaldoon Al Mubarak, a close confidant of Abu Dhabi crown prince and de facto United Arab Emirates ruler Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. For the past decade the dictatorial royal families of the Emirates have been developing ever-closer relations with Israel, a process accelerated recently by Donald Trump and the gangster ruler of Saudi Arabia.

G.K. Chesterton knew all about such people, whom he described in his poem The Secret People, one verse of which almost prophesied the betrayal of English football.

They have given us into the hand of new unhappy lords,
Lords without anger or honour, who dare not carry their swords.
They fight by shuffling papers; they have bright dead alien eyes;
They look at our labour and laughter as a tired man looks at flies.
And the load of their loveless pity is worse than the ancient wrongs,
Their doors are shut in the evening; and they know no songs.

But as Chesterton also foresaw, there remain “the people of England” who “have not spoken yet”.

At H&D we remain confident that the people of England will eventually speak; will eventually rebel against those new unhappy lords, those rootless cosmopolitans who have stolen our birth-right. H&D‘s editor and assistant editor are fortunate not to be directly involved with these megabucks ‘super’ clubs: we support grassroots football including the Lancashire clubs Chorley and Mossley!

(And we know that H&D‘s Jewish friends in the USA reject the values of supposedly ‘Jewish’ globalist tycoons, and also support locally-rooted football clubs!)

The establishment parties are more frightened than ever, following the ‘European Super League’ betrayal and are scrambling to pretend that they are on the side of the millions of ordinary English football fans who adamantly oppose this plan.

Yet the fact is that Labour, the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats are co-creators of the rapacious, rootless global capitalist model that lies behind this disgrace.

The hitherto silent people of England will not forget this week’s events. They will not forget that the global greed machine brought English football to the brink of disaster.

We hope and believe that the collapse of the Blavatnik Plot is the beginning of the end for the internationalist cabal that distorted so much of European civilisation during the second half of the 20th century. Bring on the Great Reset, which racial nationalists should view as a promise, not a threat!

H&D joins the Nationalist 100 Club!

Mark Cotterill reports as Heritage and Destiny reaches its first centenary edition.

Heritage and Destiny has now joined the very exclusive group (known as the 100 Club) of UK nationalist publications that has made it to issue 100 – which no doubt will upset many of the loons who post on the nutzi online forums who said we would never reach issue 50, let alone 100!

We join the esteemed ranks of Spearhead (438), New Frontier/British Nationalist (207), The Flag (147), Voice of Freedom/Freedom (143), NF News (126), and Identity (103), all of whom published over 100 issues, but are sadly no longer with us.

Then there is League Sentinel – published by the League of St George, which recently published issue 124, and of course Candour – published by the AK Chesterton Trust, which is still going after over 60 years and has just published issue 873! If I have missed any out, a thousand apologies, as my good friend Mustafa would say after he had skipped his round!

Our very first issue was published way back in the summer of 1999 as “The Newsletter of the American Friends of the BNP” (AF-BNP). It was only eight pages, but it was a start of better things to come.

Issue 1 included: My editorial, introducing Heritage & Destiny, and The American Friends of the BNP; an article written by me from The Spotlight newspaper on the British National Party; a report on a recent Council of Conservative Citizens Conference; a CD Review: Blue Ridge Kind of Love, by Jim Houck & Friends, a book review: My Awakening by David Duke and an obituary for Pauline Louise Mackey, in fact many of the same features that still appear today, in this issue 100.

The H&D “team” for issues 1 to 4 consisted of just myself and Carl Knittle and was produced in a very basic format (cut and paste!) in the basement of Carl’s home in Ashburn, in northern Virginia.

By issue 5 we had recruited another expatriate “Brit” – Carl Clifford – to the H&D team. Carl transformed the magazine using desk top publishing – PageMaker. Also joining the “team” for issue 5 was long-standing American national socialist Martin Kerr – which meant we were now four strong (two Brits and two Yanks).

The magazine was now twenty pages and was being produced from my apartment in Falls Church, Virginia – which doubled up as the AF-BNP HQ. We also had a website (thanks to Carl Clifford) and we were holding regular meetings and even demonstrations in the Washington DC area. It was all go!

Strangely many years later Carl Clifford’s wife Stephanie ran (unsuccessfully) a couple of times in Democratic Party primaries for the Virginia state senate. As my old mate John Ross would say, “they would never believe us back home!”

