AfD surge in German regional elections
The anti-immigration party Alternative for Germany (AfD) has created further panic within the German political establishment after historic regional election results in two eastern German states.
In Thuringia, AfD became the largest party with 32.8% and 32 seats (up from 23.4% and 22 seats five years ago). In Saxony, they finished only just behind the conservative CDU after advancing from 27.5% to 30.6% and from 38 to 40 seats.
Politics in eastern Germany is even more fragmented than previously, with many voters alienated from the Federal Republic’s mainstream parties. For many years, large numbers of Saxon and Thuringian voters backed the modern version of the old Communist Party, rebranded as the Left Party (Die Linke), and until about a decade ago the old German nationalist party NPD also polled well.
The NPD won seats in Saxony’s regional parliament in the 2004 and 2009 elections, but its decline was accelerated by the emergence of AfD. Last year the NPD renamed itself Heimat (Homeland) but has yet to revive, and had no candidates in either Saxony or Thuringia this year.
As we have previously reported, many radical nationalists abandoned NPD for the new party III. Weg (Third Way), which did not contest Saxony or Thuringia yesterday but after several years of growth will be contesting the Brandenburg regional elections later this month.
AfD began as a right-wing conservative party with quasi-Thatcherite policies, but began to take a stronger line against immigration after former Chancellor Angela Merkel shocked her countrymen by admitting a mass influx of refugees in 2015.
Paradoxically, Thuringia (which saw the greatest AfD success yesterday) hasn’t seen much immigration. Its population has declined markedly since German reunification, from 2.7 million to 2.1 million, and outside major cities its population is noticeably ageing.
This feeling of being abandoned and exploited by the federal political elite is a major factor in the success of both AfD and a new leftwing party founded by Sahra Wagenknecht, the half-Iranian former leader of the pro-Moscow faction who broke away from Die Linke to form her own party BSW.
In Thuringia BSW polled 15.8% and took 15 seats, while in Saxony they were similarly in third place with 11.8% and 15 seats.
In theory AfD and BSW combined would now have a majority in the Thuringian Parliament, but although they agree on some foreign and defence policies, the state government has no power in these areas, and in most domestic policy areas the two parties are enemies: no such coalition is on the cards.
From a racial nationalist perspective, yesterday’s results are in some ways welcome news. But we should have few illusions about AfD, which is essentially another civic nationalist system party, and some of whose leaders have corrupt links to Moscow.
The most positive aspect of all this is that Germany (like France) is moving towards irreconcilable political divisions. AfD are not the answer: but they are posing questions that can cripple Germany’s ‘democratic’ constitution, and lay the foundations for better movements in the future.
In the short term, the challenge for the establishment parties is to find some way of patching together minority governments that exclude both AfD and BSW, though it’s possible that the CDU will demonstrate their lack of principle by seeking some sort of arrangement with Wagenknecht.
(Germany’s federal constitution divides power between the central government in Berlin and various states or Länder, in a somewhat similar manner to the USA. Thuringia has a population of 2.1 million, similar to the US state of New Mexico, or slightly smaller than West Yorkshire. Saxony’s population is just over 4 million, similar to Oklahoma, or slightly less than half the size of Greater London. The Saxon capital is Dresden, the historic city devastated by Allied terror bombing in February 1945.)
A new nationalist party contests German regional election
The new, radical nationalist party III. Weg (Third Way – unrelated to the now defunct party of the same name in the UK) is contesting regional elections next month in the German state of Brandenburg.
Two activists from III. Weg attended H&D‘s meeting in Preston last September, and the party leader Matthias Fischer was interviewed in Issue 117 of our magazine.
As Mr Fischer explained, his party are “national revolutionaries … we set our idea of ‘German socialism’ against both the liberal capitalism of the Western world and communism/neo-Bolshevism. …At the European level we are striving for a confederation that will give our continent its own strength as a counterpoint to the imperialist forces of the world powers. It’s not about cosmetically interfering with the system, but rather about creating something completely new. Liberalism is currently the main enemy for us national revolutionaries. We work for the holistic revolution.”
