Down with the Pack of Liars!

Lady Michèle Renouf and the ‘Alternative for Britain’ Bitchute channel today posted this story in Commemoration of Richard Edmonds (1943-2020), our legendary English nationalist.

Like legendary German attorney Manfred Roeder (1929-2014); and the Berlin attorney Wolfram Nahrath (1962- ) ; Richard Edmonds stood lifelong for British/German/Russian real history, honourable conduct, and mutual justice.

The title “Down With the Pack of Liars” cites the great German poet Friedrich von Schiller (1759-1805).
All four European men (the poet, the two lawyers, the orator) have Schiller’s call for “manly character” (Virtus) in common.

The trilogy is introduced by the oratory prize-winning voice of Richard Edmonds. He reads the Schiller poem which is the keynote to the late Manfred Roeder’s guardianship of authentic German heritage and cultural pride fostered in his historic educational centre at Haus Richberg.

Roeder a political prisoner of conscience (sentenced for 13 years and in this film speaks before going to jail again!) declares:
“Germany must remain our land”; and declares Haus Richberg: “the centre of the promotion and preservation of the German spirit”.

Attorney Roeder briefly defended the legendary peace-broker Rudolf Hess when silenced for life in solitary imprisonment at Spandau.

The trilogy continues with this link to a film (of 7 mins duration): https://www.bitchute.com/video/2DJAKeitHyxM/

The viewer is welcomed through the renovated exterior into the handsome hall of Haus Richberg where we meet the Berlin attorney Wolfram Nahrath. He specialises in defending political cases for Bishop Richard Williamson, Attorney Horst Mahler, the Schaefer siblings, Ursula Haverbeck, and winning in the extraordinary Volksverhetzung case of Lady Michèle Renouf.

The trilogy concludes with this second link to Part 3 (duration 47 mins): https://www.bitchute.com/video/5PkNT8mfue6f/

Here we share RA Wolfram Nahrath at breakfast with host and friends at Haus Richberg. He discusses why today’s German people are deprived of their democratic choice and sovereignty. German citizens (still under wartime Allied occupation) cannot choose to disallow the sending of their soldiers (as if American mercenaries) into “peace-keeping” wars which then render Germans as retaliatory sitting targets.

The late Richard Edmonds likewise saw how the British postwar – akin to the wartime policy-making “pack of liars” – put the nation’s indigenous people at risk of reprisals for “peace-keeping” war “missions”.

This “pack of liars” put all European nations at risk of conquest by mass migrating aliens. Inevitably these aliens will out-number the rooted citizens who have never been democratically consulted! Inevitably, all such conquered European nations will succumb to native European “species extinction”.

Neither the host country nor the “developing” nation gains from the artificially induced mass onslaught of uprooted aliens who having abandoned their needy homeland, then collude to racially abuse the host nation with gross ingratitude.

“Allies = All Liars” – Long Live the catch-cry of Richard Edmonds!

2021 elections: Showdown for civic nationalist and Brexiteer parties

As we explained last week, the 2021 elections for a variety of local councils, mayoralties, and the Scottish and Welsh Parliaments take place at a time of transition for the racial nationalist movement.

It’s also the end of an era for the various civic nationalist, populist and Brexiteer parties, many of which emerged out of splits in the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a force that changed the direction of British politics during the past decade but has been in prolonged death throes for the past few years.

The largest faction of the old UKIP followed Nigel Farage into his new Brexit Party, but Farage has now retired from frontline electoral politics. His ally Richard Tice now leads a party renamed and rebranded as Reform UK, which is still the largest of the post-UKIP factions but a lot weaker than its predecessor.

According to our analysis of documents produced by more than two hundred returning officers across England, Scotland, and Wales, Reform UK has 276 candidates for English councils. In addition they are fighting all 14 Greater London Assembly constituencies as well as putting up a GLA slate. (This citywide list, elected on a proportional basis, is one of the few elections where parties such as Reform UK stand a chance. The BNP’s Richard Barnbrook was elected to the GLA via the citywide slate in 2008.)

Nigel Farage has left frontline politics, while his Brexit Party has been rebranded as Reform UK

Reform UK have candidates for 13 of the 39 Police & Crime Commissioner posts up for election on May 6th; as well as three mayoralties.

The biggest showdown between Reform UK and the rump of UKIP is in Wales, where Reform UK is fighting all 40 constituencies as well as all five regional slates. UKIP is fighting all of the regions, but only has candidates in 14 of the 40 constituencies.

At the previous Welsh election in 2016, UKIP won seven seats via the regional list system.

Across the English councils, UKIP’s relative weakness compared to Reform UK is even more marked: we estimate that they have 131 English council candidates (fewer than half Reform UK’s total), plus a London slate. Unlike Reform UK, UKIP have a London mayoral candidate, and they are also contesting the North Tyneside mayoralty.