The final American issue – number 9 – was published in the summer of 2001, shortly before the Federals (on the instructions of the SPLC) closed the AF-BNP down. I would have liked to have reached issue 10 stateside, but oh well, that’s life, I guess.

The American government (INS) issued me with a ten-year exclusion order the following summer and I finally vacated “the land of the free and home of the brave” on November 3rd 2002 and returned to ‘good Olde Blighty’ (Blackburn in East Lancashire to be exact).

It would be another six months before H&D was finally resurrected on this side of the pond, with the help of Peter Rushton, who volunteered to help me start it up again (and has been with us ever since), and with Martin Kerr and Carl Knittle looking after the American side. In February 2003 (I think!) we published issue 10 – dated winter 2003.

We managed quite easily to open up a UK H&D bank account (which would be a lot harder to do now) as well as a Blackburn PO Box for our main postal address. We also had a new PO Box address in Ashburn, Virginia, as our American address that was run by Carl Knittle.

Issue 10 included articles: No One Likes Us (the English): But We Don’t Care! – by Stephen Davies; The Columbians: Founding Fathers of American White Nationalism – Part I of what was to become a 8 part history of the American movement by Martin Kerr; Tolkien: Ring-bearer for racial nationalism, by Paul Comben; A Movie Review: Lord of the Rings – Part I, The Fellowship of the Ring, reviewed by Martin Kerr; A CD Review: Ballads for the New Britain, a Red White & Blue compilation, reviewed by Jamie Richards. And three book reviews – Imperium, (2nd edition with foreword by Mark Weber), reviewed by Martin Kerr; Race, Genetics and Society: Glayde Whitney on the Scientific and Social Policy Implications of Racial Differences, reviewed by me; and Old Thunder: A Life of Hilaire Belloc, by Joe Pearce, reviewed by Paul Francis.

Like Peter Rushton, I had been purged from the Griffin BNP, so H&D became an independent racial-nationalist magazine. We were, as our masthead proclaimed, “The Radical Voice of British Nationalism”. It took Peter and myself a couple of issues to find our feet, but from 2004 onwards we just never really looked back.

From issue 14, H&D became “The Radical Voice of White Nationalism”. This reflected both the magazine’s growing readership overseas and our commitment to White nationalism. The Union Jack flag on the masthead was replaced by the Teutonic Knight carrying the Celtic Cross flag instead.
However, the Celtic Cross only lasted five issues, and was replaced in issue 18, by the Teutonic Knight carrying a “3 Lions” (or Leopards if you wish) flag. This reflected the magazine’s support for the England First Party, for which I would be elected a Borough Councillor in Blackburn just over a year later.

The slogan on the masthead also changed yet again (for the final time!) to “Stand Men of the West – today is the day we fight”. I felt this slogan (from The Lord of the Rings movie) best summed up – in a one-liner – what we are all about.

Issue 20 included articles: America the Big Lie – by Walter Mueller; Time to get back to the streets – by Eddy Morrison; An Obituary to Dr. Samuel Francis – by me. A movie review: The Alamo (2004) – by me. And book review: Tom Sunic’s Against Democracy and Equality, the European New Right reviewed by Peter Rushton.

The magazine increased to twenty-four pages from issue 22 (the John Tyndall obituary issue). And issue 29 was the last to feature the Teutonic Knight on the masthead. From issue 30 the masthead had instead a more professional looking three lions/leopards oblong banner, which we have kept to this day.

Issue 23 (Jan-March 2006) was the last time we used the Ashburn, Virginia PO Box as our American address, as Carl Knittle who had looked after the H&D correspondence stateside up until then was moving out of state. From issue 24 (April-June 2006) we had a new address in Falls Church, Virginia, only a few miles from the original AF-BNP PO Box, which had also been in Falls Church. Our American assistant editor Martin Kerr took over the running of things stateside.

Issue 30 included articles: Manfred Roeder arrested at Heathrow and excluded from UK; and 40 Years of the National Front, Part I – both by Peter Rushton. Book Review: Shots Fired – Dr Sam Francis on America’s Culture War, reviewed by Ian Freeman. Movie Review: Ghosts of Cité Soleil – reviewed by me. And a DVD Review: The BNP Chronicles, Vol. 5: Tomorrow Belongs to Us, reviewed by David Ryan.