There are significant differences between III. Weg and long-established parties of the “right-wing”. For a start, as noted above, III. Weg are revolutionaries rather than reactionaries. They are therefore the opposite to AfD and the recently launched WerteUnion (Values Union), which both grew out of the Thatcherite, ‘free market’, ultra-capitalist wing of German conservatism.
Moreover, both AfD and the now declining German nationalist party once called NPD (which has renamed itself Heimat but has fallen so far that it doesn’t even have candidates in this Brandenburg election), have grovelled to Vladimir Putin’s neo-Stalinist imperialism. Abundant evidence shows that senior figures in AfD as well as certain other so-called ‘nationalists’ have been funded by the Russian intelligence service to push Putin’s agenda.
In strong contrast, III. Weg has consistently opposed Russia’s anti-European agenda, even before the invasion of Ukraine.
The present German federal republic consists of sixteen regions, three of which are city parliaments, while the other thirteen are Länder or federal states, which each have their own parliament or Landtag.
Brandenburg is one of these, governing a state with 2.5 million residents, just outside Berlin. The state capital is the ancient city of Potsdam.
In recent years Brandenburg has become a typical example of the cynicism of European political elites, governed by a coalition of apparent political opposites: the socialist SPD, conservative CDU, and Greens.
As in the UK and many other European countries, the radical nationalist movement in Germany has had to overcome many obstacles and divisions. By contesting this regional election, III. Weg has entered a new stage of its development. The campaign will be an important experience for party activists, and advances the process of launching a genuine electoral alternative for patriots and true Europeans.
Carnival carnage in Notting Hill
In this year’s least surprising news, the infamous Notting Hill Carnival again resulted in an orgy of violence, theft, and drug abuse, bringing untold misery to local residents and imposing further burdens on the overstretched and undermanned Metropolitan Police.
For once, the Met’s spokesman didn’t mince his words:
“We are tired of saying the same words every year. We are tired of telling families that their loved ones are seriously injured, or worse. We are tired of seeing crime scenes at Carnival.”
There were eight stabbings during the two-day event, three of which left the victims with life-threatening injuries. 53 police officers were injured.
On Sunday there were 103 arrests, followed by a further 230 arrests on Monday. In addition to the stabbings, there were many other violent crimes, as well as sexual offences, thefts, and drug-related mayhem.
The roots of this event (which has become one of the world’s most famous celebrations of ‘black culture’) go back to 1959, when a Caribbean Carnival was staged at St Pancras Town Hall, in response to the previous year’s Notting Hill race riots.
The first outdoor carnival in Notting Hill itself was held in 1966. Ten years later it began to acquire a particular notoriety for rioting and other violent crime.
To the despair of local residents, the authorities have persistently indulged this carnage. Even Conservative politicians, most famously the former party leader William Hague, have tried to demonstrate their ‘cool’ credentials by attending Carnival – though Hague gave the game away by removing his expensive watch before venturing onto the streets of Notting Hill to sample Caribbean ‘culture’!
It’s now become obvious that for all the rhetoric about crime and immigration, nothing will be done about this disgraceful annual festival of crime until a serious racial nationalist party gets its act together.
In 2024 we have any number of ‘right wing’ journalists on the likes of GB News and Talk TV, acting as a fan club for Nigel Farage and Reform UK. But none of these talking heads are prepared to get to the root of the problem and admit that the United Kingdom used to be a White European country. Multiracialism has failed: not because of the Koran, not because of terrorists, but because people of different races are better off living in their own countries.