A Covid-sceptic party called Freedom Alliance (and its South Wales sister party ‘No More Lockdowns’) is fighting four of the five Welsh regional lists and 15 Welsh constituencies. Across England we estimate that they have 89 council candidates. A similar but higher-profile anti-lockdown party is led in London by Piers Corbyn, brother of the former Labour leader. This party – Let London Live – is fighting three GLA constituencies, the citywide list, and the London mayoralty (with Corbyn himself as mayoral candidate).

David Kurten left UKIP to form the Heritage Party

As we have previously reported, yet another anti-lockdown party contesting the London elections is the Heritage Party, founded by former UKIP leadership candidate David Kurten. The half-Jamaican Mr Kurten is standing for the London mayoralty and heads a GLA slate, in a bid to retain the seat he won as a UKIP list candidate in 2016.

The Heritage Party (which has absolutely no connection to H&D!) has 22 candidates nationwide in various English council contests: its strongest area seems to be Surrey, where it has five county council candidates – otherwise it has one or two candidates dotted around the country.

An even smaller UKIP splinter is the Alliance for Democracy & Freedom, founded by yet another former UKIP leadership candidate, ex-MEP Mike Hookem. This has just four council candidates around the country.

Some populists and Brexiteers have quixotically rallied behind the Social Democratic Party (SDP), rump of the party founded by prominent ex-Labour politicians in the 1980s. Most of the SDP was fanatically pro-EU and eventually merged into today’s Liberal Democrats, but the tiny group that kept up the name SDP have been joined by a surprising number of Brexiteers who were unhappy about the ‘far right’ direction of UKIP and its other splinters.

The SDP have 62 council candidates across England, as well as a London mayoral candidate and GLA list.

Robin Tilbrook, leader of the English Democrats

The English Democrats have long attempted to rival the various UKIP splinters by promoting their particular constitutional argument in favour of an English Parliament, and for a while attracted a number of defectors from Nick Griffin’s collapsing BNP.

Almost all of those ex-BNP types are now in the For Britain Movement, but the EDs retain a hardcore of English nationalists led by Essex solicitor Robin Tilbrook. They will have six council candidates, two mayoral and two for Police Commissioner elections.

Independent candidates in these elections include former ED Frank Calladine, standing for Mayor of Doncaster.

The bottom line is that Reform UK is by far the biggest of the parties to emerge from the chaos of a bitterly divided Brexiteer political scene. However we expect them to poll quite badly this year, despite killing off UKIP, the Heritage Party and other splinters.

There will be some strong independent results, and we expect Jim Lewthwaite of the British Democratic Party to poll well in his Bradford City Council ward. But the biggest successes of this year’s elections on the broadly nationalist side of things are likely to be for the For Britain Movement, which will draw support from both civic and racial nationalists despite fielding several non-White candidates.

While these elections will (by the standards of the early 2000s) produce very few nationalist or even broadly populist successes, they will help to clarify the post-Brexit, post-pandemic scene.

H&D will post full reports on the results and their implications, both here and in what will necessarily be a slightly delayed May-June edition of the magazine.

Local Elections 2021: a nationalist movement in transition

Steven Smith, National Front candidate for Cliviger with Worsthorne, Burnley

Nominations closed yesterday for local elections across England, plus elections to the Welsh Assembly, and the many different local authorities have been steadily publishing lists of candidates during the past day and a half.

For H&D readers and supporters of the British racial nationalist / patriotic movement, this is a transitional election, not merely because of the Covid pandemic that has absorbed most public attention for the past year, but also because British politics is finally moving out of the shadow of Brexit.

Over the weekend, this website will analyse what has happened to the entire political tradition that was built up by Nigel Farage for the past decade or so around UKIP, the Brexit Party and its various splinters and offshoots, several of which are contesting some of these elections but on a far smaller scale than we have become used to.

But for now we shall look closer to home at some of the ‘real’ nationalist candidates and parties.

For various reasons the National Front wasn’t expected to have very many candidates this year: so far three have been confirmed. Former Burnley BNP organiser Steven Smith will be NF candidate for his home ward, Cliviger with Worsthorne, Burnley. Chris Jackson is NF candidate for Todmorden ward, Calderdale; and Tim Knowles will contest Langley Mill & Aldercar ward, Amber Valley.

John Clarke, BNP candidate for New Addington, Croydon

Despite its head office having far more money than the NF, the BNP once again has fewer candidates – and even those that are standing are really doing so on their own (creditable) initiative rather than as part of a centrally planned campaign. John Clarke will be BNP candidate for a Croydon Council by-election in New Addington ward, once considered a major target for the party; while Ray Beasley is contesting the Boothville & Parklands ward of the newly created West Northamptonshire council.