Issue 38 (Oct-Dec 2009) was the last time that we used a UK PO/BCM box as our contact address. From issue 39 (to this day) we have used a real address – H&D Towers in Preston, Lancashire. Contrary to what many keyboard/internet nationalists may say/think about using a real address, H&D Towers has never been attacked (yet!) by Reds/Jews/Immigrants, although to be fair we have been attacked (twice) by local drug dealers, but such is life on a former Preston council estate!

Issue 40 included articles: Suez 1956: A Tale of Collusion & Zionism – by Ronald Rickcord; American Renaissance Conference Proceeds Despite Far Left Threats, by Jared Taylor. Book reviews: Defence of the Realm: History of MI5 reviewed by Peter Rushton and The British Free Corps, reviewed by Martin Kerr; and movie review: The Firm, reviewed by me.

In October 2010 H&D held its first John Tyndall Memorial Meeting (JTMM), in Preston, having taken over the event from Ricky Fawcus. A report of the meeting was published in issue 43. This was the 5th annual JTMM and H&D would go on to host another seven meetings in Preston, with attendances ranging from just under 50 to just over 130. The final JTMM hosted by H&D (the 12th) was held in October 2017 and featured on an ITV Exposure programme! A report of this meeting was published in issue 81.

We hope to be able to hold another JTMM sometime in the near future, maybe even later this year, but that of course depends on the Covid lockdown situation, and if we can even legally hold large indoor meetings ever again.

From issue 49, the magazine changed from a quarterly to a bi-monthly and has remained so to this day. To be honest with such a lot of hard-copy movement publications folding during the previous ten years, it was a bit of a gamble turning H&D into a bi-monthly in 2012. But we hung in there and are still publishing today!

Issue 50 was a bit of a milestone itself, and included articles: English Identity in an Olympic Jubilee Year, by Peter Rushton; Gigolo Cops and Neurotic Transfer by Simon Sheppard; The Mullin Family – by Harry Mullin; Movie Review – Wrath of the Titans, reviewed by me. And CD review – Killing Joke’s MMXII, reviewed by Ian Webb.

Issue 58 (Jan/Feb 2014) was the last time we used the Falls Church, Virginia, PO Box as our American address, as we were experiencing a number of problems with the local post office. From issue 59 (March/April 2014) we had a new address in Silver Spring, Maryland, and the running of things stateside was taken over by former AF-BNP member Sidney Secular, who to this day remains H&D‘s top distributor stateside.

Issue 60 included articles: Nationalism in Europe 2014, and BNP in the Last Chance Saloon: 2014 Local Elections – both by Peter Rushton; Ukraine Crisis: a new perspective – by Ivan Winters. Book Reviews: Franco’s International Brigades – reviewed by Adrian Davies; and Rangers FC – We Don’t Do Walking Away – The Incredible Inside Story – reviewed by Gil Caldwell.

Issue 70 included articles: The original British National Party and its secret MP by Peter Rushton; Cuba Revisited, by David Astin; Horst Mahler – Victim of Democratic Tyranny – by Richard Edmonds and Lady Michèle Renouf; Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith, The Debunking of a Myth: Part III – by Stephen Goodson; and Book Review: Black Nazis II!, reviewed by Gordon Stridiron.

From issue 70, January/February 2016, we inserted an extra sheet of A4 (a Subscribers’ Update, carrying internal news and small ads on one side and bigger adverts on the reverse) giving us in fact 26 pages. This has proved very popular with most subscribers, so we have kept this format ever since.

Issue 74 (Sept/Oct 2016) was the last time we used an American address. To be honest although it was nice (and quite impressive!) to be able to have H&D addresses both sides of the pond, it was just not cost effective anymore. The vast majority of American subscribers were now paying online, and those who could not did not seem to mind posting their checks to our UK address, so reluctantly we closed down our Silver Spring, Maryland address.

From issue 78 (May-June 2017) Martin Kerr stepped down as one of H&D‘s two assistant editors (the other being Peter Rushton who is still going strong!). Since the death of Matt Koehl in October 2014, Martin had been playing a much more active role in New Order, eventually taking over as the group’s Chief of Staff. He just did not have the time to do both. Martin remains a staunch friend and supporter of H&D as well as being one of our main distributors in the USA.

Issue 80 included articles: White Sharia, by Simon Sheppard; The Infantilization of Modern Man – by Richard Duchesne; and Carl Klang and his music – by Eddy Morrison. Book Reviews: The Racial Loyalist Manifesto, reviewed by Martin Kerr; and Mark Collett’s The Fall of Western Man – reviewed by Peter Rushton.