Issue 121 of H&D is out now
The new issue (#121) of Heritage and Destiny magazine was published and posted to subscribers this week. The 28-page, September – October 2024 issue, has as its lead:
After the horrific racial attack in Southport in which three young White girls were murdered, Starmer and the MSM blame the ‘far right’ for the riots that followed
Issue 121
September – October 2024
Contents include:
- Editorial – by Mark Cotterill
- A seismic shift to the populist right? Le Pen, Farage, Orbán and a summer of elections – by Peter Rushton
- Right to Reply – Nationalist Community Politics – by Mark Collett
- Book Review – Léon Degrelle in Exile – 1945-1994 – by José Luis Jerez Riesco – Part II of a review by Peter Rushton
- Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza pushes identity politics in the UK to a whole new level – by Alec Suchi
- Book Review – Stakeknife’s Dirty War: The Inside Story of Scappaticci, the IRA’s Nutting Squad and the British Spooks Who Ran the War – by Richard O’Rawe – reviewed by Joseph McCann
- From the Other Side of the Pond – by Kenneth Schmidt
- Two full pages of readers’ letters
- Movement News – Latest analysis of the nationalist movement – by Peter Rushton
- Movie Review – The Last Kingdom: Seven Kings Must Die – reviewed by Mark Cotterill
If you would like a sample copy of this issue, please send just £7.00 or $15.00 to H&D, 40 Birkett Drive, Preston, PR2 6HE, England, UK – or if you would like to subscribe, please go to – http://www.heritageanddestiny.com/publications/journal/ – for full details or email – heritageanddestiny@yahoo.com
Isabel Peralta answers X users’ questions
Two weeks after being banned from Instagram, our European correspondent Isabel Peralta answered questions submitted by Twitter users in a live podcast last night.
We have now produced an English-subtitled video version of this podcast.
Among other issues, Isabel focuses on the need for European unity to combat the present racial crisis. This is a theme that will be addressed further in the November edition of H&D as we continue our discussion of nationalist strategy.
Remembering Richard Everitt 1978-1994
Thirty years ago today, a 15-year-old boy was stabbed to death by a racially motivated gang. Most of that gang never faced justice. But Richard Everitt was not commemorated by any television series or parliamentary inquiry. On the anniversary of his death there is almost no mention of him in the press. Because Richard Everitt was White.
Richard Everitt lived and died in Somers Town, a district of London bordered by the railway stations at Euston, St Pancras and King’s Cross. In the years since his murder, generations of children from around the world have visited King’s Cross because of its association with the Harry Potter novels and films.
But in 1994 Somers Town was the scene of a far darker drama, rooted in racial conflict and the failure of the multiracial society.
Richard Everitt had no interest in politics or violence. On the evening of 13th August 1994 he had been playing football with friends. On his way home, walking with two of these friends (Paul Parascandalo aged 14, and Mark Fogarty aged 17), Richard called at a local shop to buy food.
Meanwhile a much larger gang of about twenty Bangladeshis, armed with knives, was out looking for trouble. This gang was searching for a White Irish teenager (Liam Coyle) over a petty dispute. Neither the gang members nor Coyle even knew Richard Everitt, but the gang’s intention was clear: they would attack any White boy they found. Even before cornering Richard Everitt and his friends, they had stabbed another unconnected White boy, inflicting minor injuries.
As Richard and his friends walked along Brill Place (behind what is now the British Library) the Asian gang confronted them and demanded to know whether they knew Liam Coyle. They truthfully replied that they didn’t. Mark Fogarty was then headbutted. At this point he and Paul Parascandalo, recognising they were outnumbered by an armed gang, and like Richard not being the type of youths who regularly fought in the streets, ran away and escaped.
Richard Everitt was cornered, alone, and stabbed through the heart. He died soon afterwards in hospital.
Meanwhile the Asian gang escaped. One of them, 19-year-old Badrul Miah, boasted that he and his friends had “stabbed up a White boy”. He had Richard’s blood on his clothing and shoes. Miah’s stupidity and arrogance led to his arrest.
Other local Asians closed ranks. Several of the gang members were rapidly despatched back to Bangladesh by their families and have never been apprehended. Only three Bangladeshis faced trial, and one of these was eventually released on the grounds of mistaken identity. He has since become an active Labour Party politician.
Miah was convicted of murder and given a life sentence. Showat Akbar was sentenced to three years for violent disorder.