Dr Jim Lewthwaite, British Democratic Party candidate for Wyke ward, Bradford

Dr Jim Lewthwaite is once again likely to have one of the most effective nationalist campaigns anywhere in the country: he is again contesting Wyke ward, Bradford, for the British Democratic Party

Some well-known nationalists are standing as independent candidates this year. As we have already reported, H&D editor Mark Cotterill is standing both for Preston City Council (in Ribbleton ward) and Lancashire County Council (in the Preston SE division). Similarly Chris Roberts, one of London’s most dedicated racial nationalist activists of recent decades, is contesting both an Essex County Council seat in South Benfleet, and his local district council seat in Boyce ward, Castle Point. The latter is a by-election that follows a typical Tory financial scandal.

Chris Roberts, independent candidate for South Benfleet, Essex, and Boyce ward, Castle Point

Pete Molloy – an ex-serviceman and former BNP activist who is among the very few nationalists now holding public office at any level – is standing as independent candidate for the Spennymoor division of Durham County Council, as well as for re-election to his Spennymoor Parish Council seat where he has been an effective representative for his local community.

Pete Molloy, parish councillor and independent candidate for Spennymoor, County Durham

Former BNP candidate Dr Andrew Emerson is again contesting the Chichester West division of West Sussex County Council, as well as a by-election for the Chichester West ward of the district council.

With the new party Patriotic Alternative not yet registered with the Electoral Commission, so unable to field candidates in this year’s elections, one of the largest nationalist parties standing this year is the For Britain Movement, who already have borough councillors in Hartlepool and Epping Forest. H&D subscriber and former BNP councillor and mayoral candidate Julian Leppert, already an Epping Forest councillor, is standing for the Waltham Abbey division of Essex County Council.

There are four For Britain candidates for Epping Forest District Council. Veteran NF, BNP, Freedom Party, English Democrat and now For Britain campaign strategist Eddy Butler is contesting Loughton Broadway; his wife Sue is candidate for Waltham Abbey NE; former BNP councillor Mrs Pat Richardson is standing in Waltham Abbey Honey Lane; and Jim Searle in Waltham Abbey SW.

Julian Leppert, seen here (second right) celebrating his 2019 victory in Epping Forest, is For Britain candidate for Waltham Abbey, Essex County Council, this year: also shown (from left) are Mrs Pat Richardson and Mrs Sue Butler, two of this year’s Epping Forest candidates

There are dozens of other For Britain candidates nationwide – in fact we make it a total of 58. They include former BNP councillor Graham Partner in Coalville North, Leicestershire.

However the majority of these candidates should not really be classified as racial nationalists: one or two indeed are non-White, and people like party leader Anne Marie Waters (a candidate in De Bruce ward, Hartlepool, this year) are avowedly and sincerely non-‘racist’ or anti-‘racist’.

We shall therefore be examining For Britain’s nationwide campaign over the weekend, in the context of its post-UKIP rivals including Reform UK, the Heritage Party, and what remains of UKIP itself, as well as longstanding civic nationalist parties such as the English Democrats.

End of an era: Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh RIP

(above left) The Duke of Edinburgh in 2006 at Basra Air Station, Iraq, with the Commanding Officer and soldiers of the Queen’s Royal Hussars Battle Group

We are sorry to learn of the death of the Queen’s consort, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, earlier today at the age of 99.

The Duke was one of the last living links to a very different Britain that was still British, when we still manufactured some of the highest quality goods in the world, and when people could still leave their doors unlocked.

Moreover he was perhaps the last of a generation of VIPs who were unafraid of political incorrectness. Those of our readers in the Forces or ex-Forces will remember the Duke’s lifelong commitment to veterans and associated charities.

There will be much more to be said about the Duke’s life and connections – and a few surprises from the archives. But today is not the time for that. We send our condolences to HM The Queen.

Campaigning for the local government elections is likely to be suspended as a mark of respect. H&D editor Mark Cotterill will be in touch with campaign volunteers to inform them of any revised schedules.

H&D Editor stands for City and County Councils

Mark Cotterill, founder and editor of Heritage and Destiny, is contesting the Preston City Council and Lancashire County Council elections. Polling day is Thursday 6th May.

Mr Cotterill writes:

I have thrown my “political hat” into the “electoral ring” and am standing in this year’s local council elections, for Ribbleton ward (Preston City council) and Preston South East Division (Lancashire County Council), as an Independent candidate.

I thought to myself, there’s no point in just moaning about how bad the Conservative, Labour and Liberal-Democrat parties are and how the country’s going from bad to worse, but doing nothing about it, so there you go!

Yesterday I kicked off my election campaign in Grange, with two young helpers, an 18-year old girl and a 20-year-old lad – who I must admit were just a bit quicker than me on the doorsteps!