Issue 90 included: A Spectre Haunting Europe, nationalist and populist parties on the march – by Peter Rushton; The Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms at the British Library – by Tony Paulsen. A double Book Review: After the Reich: From the Fall of Vienna to the Berlin Airlift, and Orderly and Humane: The Expulsion of the Germans after the Second World War – both reviewed by Ian Freeman. A Movie Review: Outlaw King – reviewed by me. And Old Poet’s Corner: The Crown in the Thorns – by Eddy Morrison.

Issue 92 (Sept-Oct 2019), was our twentieth anniversary issue, which was quite a feat in itself. However, I’m pleased we have got at long last to issue 100. As they say anything after that is just a bonus!

It’s frequently pointed out to me by many social-media nationalists (most of whom don’t even subscribe to H&D as they find £28 too hard to part with) that it would be much cheaper and much easier if we were to go completely online. Dump the hard-copy, with the envelopes and stamps into the history dustbin, like most of 21st century nationalism has already done – they cry.

Even most websites seem old-fashioned and out of date, to this new breed of revolutionaries. They tell me that H&D should be blogging, and tweeting (I admit we do tweet a bit!), but most of all carry on the fight for Race and Nation, via Facebook, as that’s where the real battle is! Be it on smart phones, tablets and/or other assorted “devices”, that’s how we will win our country back – they tell me!

However, I must beg to disagree. They are welcome to carry on their heroic crusade online, and I’m sure it must do some good for the cause (I think?), but there are whole groups of our people out there who do not go on Facebook, Twitter, Telegram, Instagram and TikTok, or even have internet access. Many do not even bother to go on the internet, they don’t have smart phones, tablets or even laptops, either by choice or because of their individual life situations.

And these are not just elderly people (although to be fair they do make up a sizeable part of the non-internet crowd). There are also an admirable minority among the under-60s who have made a deliberate and calculated decision to remove these machines (including TVs) from their lives forever. I spoke with one of these guys a while back in Devon and he told me that it was amazing, living with no internet and just having a phone that you can talk through! He explained it like it was as if you had left the big city, full of mental smog and you’re out in the clear, fresh air again and you can actually think that much more clearly.

Oh, if only I wasn’t the editor of the H&D, and if I didn’t have to do what comes with the job, I’d like to join my Devon comrade in his world – well maybe for a few hours anyway!

The social-media nationalist crowd don’t seem to understand that someday – maybe pretty soon with the way things are going (i.e. with Covid 19) – we are going to lose the internet. Boris and his Indian friends will just turn it off, and there’s little or nothing we can do about it. When that happens, since we lack the courage to physically oppose them, we will have to take the old photocopy machines out of the garage, dust them off, and rush downtown to stock up on paper, ink, envelopes and stamps again.

I remember speaking to a group of youngsters from National Action after a JTMM and telling them this was going to happen, sooner rather than later, and the sheer look of horror in their faces said it all. I explained to them, that I was not sure at the time how this would happen, but one of these days we are no longer going to have access to the internet.

It may come via some diktat from Downing Street or Thames House, that just begins with the arrests and jailing of bloggers and social-media posters for simple dissent (as recently happened in Australia), or because the balloon will at least partially go up and internet service will go down, or be interrupted by civil disorder, economic collapse or cyber-attack.

Hard-copy publications like H&D where our people are actually required to sit down and read a block of text for content, which few people born after 1980 and almost no one born after 2000 or so can do, are also still necessary because actual literacy, as opposed to looking at images on an electric screen, is a vital skill that White people must re-acquire and preserve in the dark days to come.

That is why hard-copy publications like H&D, must keep going, for as long as possible. But can we keep going as a hard-copy magazine – perhaps for another twenty years? Well the odds are against us, but who knows what the future may bring?

Back in 2012, I wrote in my editorial for issue 50, that we should not forget the publishers of the first Heritage & Destiny magazine – Richard Lawson and Steve Brady – who way back in 1980 launched the first issue of H&D mark I. For without them we would not have had the inspiration to start up H&D mark II. Sadly, they only published six issues, but their articles were of the highest quality. They were men ahead of their time. We follow in their footsteps and keep the torch of nationalism burning.