Shamefully, the usual liberal-left suspects supported the Asian gang’s defence. The Society of Black Lawyers and the Stephen Lawrence Family Campaign rallied behind Miah and Akbar, who for a while were lionised by ‘anti-racists’ as ‘The King’s Cross 2’.
The case of Badrul Miah was taken as far as the European Court of Human Rights, where part of Miah’s defence argument was that the jury had been in some way “racist”:
“No direct racial prejudice was spoken of or obviously displayed by any member of the jury, however, there was an instant assumption of guilt by many jurors that indicates certain underlying prejudice of some description.”
Miah and his co-accused Showat Akbar maintained that they had nothing to do with the attack, and that the blood on Miah’s clothing was because they had happened to come across Richard Everitt as he lay bleeding to death, during the short interval between his stabbing and the arrival of the ambulance.
Fortunately the appeal courts rejected this transparent defence, but in 2008 Miah was released after serving 12 years of his life sentence. Most of the gang (including whoever wielded the knife) have never faced charges.
Richard Everitt would today be 45, perhaps playing football with his own children. Instead he lives only in the memory of his family and friends. His father died last year.
The only memorial to Richard Everitt (paid for by his parents) has twice been removed due to redevelopment of the area around the murder site. There has been talk of Camden Council installing some form of permanent memorial.
Thirty years after this foul murder, a handful of us who were active in nationalist politics in 1994 remain active today. We shall never abandon our struggle to rebuild Britain; to recapture a country in which Richard Everitt and the many other victims of multiracialism could have lived full lives instead of being sacrificed on the altar of liberal delusions and deliberate racial replacement.
Patriots rally to demand freedom for political prisoner Sam Melia
On Saturday patriots and defenders of traditional British values gathered outside a jail in Hull to demand freedom for political prisoner Sam Melia.
On March 1st this year, Sam was given a two year jail sentence for the ‘crime’ of distributing political stickers, which prosecutors deemed “distributing material intending to stir up racial hatred”.
For some reason police and prosecutors chose to highlight that Sam and his wife Laura had a book by Oswald Mosley and a poster of Adolf Hitler at their home. Neither of these are illegal under English law.
The authorities have deemed Sam to be a particularly dangerous political prisoner, so they have not allowed him to be released on the usual ‘electronic tag’ bail system, as would normally have been expected next month. Sam’s release on bail now seems likely in mid-December.
Yesterday’s rally was addressed by Sam’s wife Laura, his father Phil, and their comrades Mark Collett, Ian Holloway, and Matt Darrington.
Sam and Laura’s second child was born during his imprisonment. We are sure this will be a very special Christmas for the Melia family and that they will continue their political struggle, undaunted by the British state’s repressive measures.
The strange world of Archbishop Justin Welby
The head of the Church of England (and head of the worldwide Anglican Communion), Archbishop Justin Welby, today insisted that Christians “should not be associated with any far-right group – because those groups are unchristian”.
But just who is Justin Welby?
He became Archbishop of Canterbury in 2013, but even by then (aged 57) it seems Welby hadn’t yet discovered his own true identity.
The future Archbishop was brought up as the son of Gavin Welby, a Jew originally named Weiler whose family made and lost a fortune importing peacock feathers.
Gavin Weiler / Welby moved to the USA, where like many of his co-racialists he made another fortune and associated with organised crime during the Prohibition era.
As with several other such shady characters he returned to the UK and became close to influential circles around wartime prime minister Winston Churchill.
After the war Weiler/Welby met and married one of Churchill’s secretaries, Jane Portal. Her uncle Sir Charles Portal had been Chief of the Air Staff, one of the leaders of the ‘terror bombing’ strategy that included the destruction of Dresden in 1945.
The future Archbishop was born in January 1956, and for most of his life he assumed that Gavin Welby / Weiler was his natural father as well as his legal father. It wasn’t until 2016 that tests revealed his natural father was another of Churchill’s staff, Anthony Montague Browne (who in 1988 appeared in a televised discussion defending his old boss Churchill, against criticism from the historian David Irving and the Marxist trade unionist Jack Jones).