Grange flats on the edge of Ribbleton ward

However, even with me lagging behind, we managed to leaflet almost all of the Grange estate (I had forgotten how many flats there were up there!), plus the main road leading down to Bargain Booze, plus part of the estate to the back of it.

Nominations closed yesterday, and in Preston South East, I’m up against the three old and failed political parties (so four of us in total), and the same in Ribbleton – plus the Greens (so five of us in total there). The Greens mean well, but if ever in power they would be a complete disaster for this country!

We are going to try and go out leafleting in the wards every day from now up until May 6th (polling day) so if you can lend a hand for a couple of hours that would be most appreciated (just let me know which days/times you are free and we can sort it).

Or if you can’t help us out in person, because of your job or family commitments, you can still help by sending us a donation towards the election campaign – every tenner helps! – the warm up leaflets for Ribbleton alone cost over £234!

The Gamull pub (not yet open!) in Ribbleton ward

We have already had a couple of donations from local Patriots, but we need an awful lot more if we are to fund this campaign properly.

So, if you can help, with either a donation towards the campaign and/or come out in person leafleting with us, please let me know.

You can call PM me on Facebook or call me on – 07833 677484 – or email me at – heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com – or just pop round to base.

Thanks in advance, for your help and support.

“The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.”

Edmund Burke (in a letter addressed to Thomas Mercer).

Media hype assorted cranks and loons in effort to criminalise nationalism

Benjamin Hannam, the young police recruit arrested in his bedroom, whose Hollywood Nazi fantasies have been portrayed as ‘terrorism’ and led to his conviction last week.

During the last fortnight several criminal convictions in English courts have provided further ammunition for those seeking to restrict political freedoms in Britain.

The UK has not had anything approaching ‘free speech’ on racial matters since the first Race Relations Act in 1965, and as H&D has explained in several detailed articles over the years, these restrictions have been progressively tightened. This dishonest campaign by the political establishment has involved deliberately distorting the truth about serious crimes.

Of course most H&D readers would rightly regard the entire structure of race law as a sinister infringement of what were once traditional British freedoms, and as part of a concerted effort quite literally to change the face of Britain.

However this does not mean that we should regard everyone prosecuted under these laws (or the related extension of terrorism laws to encompass a range of non-violent if unwise political activities) as some sort of hero or heroine.

To do so – to campaign on behalf of everyone convicted under these laws as though they were all quite simply free speech martyrs – would be foolish and counter-productive: indeed it would be to play the enemy’s game.

For example, two of those recently convicted under the ‘terrorism’ laws were autistic children who had bought into the imagery of ‘nazism’ rather than anything substantial.

It really was pathetic to see national newspapers give front page treatment to the case of 22-year-old London police officer Benjamin Hannam, who as a confused teenager with a Jewish step-grandfather and a Muslim girlfriend had briefly been involved with the now-defunct National Action and one of its offshoots.

He had also downloaded the ‘manifesto’ of a real terrorist maniac, Anders Breivik, and in common with several of his ilk seemed to view Breivik – an ultra-Zionist whose beliefs and actions were the very antithesis of national socialism – as some kind of ‘nazi’ / ‘fascist’ comrade.

Anders Breivik, the Zionist fanatic whose ‘racist’ murder spree has led him to be regarded as some sort of ‘nazi’ / ‘fascist’ hero by fools on the fringes of our movement

There are one or two people on the fringes of our movement who indulge such dangerous nonsense, and it’s time for responsible racial nationalists, national socialists, historical revisionists – indeed all of those involved in the broad campaign for the rescue of historical truth and national, racial, and cultural integrity – to draw the line.

Racial nationalism is not the mindless promotion of hatred, and racial nationalists are the very opposite of nihilistic terrorists. National Socialism is not Hollywood nazism or psychotic satanism. Historical revisionism is not a platform for crank conspiracy theory or vacuous Jew-baiting.

There is serious work underway – led by individuals with decades of experience as well as new recruits of high calibre – to defend serious racial nationalist politics and historical revisionist work in post-pandemic and post-Brexit Britain.

We are not going to be derailed by fantasists, cranks, or enemy informants – nor by those thousands of miles away who issue grand proclamations while utterly ignorant of the personalities and realities involved.

Jim Dowson enters electoral politics as Scotland prepares for May 6th polls

Jim Dowson (above left) with ally, turned enemy, turned ally again Nick Griffin.

Jim Dowson – right-hand man to former BNP leader Nick Griffin – is making his debut as a Scottish parliamentary candidate. 56-year-old Dowson has extensive experience in political fundraising and publicity, initially for the anti-abortion movement, and despite his longstanding Ulster Loyalism has in recent years built bridges with a small Catholic and Irish nationalist group in the Republic.