Footnote: All back issues of H&D are still available for £4.00 each or any six issues for £20.00 (including p&p – UK only – for overseas rates please ask) although be warned we have fewer than ten copies of many of the early issues left now.

H&D Issue 99 published

The new issue (#99) of Heritage and Destiny magazine is out now. The 26-page, November-December 2020 issue, has as its lead.:

Power Shift in Washington – Biden prepares to Make America Liberal Again

Issue 99

November – December 2020

Contents include:

• Editorial – Trump defeated: the end of “populism”? by Peter Rushton
• Bankster Banking? – by Chalmers W. Macleod
• Obituary – Jean Raspail has left us (1925-2020) – by Tony Paulsen
• The Jew Church Ladies – Part III: Women Amok – by Simon Sheppard
• Book Review:  The Great Coronavirus Hoax – by Dr. Nicholas Kollerstrom – reviewed by Dr. James B. Thring
• CoVid-19: A Nationalist Perspective – by Ian Freeman
• Book Review:  Mother Europe’s Son: Ian Stuart – by Mirko Savage – reviewed by Stevie Cartwright
• A Collusion: Franklin Roosevelt, British Intelligence, and the Secret Campaign to Push the US into War – Part II, by Mark Weber
• Yockey and the European Liberation Front – by John Gannon.
• Book Review: Failed Führers: A History of Britain’s Extreme Right – by Graham Macklin – reviewed by Steve Frost.
• Movie Review: The Irishman – reviewed by Mark Cotterill.
• Two pages of readers’ letters.
• Movement News – Latest analysis of the nationalist movement – by Peter Rushton.

If you would like a sample copy please send £5.00 /$10.00 or for a year’s (6 issues) subscription, send £28.00 (UK) – $52.00 (USA) – £35.00/$52.00 (Rest of World).

“Nasty, Brutish and Short” – Should Racial Nationalists support ‘Freedom’?

While we prepared the May-June 2020 edition of Heritage and Destiny, every day seemed to bring further news of disorder on Anglo-American streets, usually involving either ethnic minorities or ‘antifa’ anarchists, or both. These events were not in themselves surprising: what came as a shock was the reaction of police officers and their political masters. The guardians of law and order seem to have abdicated.

During these weeks, with most forms of political activity impossible, experienced nationalist observers on both sides of the Atlantic have discussed possible reasons for this transformation, and for the passivity of White communities in the face of this existential threat.

Is there something in British character that predisposes us against civil disobedience? Have centuries of liberalism and individualism prepared us for racial suicide?

Even more uncomfortable questions have been raised by the Covid-19 crisis. Setting aside the obsession with conspiracy theory that has diverted many movement activists during lockdown, the essential questions of nationalist political principle – raised both by multiracial disorder and pandemic crisis – are ones that were classically addressed in 17th century England by two of the greatest political philosophers in history, Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) and John Locke (1632-1704).

By far the most famous quotation from Hobbes’ Leviathan (1651) describes the anarchic “state of nature” which is the apparent objective of the ‘antifa’ mob, and from which the ancestors of today’s ‘oppressed’ blacks were rescued:
“In such condition there is no place for industry, because the fruit thereof is uncertain, and consequently no culture of the earth, no navigation nor the use of commodities that may be imported by sea, no commodious building, no instruments of moving and removing such things as require much force, no knowledge of the face of the earth, no account of time, no arts, no letters, no society, and which is worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death, and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.”

To escape from this unenviable “natural” condition of chaotic “war of all against all”, Hobbes recognised that civilised men – even though they “naturally love liberty, and dominion over others”, instead accept “restraint upon themselves, in which we see them live in Commonwealths”, i.e. under the control of a powerful central state.

They do this not in pursuit of some abstract greatest good, but rather to avoid a greatest evil (summum malum). Civilised men (in contrast to savages) have “foresight of their own preservation, and of a more contented life thereby; that is to say, of getting themselves out from that miserable condition of war which is necessarily consequent, as hath been shown, to the natural passions of men when there is no visible power to keep them in awe, and tie them by fear of punishment to the performance of their covenants.”

Writing in mid-17th century Paris and London, Hobbes had very limited experience of non-Whites, but experience has shown that self-restraint and foresight are not the best known attributes of Africans and their descendants. It has therefore been all the more necessary to exercise “visible power to keep them in awe”, whether in the days of the British Empire, the ‘Jim Crow’ Southern states of the USA, or many other ‘White oppressors’. Well-meaning liberal Whites (including police officers) have backed down from exercising this “visible power”: BLM mobs have rampaged without “fear of punishment”. The consequences have not been limited to statue desecrations and city centre riots. Even the lowest IQs in ethnic ghettos have got the message – they can now defy the law with impunity – and political establishments now struggle to redraw the lines of acceptable conduct.