Having been married to one Jewish criminal, Archbishop Welby’s mother went on to marry a gentile who worked for one of the 20th century’s most famous kosher crooks.
In 1975 she married the merchant banker Charles Williams, who later became Lord Williams of Elvel. For seven years Williams was a director of the newspaper group headed by the Mossad agent and fraudster Robert Maxwell: he was one of Maxwell’s closest business associates until the latter’s mysterious death in 1991.
When Archbishop Welby presumes to order Christians not to associate with the “far right”, perhaps he should reflect on some of his own family’s associations and on whether they are compatible with “Christian values”, or indeed with any decent European traditions.
Secret police files reveal truth about ‘far right violence’
Even the so-called ‘conservative’ press has joined ‘anti-fascists’ in a festival of propaganda during the past week, alternately warning of ‘far-right violence’ and celebrating its apparent defeat.
But by a strange coincidence, an official inquiry into the operations of undercover police officers has simultaneously revealed some of the truth behind this hype. H&D has spent some time examining the records of this inquiry, including testimony given at a hearing in London on 24th July this year.
During 1990 and 1991, an undercover police officer codenamed HN 56 was deployed to infiltrate the British National Party (BNP). It would be a criminal offence to reveal the true name of HN 56, but while inside the BNP he used the pseudonym Alan Nicholson and was known as ‘Nick’.
This officer worked in coordination with the Security Service (MI5) as part of a top secret police unit known as the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS). The names and birth certificates of dead children were used to create fake identities for SDS officers, who were then infiltrated into ‘extremist’ organisations. This strategy was first adopted after riots outside the US Embassy in 1968, during the Vietnam War. MI5 and the police became aware that they lacked intelligence on new and violent far-left groups, so this infiltration strategy was developed.
According to journalistic and anti-fascist hype, the early 1990s was a time when ‘far-right’ violence against non-Whites was increasing, especially in London. Had ‘nazis’ been behind this ‘racist violence’, the obvious place to find evidence would have been inside the BNP.
HN 56 – given the fake identity of Alan ‘Nick’ Nicholson – was sent to join the Loughton branch of the BNP. A decision to point him in this direction was taken by his superiors in August 1989. After several months of training he began his mission in April 1990, hanging around for about six weeks at a pub in Loughton, regularly frequented by BNP members and sympathisers, before filling in an application form for BNP membership. Perhaps surprisingly, he was not given a fake passport in his cover name, though he was given a bank account in this name, a driving licence, and other fake documents.
The most telling section of his testimony to the inquiry was that he thought he had been chosen to infiltrate the ‘far right’ because he was physically tough and had a black belt in karate:
“I think there was a perception that if you are going to get a smack on the head, it was probably if you were on the right-wing rather than the left.”
Sir John Mitting, chairman of the inquiry, asked HN 56:
“So a perception that you were more likely, yourself, to become a victim of violence, if I can put it that way?”
“Yes.”
“If deployed into a right-wing group.”
“Yes, I think so.”
Later in his testimony, HN 56 adds: “Well, the thing about the British National Party was if they ever showed up anywhere there was always opposition, generally. It often would result in violence. …Disorder in the sense of – they would not be instigators. It would be on them, generally.”
He is then asked by the inquiry chairman:
“So you thought that you were going to find disorder in which members of the BNP would be set upon?”
And HN 56 replies: “Yes, for example when they held an annual meeting, you know, the venue would have been a closely guarded secret, only revealed maybe a couple of hours before to forestall any invasion by people who wanted to disrupt it.”
One regular concern when infiltrating the ‘far-right’ was that an agent might be uncovered by the anti-fascist organisation Searchlight, who might believe he was a ‘genuine’ BNP activist.