His previous electoral experience was on the Britain First slate in Scotland at the 2014 European elections, but most of Dowson’s recent political activity has been in collaboration with Nick Griffin, the former BNP leader with whom Dowson first worked professionally almost fifteen years ago. They split for a few years after Griffin (to no-one’s surprise) failed to pay bills, but a reunion was promoted by the Italian nationalist Roberto Fiore, who is the real organiser behind Dowson and Griffin’s new venture, the British Freedom Party.

The BFP, whose figurehead leader is former Britain First deputy chief Jayda Fransen, has not yet registered as a political party with the Electoral Commission, so its three candidates next month cannot have the party name on ballot papers.

Ms Fransen will be an independent candidate for Glasgow Southside in the Scottish Parliament election, opposing Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon, while her colleague Joe Finnie (a former BNP organiser who remained loyal to Griffin after the latter’s expulsion from the party he once led) will contest Glasgow Pollok, against the SNP’s Justice minister Humza Yousaf.

Jayda Fransen (above right) with her ‘deputy’ Nick Griffin, who will no doubt be sharpening the knives in the party office kitchen if the party raises any serious money or support.

These two campaigns have long been expected and mentioned in previous editions of H&D. The new development is in Airdrie & Shotts, where Jim Dowson has only recently decided to stand as a candidate himself. At first we understood he was going to stand both in the Scottish parliamentary election and in a Westminster by-election that will be held a week later on May 13th. In the event he decided not to stand in the Westminster contest.

H&D understands that Mr Dowson saw a political opportunity in Airdrie & Shotts for two reasons. Firstly the farcical and money-wasting circumstances, where the sitting Westminster MP Neil Gray has triggered an unnecessary by-election because of his decision to stand for the Holyrood parliament (a farce worsened by the returning officer who quite pathetically decided that he and his team could not safely and competently hold the by-election on May 6th alongside the Holyrood polls).

And secondly because in typical ‘woke’ fashion, the ‘Scottish’ National Party is putting up yet another Asian candidate in the Westminster contest.

For some reason neither Mr Finnie nor Mr Dowson have put the word ‘Independent’ on their nomination papers for Holyrood, so they will appear on the ballot as ‘no description’.

Anum Qaisar-Javed, former general secretary of Muslim Friends of Labour, defected to the SNP a few years ago and will be the party’s candidate in the Airdrie & Shotts by-election on May 13th

Mr Finnie is unlucky to be facing opposition in Pollok from the anti-woke party Reclaim’s only Scottish candidate as well as UKIP.

Various other parties are fielding candidates across Scotland either to the right of the Tories on immigration and social issues; still flogging the dead horse of Brexit; or committed to anti-lockdown or anti-vaccination campaigns that have attracted some support from sections of our movement.

Scotland’s parliamentary election is similar to that for the Greater London Assembly in that there are first-past-the-post elections for constituency MSPs, plus additional MSPs elected via a proportional list system – one very important difference being that in London this list covers the entire city region, whereas the Scottish Parliament has eight regions each with their own list.

This means in practice that (unlike London) a fringe party stands little chance of getting an MSP elected unless their support is very heavily concentrated in just one of these regions. Whereas the system does favour the more substantial smaller parties, notably the Greens and Liberal Democrats, and in theory protects 21st century Scotland from one-party SNP domination.

Leo Kearse, ‘right-wing comedian’ and Reclaim candidate for Glasgow Pollok

Parties standing at the 2021 election include:

Reclaim (anti-woke party led at a UK level by actor and London mayoral candidate Laurence Fox)
– comedian Leo Kearse is standing both for the Glasgow regional list and in the Glasgow Pollok constituency

Freedom Alliance (a new anti-lockdown party)
– all eight regional slates;
– constituency candidates in Banffshire & Buchan Coast; Edinburgh N & Leith; Caithness, Sutherland & Ross; Glasgow Southside

Reform UK (the Scottish branch of the former Brexit Party, led by Richard Tice and associated with Nigel Farage before the latter’s retirement from party politics)
– all eight regional slates

Abolish the Scottish Parliament (a new party led by John Mortimer who founded the British Union & Sovereignty Party, later renamed the British Sovereignty Party)
– seven of the eight regional slates (not contesting Highlands & Islands region)

Scottish Family Party (anti-woke, social conservatives)
– all eight regional slates;
– constituency candidates in Renfrewshire N & W; Mid Fife & Glenrothes; Edinburgh S; Coatbridge & Chryston; Strathkelvin & Bearsden; Edinburgh Pentlands; Perthshire N

UKIP (a now much-diminished force across the UK, and especially so in Scotland)
– all eight regional slates;
– constituency candidates in Glasgow Pollok; Edinburgh C; Eastwood; Moray; Motherwell & Wishaw