H&D readers would probably have no difficulty coming down on the Hobbes side of this philosophical argument when it comes to antifa and multiracial disorder. Concerning the Covid-19 pandemic, matters become far more tricky, and White racial nationalists (perhaps more in the USA than in Europe) begin to consider the counter-arguments of Hobbes’ great rival John Locke.

As many generations of students have discovered, Hobbes and Locke often contradicted themselves in the course of long lives as philosophical writers and framers of practical political blueprints. However, for our purposes and at the risk of caricature, we may simplify their respective positions as on the one hand, the benefits of a strong central authority; and on the other, the benefits of individual liberty and the ‘rights’ of citizens.

Whereas Hobbes described the “state of nature” as a hypothetical nightmare and justified the exercise of absolutist power to protect against the evils of anarchy, Locke placed a more positive emphasis on the virtues of free industrious citizens whose consent was required before any government imposed those restrictions necessary to preserve property and guarantee lawful trade.

Hobbes and Locke were not diametrically opposed, and indeed their similarities have been stressed by some 20th century commentators such as Leo Strauss, who described Locke as “Hobbes in sheep’s clothing”. However, since they began from different first principles, Hobbes and Locke ended up placing different emphases on order and freedom.

The parallel with today’s debates among liberals, conservatives and racial nationalists, regarding appropriate responses to the Covid-19 pandemic, is obvious. This crisis has also highlighted a fundamental difference of principle between racial nationalists and many leading Brexiteers.

To understand questions of political principle involved here, we must turn the clock back again – not all the way to the 17th century, but to the Thatcherite ascendency of the 1980s. During that decade, traditional Toryism was abandoned in favour of economic liberalism – a blind faith in the virtues of the ‘free’ market. Central government’s job (outside the sphere of national defence) was to get out of the way and allow industrious citizens to generate prosperity.

Among the many problems with this market fundamentalism is that (though our more conservative readers would hate to admit it) Karl Marx was partly right in his analysis of capitalism’s historical development. Today’s multinational businesses are part of a ruthless profit-seeking machine that knows no racial distinctions and no national boundaries. Work is ‘outsourced’ to the other side of the globe; cheap labour is imported – without any regard for the environment or for indigenous communities.

For the likes of Nigel Farage (and for many Conservative politicians whose outlook was formed by hegemonic Thatcherism) the ‘free market’ can do no wrong. From their perspective, the main purpose of Brexit was not to regain national sovereignty, but for ‘British’ businesses to escape from European Union regulations. (Hence the ongoing dispute over whether a ‘sovereign’ United Kingdom should drop any objection to importing chlorinated chicken from the USA.)

Naturally this capitalist logic is colour blind. In 2012 five Brexiteer ‘right-wing’ Conservatives – then young backbenchers but now influential in the highest tier of government – wrote the treatise Britannia Unchained: Global Lessons for Growth and Prosperity. They included Priti Patel (now Home Secretary), daughter of Indian Hindu immigrants from Uganda; Kwasi Kwarteng (now Minister for Business, Energy and Clean Growth), son of Ghanaian immigrants; and Dominic Raab (now Foreign Secretary), son of a Czech Jewish immigrant.

This motley crew attacked the UK’s political structure (even post-Thatcher) for having a “bloated state, high taxes and excessive regulation”. They also took aim at British workers: “The British are among the worst idlers in the world. We work among the lowest hours, we retire early and our productivity is poor. Whereas Indian children aspire to be doctors or businessmen, the British are more interested in football and pop music.”

In rejecting the European Union these Brexiteer Tories (in common with Farage and his ilk) wanted to take the UK in the direction of deregulated societies such as the USA and India. Their ideal scenario was summed up by critics as “Singapore-on-Thames”. To some extent in the early 2010s non-Brexiteer Tories in David Cameron’s government shared some of these objectives. In other words they were socially and economically liberal. While not wishing to leave the EU, Cameron-era Tories constantly dragged their feet and sought exemptions from European regulations.