HN 56 testified to the inquiry: “Occasionally the [SDS] managers would quiz me on aspects of my proposed cover identity. The anti-fascist Searchlight organisation would investigate people who associated with extreme right-wing groups and while they were unlikely to warn any of the groups, there was always the possibility that an undercover officer or the unit could be unmasked by them. There were no organised civilian groups looking at the extreme left-wing in quite the same way.”
He added that at the time of his deployment he was expecting to spend four years as an undercover officer: “this made sense because of the preparation time required and the need to develop a credible legend.”
Rather naively, HN 56 told the enquiry that the rationale for his mission was that “the aim of the BNP was a reduction in immigration, being a voice for white people which they deemed had no voice, and ultimately white supremacy. I did not think these aims were subversive but they were criminal and likely to lead to public disorder. I obtained information about their aims from the BNP newspaper and within John Tyndall’s book [The Eleventh Hour].”
Throughout his entire infiltration mission, HN 56 only witnessed one violent incident, when a member of his BNP branch punched an ‘anti-fascist’ during a ‘Rights for Whites’ march in November 1990. This march was part of a campaign supporting the family of John Stoner, a local schoolboy who was stabbed and almost killed by a Bangladeshi gang in Bethnal Green, East London.
One of his problems was that whereas the type of left-wing parties and groups that SDS infiltrated “tended to have frequent and regular meetings and a well-defined group of members, the extreme right-wing was much less strictly organised and tended not to have regular meetings or a fixed membership beyond one or two active organisers.”
This observation probably reflects the state of East London BNP at that time, where a number of activists and organisers had only just been recruited to the BNP from the declining NF, and there was also a looser group of nationalists, some linked to football gangs and others to what later became Combat 18.
Perhaps due to a lack of intelligence among police and MI5 officers, HN 56 had been deployed to a branch that was declining – partly because the Epping Forest organiser had stepped down for family reasons – even while other branches nearby in East London were expanding. Among the few Epping Forest BNP activists who seems to have been befriended by HN 56 during his deployment was Rod Law, who was the subject of a detailed report submitted to Special Branch. Mr Law (who was of course entirely unaware of the fact that this apparent new recruit Nicholson was an undercover police officer) remained a dedicated nationalist and was elected as a BNP councillor for Loughton Alderton ward, Epping Forest, in 2006.
Despite the large amount of public money invested in his training and infiltration mission, it seems that HN 56 lost his nerve, leading to the premature end of his mission in early 1991.
He believed that he had been followed, once on foot and once in a vehicle, in late 1990 and thought that Dave Bruce, a senior BNP official, suspected him of being an infiltrator. There are some hints in HN 56’s testimony that he believed a BNP sympathiser within the police had given him away.
During his testimony to the enquiry last month, HN 56 was asked:
“Were you apprehensive about what the British National Party might do if they thought you were a police officer?”
He replied: “Very much so, yes.”
“What did you think they might do?”
“Beat the shit out of me.”
Even more absurdly, in his witness statement to the inquiry HN 56 said that he was concerned about his superiors having asked him to attend a BNP meeting in another area, because he thought this would seem suspicious for someone so new to the party and “I was concerned I could have been killed.”
Despite the failure of his undercover mission, HN 56 remained within London’s political police, then known as Special Branch, until his retirement in the late 2000s.
None of the Special Branch or MI5 documents released to the inquiry in association with HN 56’s testimony give any indication that the BNP was involved in organised violence. The documents identify a number of individuals well known to older H&D readers, including former Glasgow BNP organiser Eric Brand, who stepped down from this post for family reasons in 1990 during HN 56’s deployment. There is also a document recording BNP members’ visit to Belfast for the 12th July celebrations in 1990.
HN 56’s report from inside the BNP’s 1990 annual rally (held on 13th October 1990) refers to speeches by old comrades of ours including Steve Cartwright, Tony Lecomber (referred to in the report under his pseudonym Tony Wells), Steve Smith (now a senior activist with the British Democrats), and our late comrades Dave Bruce, John Peacock, Richard Edmonds, and John Tyndall.