Scottish Libertarian Party (a rare example of a party that’s both pro-Brexit and pro-independence; but mainly a US style small-state, pro-market, pro-privatisation party)
– all eight regional slates;
– constituency candidates in Aberdeen S & N Kincardine; Dumbarton; Kilmarnock & Irvine Valley; Glasgow Pollok; Kirkcaldy; Edinburgh C; Edinburgh W; Caithness, Sutherland & Ross; Motherwell & Wishaw

Restore Scotland (another pro-Brexit but pro-independence party; has attracted a very small number of veteran SNP activists who were also pro-Brexit; seems to be concentrated in the north / Highlands)
– regional slates in Highlands & Islands; NE Scotland;
– constituency candidates in Dundee City West; Banffshire & Buchan Coast; Inverness & Nairn; Shetland

Vanguard (sometimes known as Scottish Vanguard Party; founded by former Brexit Party candidate and barrister Michael Banks; no known connection to the Ulster Vanguard Party of 1970s fame)
– regional slate South Scotland; plus the Midlothian South, Tweeddale & Lauderdale constituency

Social Democratic Party (a pro-Brexit party whose other policies seem more like the old right-wing of Labour; rump of the old SDP that supported David Owen, though Owen is no longer in any way associated with the party)
– regional slate Lothian.

Numerous other parties are standing representing leftist, liberal or establishment political traditions. H&D will report here and in the next issue of the magazine on these elections and their implications for racial nationalism.

Crowded field in London elections – but no racial nationalists

On May 6th most of the UK (with the exception of Northern Ireland) will have local government elections for the first time in two years. May 2020’s polls were postponed for a year due to the pandemic, so this year is a double set of elections, the biggest of their kind in British history.

However, campaigning is still obstructed by pandemic regulations. For this and other reasons explained in recent issues of H&D, the National Front and some other racial nationalist parties are (for the most part) avoiding these elections.

We now know the lists of candidates for the Greater London Assembly and London Mayoralty, while other lists will not appear until next week.

As predicted in the March-April edition of H&D, there are (for the first time since the GLA’s creation) no racial nationalist candidates for either Assembly or Mayor this year – but there is a crazily crowded field of what we might call pro-Brexit and anti-lockdown parties.

Several of these are explicitly ‘anti-racist’ but might be backed by some H&D readers because they are also to a greater or lesser extent anti-woke.

Laurence Fox (above right) with two of the small band of comrades who back his mayoral candidature.

The highest profile is television actor Laurence Fox, whose political views have become more prominent during the past year as he has shocked the left-liberal establishment with his criticisms of the ‘woke’ and Black Lives Matter agendas. Mr Fox’s new party Reclaim has little or no membership/branch structure and seems to be really just Mr Fox and a few friends, heavily backed by a former UKIP donor, tycoon Jeremy Hosking.

Mr Fox is standing for Mayor but does not have candidates for the Assembly.

No fewer than five other parties from this pro-Brexit/anti-woke spectrum do have Assembly candidates.

  • UKIP, once a powerful force in British politics but now much diminished: controversial columnist Katie Hopkins had been announced as UKIP’s number one candidate for the Assembly, but for unexplained reasons is not in fact standing
  • Reform UK, the successor to Nigel Farage’s Brexit Party and now run by his former ally Richard Tice, now that Farage has stepped aside from party politics
  • the Heritage Party, whose leader and number one Assembly candidate is the half-Jamaican David Kurten, elected to the GLA on the UKIP slate in 2016; a year later he finished third in one of UKIP’s many leadership elections
  • the London Real Party, founded by US-born YouTube conspiracy theorist Brian Rose
  • Let London Live, an anti-lockdown and anti-vaccination party founded by Piers Corbyn, elder brother of former Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn.
David Kurten, seeking re-election to the GLA, this time for his own Heritage Party rather than UKIP

Kurten, Rose, Corbyn, and UKIP’s Peter Gammons are also among the twenty (!) candidates for London Mayor, by far the most crowded ballot paper ever for this election. To some people’s surprise, Richard Tice has avoided the mayoral election to concentrate on the Assembly. Due to the proportional electoral system in London (unlike the first-past-the-post system used for English local councils outside the capital) Tice stands a chance of being elected there, as was the BNP’s Richard Barnbrook at the 2008 election.

Other parties fielding either mayoral or assembly candidates or both include two rival anti-Brexit parties, Rejoin EU and Renew – further evidence that (in London at least) our former membership of the European Union remains a divisive issue.

Katie Hopkins – a no-show at this election despite having been announced as UKIP’s lead candidate

Then there’s a new leftist party called Londependence, a mirror image of separatist racial nationalist parties in Canada and the USA – this new party is composed of fanatical multiracialists who want the capital to break away from the ‘backward’, pro-Brexit, and presumably ‘racist’ provinces of non-metropolitan England.