Under both Theresa May and Boris Johnson, there have been hints that some leading Conservatives had a different vision – both more statist, more illiberal and more nationalist – in a word, more conservative! (In the American sense, paleo-conservative.) It was this agenda that helped the Conservative Party win swathes of formerly safe Labour seats in White working-class areas of England at the December 2019 General Election.

Even before the pandemic struck, obvious faultlines had emerged on the conservative right. Old fashioned fiscal conservatives have been marginalised (as in Trump’s Washington), and perhaps the most important division is between those who want to establish high standards and boost British agriculture, versus the advocates of ‘free’ trade, deregulation and ever-cheaper food.

Radical racial nationalists would tend to support the former strategy – taking environmental policies seriously and favouring a quasi-autarchic revival of British farming, even if this means higher food prices. But with the onset of Covid-19, even our own ranks have been thrown into political confusion.

Given the novelty of this virus and the developing state of knowledge, racial nationalists can’t be expected to reach definite conclusions on the topic, but our reactions have revealed some surprising political instincts. Many in our movement – who might be expected instinctively to favour ‘authoritarian’ solutions, have been found on the libertarian side of the argument.

This is only partly based on eugenics. Undoubtedly some racial nationalists have found the apparent racial bias of the virus interesting, though it’s very early days to draw any conclusions. Some instinctively favoured the ‘herd immunity’ argument that seemed to be finding favour in UK Government circles at the start of the pandemic in March, only to be abandoned in favour of a confused form of lockdown. Perhaps this is rooted in a particular English variant of racial nationalism, instinctively resistant to over-regulation, and reflected for example in G.K. Chesterton’s The Rolling English Road (see H&D 91). However if we are serious about racial renaissance, we must admit that a nationalist government would have to impose an extreme version of what is often derided as a ‘nanny state’ with unprecedented levels of state intervention to raise standards of public health, education and training.

In this context it’s arguable that a racial nationalist government would have imposed – rather than ‘herd immunity’ – an earlier and much stricter form of ‘lockdown’, backed up by far more widespread and rigorous testing. Moreover, though I’m not qualified to express an informed opinion on the subject of vaccination, it has often seemed strange to me that so many people in our movement are such passionate ‘anti-vaxxers’. What is the connection between racial nationalism and what so often looks like ‘fringe science’? Especially when the fundamental basis of our movement – racial reality – is so obviously and sensibly grounded in genuine scientific fact.
Racial nationalist governments in the past have often adopted interventionist policies on public health. The most often quoted example is National Socialist Germany’s anti-smoking policy, though this was more complicated and nuanced than is sometimes portrayed. Adolf Hitler himself was famously hostile to smoking, but he allowed different regions of the Third Reich to pursue divergent policies. The central German state of Thuringia had a very strong anti-smoking policy for example, with its famous university city of Jena becoming the first university in the world to introduce a complete ban on smoking. By contrast in most parts of Germany the policy went little further than anti-smoking posters and propaganda, often related to public health measures to boost the German birth rate and protect the health of expectant mothers.

Smoking bans were also introduced in party offices, in the Luftwaffe and the SS, although some German smoking laws were more lenient than their British and American equivalents (for example minors were allowed to purchase and – in private – smoke tobacco).

Whatever we might think of the pandemic in terms of science, personal instinct or ideological tendency, the political facts are obvious. A tiny group of online nationalist activists are radically hostile to all Covid regulations. Similarly a section of Conservative and Brexit Party opinion, typified by editorial writers and commentators on the Telegraph, are outspokenly critical of the entire lockdown approach, adopting a libertarian fundamentalist call to reopen everything as soon as possible.

However, among the general public this outlook is mainly confined to the feckless underclass. The vast majority of ordinary Britons – well beyond the ranks of the elderly and sick who are genuinely at risk from Covid-19 – seem to be both scared of the virus and respectful of authority. Racial nationalists would in my opinion be very foolish to focus their campaigning activity on anti-lockdown protests: there simply isn’t much political capital in it for us.

A combination of economic chaos, revulsion at ‘Black Lives Matter’ antics, and general disillusionment will create much political potential for racial nationalists once ‘normal electoral business’ resumes – which for the UK will be 2021. But we should steer well clear of Covid-related conspiracy theory and anti-lockdown rebellion.

Peter Rushton, Manchester, England

Note: This article was first published in the May-June 2020 issue # 97, of Heritage and Destiny magazine, copies are available for £5.00/$10.00 each, email – heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com – for full details.

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