It’s interesting to note that in this secret police report, most audience members at the BNP rally were described as “smartly dressed, apparently intelligent and relatively affluent. The notorious ‘skinhead’ element made up no more than 5% of those assembled.”
At this 1990 rally the advertised guest speaker Manfred Roeder had been banned from the UK by the Home Secretary (see our recent report on the tenth anniversary of Manfred’s death).
For some reason the name of the replacement guest speaker has been redacted from the report, although older H&D readers will remember that this was Karl Philipp, a German NPD activist and close associate of the historian David Irving. Mr Philipp’s speech focused on ‘Holocaust’ revisionism, and HN 56 summarises his argument as follows (note that these are the words of a secret police report, and that in this context they use normal and reasonable language to summarise revisionist arguments, whereas today in public documents the police would always adopt hysterical anti-fascist language about ‘Holocaust deniers’ and ‘hatred’):
“…The ‘bogey’ always thrown at nationalism and at nationalists, in attempts to stifle not only its growth but its acceptance as well, was the spectre of the Holocaust. Until this ‘bogey’ was laid to rest or put into its proper context (by accepting recent research by noted historians, such as David Irving and others, into the actual numbers and nationalities of those killed in the death camps, in particular Auschwitz), then this ‘bogey’ will always be used by those who see nationalism as a threat, to scare off people who would otherwise embrace the nationalist ideals.”
HN 56 said that the mood of the BNP was very optimistic, and that Richard Edmonds in particular had highlighted the excellent trend of local election results in East London.
Perhaps surprisingly, HN 56 gives a positive account of John Tyndall’s speech to the rally. He writes in his secret report that John Tyndall’s “speech, delivered professionally and in complete tune with those assembled, dealt firstly with the betrayal of this country, by successive governments, since the war. Indeed, he stated, the die was cast in 1939 when ‘cousin’ was set to fight ‘cousin’, instead of a mutual peace being agreed. …He further stated that the so-called ‘vanquished’ of the war, Germany and Japan, were now victorious because of their love of their countries and their adherence to the tenets of nationalism, while the so-called ‘victors’ were now enfeebled by the betrayal of their subsequent governments. …How is it, he went on, that the governments at the time of the Second World War allowed young men to die defending their country from foreign invasion only for successive governments since then to let the creeping invasion of ‘aliens’ take place and to nearly lose our country to them. He, too, closed his speech on the subject of the police. He said that Sir Peter Imbert [Metropolitan Police Commissioner] was no more than a ‘puppet’ dancing to the tune of the British Board of Deputies [the UK’s main Jewish organisation]. He said that Imbert, having recently been summoned to appear before the Board, later stated that he would ‘wipe racism off the streets’. By racism, Tyndall said, he means us – the BNP.”
HN 56 concluded that “the BNP must view this rally as a great success. The whole feeling of it was that of a celebration of recent successes of the party in book publicity and electoral support. Without doubt the two election results in Tower Hamlets have shown Party members that people are prepared to vote for them if they work hard to get the message across. The results have given them a sense of purpose in belonging to a Party which can attract the support of the public and consequently more members to its ranks.”
Later that year a separate source with access to higher level BNP discussions (well above anything HN 56 could have learned) reported that party strategists Dave Bruce, Richard Edmonds and John Morse had decided that the BNP would focus on the 1991 council elections in East London rather than wasting resources on any General Election that might be called by the new Prime Minister John Major, who had replaced Margaret Thatcher in November 1990. A similar high-level source reported to Special Branch on the BNP’s purchase of computer equipment to assist production of the newspaper British Nationalist.
HN 56 was clearly paranoid about the likelihood of his fellow officers having ‘blown his cover’ to the BNP, and about the likelihood of BNP activists inflicting violence on a police infiltrator even if we discovered one. East London was a very different place to East Belfast!
But he was correct to discern that the party was (justifiably) feeling optimistic about its electoral progress during the early 1990s.