Of course there are also the main four parties (Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrat and Green) plus fringe parties including:

  • the Social Democratic Party (SDP), pro-Brexit rump of the party that set out to “break the mould of British politics” in 1981
  • Christian Peoples Alliance, a party that gets support from some conservative black churches in the capital
  • the Animal Rights Party, a more militant alternative to the Greens
  • two rival parties representing strands of the old Marxist left: the Trade Union & Socialist Coalition (TUSC), and the Communist Party of Britain
  • assorted joke parties and vanity independents
  • the Women’s Equality Party, which because of recent publicity about an especially horrific murder of a young woman in South London, is likely to achieve a more credible vote than the other minor parties.

And finally there’s the strangest curiosity of all: the National Liberal Party, which has a slate of Assembly candidates. Though this has the same name as a party that existed during the 1930s as a pro-government breakaway from the Liberals, the NLP has no connection with its predecessor other than the name. It is in fact – though a multiracial party none of whose candidates this year appear to be White Britons – a remnant of the factional splits that tore the National Front apart during the 1980s!

Patrick Harrington (above right) with his former ally, then enemy, then ally, then enemy again Nick Griffin. A party descended from Harrington’s faction in the 1980s NF splits is now the last remnant of those nationalist ‘radicals’ – but its slate of candidates in London is non-White!

After the big NF split of 1986, the so-called ‘cadre’ faction underwent a further split in 1989-90, with a faction led by Patrick Harrington and Graham Williamson forming Third Way. This then evolved into the National Liberal Party at the end of the 1990s. Apart from Williamson, the NLP’s candidates have generally been from ethnic minorities, especially Sikhs and Tamils – yet in terms of an organisational ‘family tree’ of political parties, the NLP is the only party in this year’s London elections that is descended from the NF!

Such is the weird world of London politics in 2021. Even weirder is that those racial nationalists who prioritise anti-lockdown, anti-vaccination issues might find themselves voting for Piers Corbyn’s party, whose candidates are drawn from the fringes of Trotskyism and trendy leftism.

The positive aspect of all this is that the 2021 elections will surely end an era in which the broader nationalist movement was overshadowed by Brexit. The various pro-Brexit, anti-lockdown parties will (we predict) achieve very poor results, clearing away a lot of political ‘dead wood’ and allowing some form of racial nationalist politics to re-emerge in post-pandemic Britain.

H&D will have extensive reports on the local elections (in London and nationwide) here on this website and in the next edition of the magazine.

‘Tommy Robinson’ heads for bankruptcy despite mountain of donations

‘Tommy Robinson’ (above right) with former UKIP leader Gerard Batten

Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, better known under his alias ‘Tommy Robinson’ as former leader of the English Defence League (EDL), was yet again in the headlines for the wrong reasons this morning.

The EDL grew rapidly after its creation in 2009 as a reaction against ‘Islamist extremism’. Never a membership organisation and never having any form of constitution or accountability (despite large amounts of cash swirling around), the EDL nevertheless managed to organise mass demonstrations on a far bigger scale than anything 21st century nationalist parties could manage.

Based on an alliance of football hooligan ‘firms’ rather than a political structure, the EDL included many good lads but also numerous petty criminals such as Yaxley-Lennon looking for a fast buck.

There is of course a certain group with many generations of experience in exploiting such petty criminals and their greed: so it was no surprise that ‘Tommy Robinson’ became the most devoted cheerleader for Israel in the (broadly defined) nationalist movement.

Tommy Robinson (above centre) promoting the UK launch of anti-Islam group PEGIDA (one of numerous short-lived attempts to politiicse the EDL) alongside Anne-Marie Waters (now leader of the For Britain Movement) and Paul Weston

But the wheels came off a few years ago, and for some time ‘Tommy’ has seemed an increasingly desperate shadow of his former self. He is presently being sued for libel in a case that H&D cannot discuss for legal reasons, and recently told a court that he couldn’t afford legal representation due to imminent bankruptcy.

Today’s stories detail the vast amounts of cash that ‘Tommy’ has burned through in the past decade.

While H&D has little knowledge of these particular allegations, we have warned readers about ‘Tommy Robinson’ for many years. If our movement is to rebuild itself as a credible force in the post-Brexit, post-Farage era, we must look on the sad saga of ‘Tommy Robinson’ as an object lesson in how not to do things.

A Happy St Patrick’s Day to all H&D readers worldwide

St Patrick

This article was first published in Heritage and Destiny magazine, #71 (March-April 2016), but is still very valid today. (See also our article on ‘St Patrick: Patron Saint of the USA?‘)

Enoch Powell’s Suppressed Article (on St Patrick, Ulster and the Scots Irish Identity) Rediscovered – with introduction by Peter Rushton, H&D Assistant Editor

After the Conservatives returned to government under Margaret Thatcher in 1979, Enoch Powell hoped Ulster’s status as an integral part of the United Kingdom would be reaffirmed. Some of the leading figures on Thatcher’s wing of the Conservative Party were Powellites, and until the eve of the 1979 election the Tories’ Northern Ireland spokesman had been Airey Neave – a strong and determined Unionist. Tragically Neave was murdered by a car bomb at the House of Commons in March 1979, and his successors pursued a very different policy: commitment to Ulster’s identity was progressively weakened through the 1980s.