After being on the political margins for most of the 1980s, in May 1990 the BNP polled 8.7% in Holy Trinity ward, Tower Hamlets, where its candidate was Steve Smith.
Steve then polled 8.4% in a Park ward by-election in July 1990, followed by his colleague Ken Walsh polling 12.1% in St Peter’s ward in September 1990.
The progress was obvious, and continued in the two years following the failure of HN 56’s infiltration mission.
Barry Osborne polled 20% in Millwall ward in October 1992, and a year later Derek Beackon won the same ward to become the BNP’s first elected councillor, a result which shocked the political establishment and the liberal media.
These years of progress are a sad contrast to the present-day marginalisation of racial nationalism.
Yet we should look back on those times not with sadness or resignation, but with optimism.
The rapid progress of racial nationalism in those years can be achieved again, provided that our movement can regain the will, determination, and intelligence to mobilise the undoubted potential for our cause that exists throughout our Disunited Kingdom.
We can learn many things from the belated testimony of HN 56 to last month’s inquiry. H&D will continue to scrutinise and report on official documents relating to our cause, as and when such documents become available to us.
‘Racist’ riots and fake news
Throughout the White world, attention has turned to the UK in recent days as long-simmering tensions within an increasingly unstable multiracial society exploded into chaos on our streets.
Let’s make one thing clear – to racial nationalists and ‘anti-fascists’ alike, who have fundamentally misread the nature of these riots.
This is not a racial counter-revolution. This is not the beginning of a Reconquista.
Many (perhaps most) of the rioters were simply looking for an excuse to fight the police, destroy symbols of authority, and (in some cases) loot shops.
But all this tumult does reflect a fault line permeating our so-called democracy. Among the generally disorderly and criminal element were ordinary Britons who know that something is radically wrong with our country, even if they haven’t fully appreciated what that is.
Their ancestors turned Lancashire into the workshop of the world, the dynamo of the Industrial Revolution, only to be thrown on the scrapheap. They fought in two world wars, only to see their country invaded and subjugated by aliens. They built the greatest empire the world has ever seen, yet now are regarded as worthless scum in their own country and disregarded by their own rulers.
It’s not surprising that they revolted, but equally it’s not surprising that this revolt lacked any meaningful political direction or ideological core.
In 2016 the revolt took the form of Brexit – but Brexiteer charlatans such as Nigel Farage have never been serious about halting immigration: their free market capitalist ideology is part of the problem, not the solution.
During the same decade in some parts of England the revolt was channelled into the English Defence League (EDL), a hooligan alliance directed by a career criminal and Zionist puppet, ‘Tommy Robinson’.
And this month the revolt has similarly been channelled into counter-productive rioting.
Unlike almost all other nationalist commentators on these events, members of the H&D team are not tweeting from a hotel pool in Cyprus or streaming from the safety of homes many miles from the scene.
We have been on the front line visiting several Lancashire towns, both on Saturday and again on Wednesday evening.
On Saturday in Manchester our team witnessed youths scuffling with police in central Manchester and attacking shops; while in Preston a very multiracial crowd (apparently including many football hooligans) again scuffled with police and had no apparent political motive (see above – and yes, the non-Whites were theoretically the ‘patriots’!). Indeed many – far from being outraged or in mourning at the death of three young girls, butchered last week by a Rwandan – seemed actually to be enjoying the chance to confront police.
Many of the so-called ‘patriotic’ demonstrators were visibly under the influence of drugs or alcohol. As has become common at events involving ‘Tommy Robinson’ and his ilk, Zionist flags were flown and lager libations were an important part of the sub-nationalist ritual.
Contrary to the delusions of sincere nationalists, both in the UK and worldwide, these riots are not a step forward – in fact they are a serious setback for the credibility of racial nationalism.
But though the left will win this battle – and the newly elected Labour government will relish the opportunity to extend new laws against patriots – they will not win the war.
Multiracial ideology is contrary to nature and contrary to millennia of European civilisation. However long it takes, and whatever it takes, the true European cause will defeat the institutionalised lies of our enemies.