Powell came to believe that the CIA had a hand in Airey Neave’s murder, and it is now established that MI6 and CIA operatives had been pursuing a deal with the IRA since the mid-1970s.

In January 1981 however (still believing that Thatcher’s government would defend the Union) Powell proposed that the Foreign Office should produce articles and booklets for the American public to explain Ulster’s distinct identity. It was agreed that Powell would write a brief article to be published in U.S. newspapers on St Patrick’s Day (17th March 1981) and that a 1965 booklet – Scotch-Irish and Ulster – would be reprinted, both with Foreign Office support.

Although Powell submitted the article and welcomed republication of the pamphlet, both were sidelined: the anti-Ulster faction in Whitehall and Washington triumphed. The article and related official correspondence remained classified until February 2015, and H&D now reveals the story for the first time after I obtained the documents from the National Archives.

Enoch Powell on the campaign trail

If St Patrick has a Member to represent him in Parliament, I must surely be that man. My constituency in the House of Commons is Down South, the southern half of the county of Down, which looks across the Irish Sea beyond the Isle of Man to Cumberland and Galloway. From that southern half there projects a peninsula which the ancient geographers were already calling Dunum, or Down; and Downpatrick, the town which stands at the isthmus of that peninsula, happily combines the name of the place and that of the British missionary with a late Roman surname who we believe brought Christianity from the largest to the second largest of the British Isles.

The peninsula where he landed, baptised his first converts, built his first church and laid his bones to rest has still a palpable individuality. When I drive into it – its traditional name is Lecale – from some other part of my constituency, I am always conscious of crossing a threshold. But the same is just as true of the whole north-eastern part of Ireland to which that peninsula is attached: it is distinct and separate from the rest, as if by a decree of nature. Geographically and geologically it had its own pattern, a mountain ring enclosing an inner central plain, long before man came there at all; and its earliest inhabitants were linked by blood and intercourse with the neighbouring mainland. The passage which St Patrick made was no voyage of exploration: he took a ticket on a two-way traffic route rather like that across the English Channel between Dover and Calais (which in point of fact is somewhat longer).

This north-east part was called “Ulster” centuries before Henry VIII (no friend of St Patrick’s!) used the word to dub one of the four administrative provinces into which he divided his Irish kingdom. Whatever elements, across the centuries, came to Ulster were drawn into its distinct identity. The Norman baron who, with a handful of knights and the king’s permission, rode north from Dublin into Ulster in the 1170s founded an independent principality – the earldom of Ulster, which is today held by the Queen’s cousin, the Duke of Gloucester. Into Ulster flowed settlers from England and Wales as well as from Scotland, long before the Plantation of James I; and the separateness of the province claimed and enveloped them all.

St Patrick’s grave

That happened pre-eminently to those Scots who were the major element in the settlement of the forfeited lands at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Research has proved that they by no means displaced the earlier Ulstermen so comprehensively as was intended and is often believed. It is also true that they only represented one, albeit the largest, of a series of contingents earlier and later who returned across the narrow North Channel to the land from which the ancestors of many of them had originally come in remote, even prehistoric times. The great fact, however, is that, like the rest, they became part of Ulster.

The vocabulary of American history has called those people Scotch Irish. The truer name is that by which they liked, and still like, to call themselves – Ulster Scots. For they were indeed, and remain in virtue of many ties, Scots; but above all they were Ulstermen. This therefore was the Ulster, unique from its beginning, which contributed a disproportionate share – including at least ten presidents – to the foundation and to the spirit of the American nation right from the origins of its independence. It is a contribution as distinct from the rest, and as distinctive, as any other, whether Irish, English or Scots.

The modern search for national roots is, I believe, as healthy as it is popular and expanding. It has already brought many Americans, and not only those with demonstrable ancestral ties, to Ulster, to learn on the spot – the only sure way – the truth about its past and its present. Those who come are coming to the place which, of all spots on the globe, is peculiarly and forever St Patrick’s. On his day America is remembered in Ulster, as Ulster ought to be remembered in America.

Editor’s note: J. Enoch Powell (1912-1998) was Ulster Unionist MP for South Down, 1974-87, having earlier been Conservative MP for Wolverhampton South West, 1950-74. His career in Conservative politics ended when he was sacked as the party’s defence spokesman in April 1968, following his famous “Rivers of blood” speech which criticised Britain’s racial transformation, which can be read online here.

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